Milan Vukomanović

In this paper, the author argues that the new Law on Amendments to the Law on Higher Education from 2021 is not in harmony with the Constitution of Serbia regarding the provisions implying the consent of church bodies for enrollment of students, employment and loss of appointment pertinent to the Faculty of Orthodox Theology. The paper tackles the relation between the university and the Church in Serbia, which changed dramatically since 2019, when the Church started intervening illegally in the Faculty of Theology, triggering a change of the law governing higher education. With the new law, the Serbian Church, a non-university and non-state institution, has been allowed to fully control the enrollment of students, and the selection and dismissal of the state university teachers, and this fact clearly contradicts the Serbian Constitution.

The social–historical interpretation of the biblical, especially New Testament texts relies on the theological Sitz im Leben outlook, as well as on the theoretical and methodological principles of sociology and social anthropology. In contrast to a pure sociological approach that seeks for some general rules in the behavior and activity of social groups and communities, the social–historical perspective is eclectic in its character, leaning towards the historical–critical study of formative Christianity. Therefore, the subjects of its analysis are the societal and cultural dimensions of the biblical text and its social context, whereby the perspectives, theories, methods and models characteristic of historical sciences are applied accordingly.

This article proposes a new reading of the account on the heresy of the Collyridians, conveyed by Epiphanius of Salamis in the last quarter of the fourth century. As the heterodoxy of this cult has rarely been placed and analyzed in wider religious, cultural, and geographical contexts, this essay offers a new hypothesis as to the origin, the spread and the raison d’être of the Collyridians. Additionally, we have taken into account the “forgotten” literature produced during the Baroque period of the Mariology debates in Western Europe, providing largely unknown references to the Collyridians. Our main thesis – conspicuously missing from scholarship ever since Epiphanius’ times – is that the Collyridians arrived in Arabia, not far from Jerusalem, and when they settled there, they performed their pilgrimage. The purpose of their pilgrimage was to visit the most ancient locus sanctus pertaining to the Virgin Mary in Judea, known as Kathisma.

In a growing literature concerning populism as a historical, political and social phenomenon, the intertwining between religion and populism merits greater attention. In this paper, the complex link between religion and populism is assessed not only in the framework of religious-political revival in the Western Balkans, but also within the sociological debate on desecularization as a broader social phenomenon. Consequently, the author considers three cases of religious populism: Serbia, Montenegro and Republika Srpska. In the 21st century Serbia, the distinction between the church and the state has been blurred. Thus, a broader re-assessment of the political, social and cultural role of the church took place. In their joint ‘protection of culture’, the church and the state began to participate in reshaping the classical modernization concept by accommodating it to the local, national and particular mold. In Montenegro, the events leading to the elections of 2020 represented an example of religious populism blended with neo-traditionalism. The SOC was a crucial interpretive resource in the social-political movement of 2019-2020, providing, thus, a basic ideological structure for political action. Finally, in Republika Srpska, the tight connection and cooperation between the SOC and Bosnian Serb political leadership, established during the war, has continued throughout the early 21st century. The nationalist religious discourse and the advancement of an ethnocentric political theology that were visible during the war, have also been utilized as a populist mechanism in the hands of the current political elite.

The question of the provenance of the Gospel of Thomas brings about a rather disturbing ambiguity that may seriously challenge a long time consensus regarding Thomas' Syrian origin. Both versions of the document (in Greek and Coptic) were found in Egypt and there is no extant Syriac text or fragment that could conclusively confirm the Syrian phase of transmission of this “gospel”. Nevertheless, the conviction of scholars as to the eastern Syrian birthplace of our document is still adamant. This view had rarely been seriously disputed during the 20th century, after having gained almost instant confirmation among the most renowned scholars in the field. In this paper I have, therefore, disputed the most frequent arguments of the advocates of the Syrian origin of Thomas: 1) the argument based upon the triple name of the apostle Thomas (i.e. Didymus Judas Thomas); 2) the argument based on the parallels with Syrian Christian documents; 3) the linguistic argument.

This article tackles the issue of the possible Egyptian provenance of the Gospel of Thomas (GTh). By the beginning of the third century, GTh already circulated in the Christian circles of Alexandria. Furthermore, at least one version of this document had been transmitted to Oxyrhynchus before 200 C.E., that is, prior to the terminus ad quem for one of the Greek manuscripts of Thomas. In order to reassess this hypothesis, the author delves into the problem of origin of Egyptian monasticism and examines the earliest attestations about the use of GTh in Alexandria (Origen) and Asia Minor (Hippolytus). This inquiry leads to a negative result concerning the possible Egyptian birthplace of Thomas, and allows for the existence of an earlier stratum of sayings in GTh deriving from a first-century source. Due to the paucity of historical data, such a hypothesis would hardly be tenable in the Egyptian context. Therefore, the most one could suggest at this point of research is that the GTh reached Alexandria from Palestine or Asia Minor, where it had already been known in the first half of the second century.

Rituals are not only the performative modes of demarcation between communities of faith; they are also opportunities for establishing bridges and interreligious relations and encounters between their members. In this case, a researcher enters a less known domain of interrituality, i.e., a social space and relation in which members of different religious traditions and denominations (including the secular participants in rituals) meet each other. Interrituality is a more recent concept in the area of religious studies, and especially interreligious dialogue. Its exploratory and function is yet to be expressed in sciences and disciplines such as peace studies, pedagogy, psychology, sociology of religion, ritual studies, etc. In this essay, it is introduced as a novel, but a significant aspect in considering the modes of interreligious and interconfessional dialogues on the grassroots and (non-)institutional levels of encounter between believers who practice rites with mixed participants, as is the case with religious pilgrimage. In the conclusion, the author expresses his hope that a new, ecumenical theology of interrituality could emerge from conversation of religious practitioners and their interpretations of their own, as well as others’ tradition, during their unique cohabitation within the common ritual process.

This paper looks at how the Muslim pilgrimage to Mecca (the Hajj) adapted to the novel circumstances created by the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 and 2021. The pandemic has been an entirely novel and, probably, dominant liminal situation which has significantly affected the behavior of the faithful and the way in which their individual identity has been transformed, at least in the psychological sense. Following an introductory overview, which provides a brief description of the ritual process of the Hajj, the author briefly looks at the various ways of travel to Saudi Arabia from a historical perspective, as well as at new technical and health aspects which entailed the adaptation of this global ritual to pandemic conditions. Rituals are, undoubtedly, deeply connected to human psychological, but also social needs and inclinations, and help preserve functionality in dysfunctional situations such as natural disasters or the spread of new diseases. Similarly, they provide a safe zone in conditions of drastic and
unwanted change. The paper therefore points out the very specific type of ambivalence
which accompanies the fact that the natural human reaction at times of crisis is to „close ranks”, which became extremely difficult or practically unfeasible in conditions of social distancing implemented as a measure to prevent the spread of the coronavirus in 2020–21. The conclusion highlights the fact that the latest experience with COVID-19 has had medical, economic, social, political, psychological and religious implications with long-term consequences for the organization of the Hajj.

This work is an assessment of three topics considered in Dušan Rakitić’s article (Anali 1/2022). All three are relevant for the discussion of the disputed issue of the Holy Synod’s blessings for the appointment of theology professors at the University of Belgrade Faculty of Orthodox Theology: (a) legislation of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia; (b) the provisions of the 2006 Serbian Law on Churches and Religious Communities; (c) the constitutional principle of the cooperative separation of church and state in the Constitution of Serbia. Furthermore, the 2021 Law on Amendments to the Law on Higher Education is not in compliance with the Constitution of Serbia regarding the provisions implying the consent of church bodies for enrollment of students, employment and loss of appointment pertinent to the Faculty of Orthodox Theology.

Identity Politics in the First Christian Communities

The main thesis of this work is that the emergence and social-historical formation of Christian identity in the first two centuries CE was inherently linked to ethnic, religious and political antagonisms. This conflict was manifested at several different levels of the relationship between early Christian communities and the coeval religious and political actors in a divergent social-historical landscape of the Roman Empire. The conflicts existed from the very outset: firstly, within the young Jesus movement (nascent Christianity) during its formative process; then in this movement’s relationship with formative Judaism; finally, with the political establishment of the Roman Empire that treated Christianity as an extremely heterodox, adversary religion, exposed to occasional systematic persecutions. It is apparent that the social and ethnic identities are constructed and transformed both within communities themselves and in relation to their external social environments. Within that complex network of antagonisms and loosely defined initial boundaries, an entirely novel, transnational and multiethnic, Christian identity had been developed, becoming eventually a major and dominant world religion. In this paper, special attention has been devoted to the conflict between the nascent Christianity and the two major Jewish religious-political parties of the first century CE – Sadducees and Pharisees, the second paving the way to Rabbinic Judaism in the post-70 CE period. This new form of Judaism has survived, up to date, as a leading, official Jewish tradition.

Key words: Early Christianity, Judaism, politics, identity, conflict

Sažetak: U ovom tekstu analiziraju se mogući hinduistički (vedantinski) uticaji na metafizičko i etičko učenje Artura Šopenhauera izloženo u njegovom delu Svet kao volja i predstava. Kantov uticaj na Šopenhauera dobro je poznat i u filozofiji često naglašavan. Nesumnjivo je, međutim, da su Šopenhauerovo učenje o volji, kao i njegova doktrina o svetu kao predstavi, bili u znatnoj meri podstaknuti vedantinskom filozofijom o čemu, uostalom, svedoči i on sam, pozivanjem na taj korpus literature. S druge strane, njegova etička doktrina je bila pod izvesnim uticajem ranog budizma, ali je taj aspekt u ovom kontekstu samo delimično istaknut. U uvodnom delu rada se razmatraju i mogući izvori Šopenhauerovog saznanja o religijama i filozofijama Indije u kontekstu razvoja evropske indologije početkom XIX veka. Ključne reči: Artur Šopenhauer, Indija, hinduizam, budizam, vedanta, upanišadi

The main thesis of this article is that an appropriate interpretation of the Gospel of Thomas, one of the most important and most enigmatic non-canonical documents of Early Christianity, has not been thoroughly carried out without accepting a unique hermeneutical challenge of its pseudonymous author directed to his readers and followers. A true response to this interpretative challenge is a unique „extreme hermeneutics“, because in the incipit of the Gospel of Thomas, its appropriate interpretation has been announced as the matter of life and death. Therefore, a sort of verbal “distortion”, a meta-linguistic transformation or commitment to paradox appears as a mysterious key to revelation, i.e. as a way to reveal a great mystery deeply embedded in the structure of reality manifested by the 'Living Jesus'. Like the Buddhist (Rinzai) Zen masters, who applied the koans in their practice, Thomas' Jesus did something with his words. His profound, paradoxical proclamations perform a distinct performative-soteriological function, an effect partly produced by canonical gospels through their meta-linguistic techniques, such as miracles or ‘signs’. Finally, the author has pointed out the parallels with some other philosophical and religious teachings (Zen Buddhism, Advaita Vedanta, etc.) in which the Thomasine experience of awakening, i.e. the insight into the true character of a unique and indivisible nature of ultimate reality, has also been emphasized.

Rezime: U ovom radu autor najpre razmatra pojam verskog fundamentalizma, kao i njegova razgraničenja u odnosu na srodne pojmove poput tradicionalizma i konzervativizma. Posebna pažnja posvećena je tipologiji religijskog fundamentalizma, kao i tendenciji fundamentalista da normiraju javnu, pa i političku sferu, putem religijskog preuzimanja političkog prostora ili svojevrsne religizacije politike. Savremeni fundamentalistički pokreti su, zapravo, moderni pokreti 20. veka, uprkos svojim protivmodernim i antiprosvetiteljskim ideologijama. Fundamentalizam predstavlja u isti mah jednu antimodernu utopiju, ali i skup pokreta s izrazitim jakobinskim, pa i totalističkim tendencijama. Sledeći izraelskog sociologa Šmuela Ajzenštata, autor ispituje vezu između totalističkih ideologija i pokreta dvadesetih i tridesetih godina 20. veka i savremenih oblika fundamentalizma. Reč je o tome da fundamentalističke zajednice i režimi dele neke bitne odlike s najekstremnijim, sekularnim i levim, jakobinskim, militantnim i komunističkim režimima. Kada je reč o strukturalnim sličnostima između komunističkih, nacionalističkih i fundamentalističkih ideologija, kao i o utopijskom karakteru tih ideologija u 20. veku, autor upućuje na bliskost između dva kvazireligijska sistema – ideologije komunizma i nacionalističke ideologije, pa ih potom kontrastira sa savremenim formama religijskog fundamentalizma.

U ovom radu biće reči o centralnom sufijskom ritualu – zikru (ar. ḏikr) i načinima na koji se on izvodi u okvirima religijske, mističke prakse dva dominantna derviška reda u Bosni i Hercegovini, kod nakšibendija i kadirija. Zikr je prisećanje na Boga koje se postiže zazivanjem njegovih imena i atributa, svedočanstva vere, kao i drugih molitvenih formula što se temelje na tekstu Qur’ana i predanju poslanika islama Muhameda (sunna). Na taj način duhovni putnik (sālik), praktikujući zikr tokom svoga života, postepeno prolazi kroz različita duhovna stanja (ḥāl) i stupnjeve, „stanice“ (maqāmāt), nadajući se Božjem odzivu na tu svojevrsnu „molitvu srca“ (ḏikr al-qalb). Posmatran kao religijski obred, zikr je, zapravo, sinergija daha, zvuka i pokreta, pa i derviške zajednice u njenom ritmičnom oglašavanju i kretanju, pri čemu svi ti pojedinačni elementi čine jedinstven simbolički sklop ili sistem. Poput drugih rituala, zikr potvrđuje i vremenski, prostorni i društveni poredak, provodi učesnike kroz seriju simboličkih radnji, raspoloženja i graničnih situacija, s ciljem da se potvrdi njihov kolektivni i/ili transformiše njihov individualni identitet. 
Ova ritualna praksa ustanovljena je u Bosni još u najranijem razdoblju islamizacije (sredina 15.v.), i održavala se, gotovo neprekidno, do 1952. g. Nakon četvrt veka zabrane u SFRJ, zikr se tu opet počeo redovnije izvoditi od 1977. g. Danas sufizam u BiH doživljava obnovu među mlađim generacijama sledbenika, islamskim vernicima odraslim nakon raspada Jugoslavije. U tom kontekstu razmatra se u kojoj meri oživljavanje sufizma predstavlja revitalizaciju klasične religioznosti, a koliko ono, eventualno, može da se karakteriše i kao alternativna, pa i heterodoksna dimenzija islama. Ovaj rad se uglavnom naslanja na terensko istraživanje autora na različitim lokalitetima u BiH (Sarajevo, Kaćuni, Blagaj, Živčići-Vukeljići, Travnik) u periodu od 2004-2010. Deo tog ispitivanja predstavlja, najzad, i dokumentovanje i tumačenje zikra kao mističnog rituala zazivanja Boga u više različitih tekija nakšibendijskog i kadirijskog reda.

"The first part of this article is a short introduction into Sufism, seen as a unique mode of expressing the internal, mystical dimension of Islam. In this section, the history, doctrine and ritual practice of the main dervish communities have been considered. In the second part, predominantly based on the author’s preliminary field study of the extant dervish communities in Bosnia-Herzegovina, more attention has been dedicated to the revival of Islamic mysticism in a contemporary context. In terms of sociology of religion, the revitalization of Sufism in Bosnia-Herzegovina could be understood within the broader framework of the revival of classical religiosity in the Balkans. After World War Two, the activities of the dervish orders in Bosnia were prohibited, mainly due to the modernist Islamic community supported by the ruling structures. This, of course, should be taken into consideration when discussing the issue of Islamic orthodoxy versus mysticism. A complete renewal of Sufism has taken place in the 1990s, after the dissolution of Yugoslavia and completion of the war. Therefore, one is dealing here with the renewal of classical religiosity, because Sufism had been developed within Orthodox Islam in Bosnia since the Ottoman period."

This chapter deals with the recent oscillations within the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) between traditionalism and fundamentalism. After the political changes in Serbia that took place in the aftermath of October 2000, SOC has assumed much more prominent political and religious roles in the Serbian society. The new “symphony” with the state has enabled the church to exert an unprecedented symbolical and normative influence, offering a new framework of ideology and values for the state institutions and public education system. This political and ideological shift, sometimes labeled as the process of clericalization, is very conservative in its character. On the one hand, it is founded on a vague concept of svetosavlje, the ideology of the leading SOC theologians since the mid-20th century. The projection of a golden medieval past, the “Kosovo testament” (cult of martyrdom), and the myth of St Sava - the greatest Serbian saint, resemble, to a certain extent, Sunni Salafism and the Shiite cult of Ali and the myth of Karbala, i.e. the historical defeat that turned into a “heavenly triumph”.
On the other hand, the recent experience with the wars of the 1990s, an international isolation and the delayed process of accession to the EU, gave rise to a specific “Masada complex” and a self-righteous attitude with occasional messianic and eschatological overtones and ethno-nationalist references to territory and people (especially in the context of the Kosovo problem). Monoculturalism (accompanied by an “organic” view of the state, church and society) and the opposition to secularism, civil society, enlightenment, ecumenism and religious and social pluralism, are only some of the elements of this new religious-political agenda of SOC. The para-clerical organizations acting under the auspice of the SOC, and supported by its Information Service, openly advocate the formation of an “Orthodox public opinion.” Moreover, the program of de-secularization of the Serbian society has recently been announced from a high position in the church hierarchy. It seems as if this new political agenda has been based on religion, but its true aims are trans-religious: they tackle the future course of development of the Serbian society and hinder the process of democratization and accession to the EU. Such a shift to a monistic, archaic, “testamentary” pattern was probably best exemplified by the Draft of the National Program of the Serbian Youth for the 21st Century, proposed and adopted in 2004.
Typologically, this recourse to traditionalism and conservatism within the SOC - largely embraced by the highest state officials and embedded in a joint religious-political concept of “conciliar unity” or sabornost – might also be observed in the context of religious fundamentalism. What we have in mind here, in the first place, are the following features:
1. The return to the fundamental principles, to the origin, or something that has been corrupted in the course of time. The SOC representatives, for example, often express their fear from the destruction of the “true faith” through their open resistance to secularization of the modern (Western) world. Instead of initiating a dialogue with that world, the SOC opts for an official condemnation of secularization.
2. Exclusiveness in interpretation: fundamentalism is against hermeneutic pluralism, because it leads, as it were, to cognitive and value relativism. Instead, fundamentalism prefers the dualistic, Manichean rhetoric (Us-Them, God-Satan, Friends-Foes). An essential feature of fundamentalism is its resistance to pluralism in interpretation, whereas its hermeneutic monism leads to sectarian exclusiveness. The rigid adherence to only one interpretation of a phenomenon may eventually turn a hermeneutic problem into a serious political or even military issue. Concerning the SOC, one could refer to its fear of re-interpretation of Christianity and ultimate “demise” of Orthodoxy in its encounter with the more pluralistic and ecumenical discourse and dialogue.
3. Resistance to (Western) secularization and the rejection of a secular world-view. The Enlightenment poses a special “threat” to any fundamentalism. Taking into account that the two greatest Serbian theologians, Nikolaj Velimirović and Justin Popović, held an unreservedly anti-Western position in their works, it would be worthwhile to explore the current stance of the Serbian theologians regarding Europe, European Union and the West in general, seen as the historical, political and religious-metaphysical Other.
4. Fundamentalism is often a product of the political, social and economic crisis, or a response to a crisis situation. In Serbia, such conditions were created after the assassination of the former PM Zoran Djindjić and the subsequent suspension of the reform and transition of the Serbian society. The SOC public discourse in this latest period has ranged from the scandalous speech at Djindjić’s funeral, to the direct public defense of the persons indicted of war crimes (in some clerical circles they are still glorified as patriots and heroes).
5. In an ideological sense, the fundamentalist ideas are directed against science and secular public education, although in practical terms fundamentalism often takes advantage of modern science and technology. Apart from the introduction of the confessional, denominational religious education in public schools in 2001, I will refer to some more recent tendencies of the SOC School of Theology to interfere with the plans and programs of other schools within the University of Belgrade.
6. The spirit of ecumenism, dialogue and tolerance is alien to fundamentalism and often its greatest opponent. One may include here the SOC reservation towards initiating a more productive dialogue and reconciliation with other religious communities in the Balkans within various ecumenical organizations and initiatives.

Besides the general literature on fundamentalism, religion and globalization (e.g. Marty-Appleby, B. Parekh, O. Roy, P. Beyer, A. Meddeb, K. Kienzler, T. H. Eriksen et al.), the more specific sources for this study include the public statements of the SOC clergy, the theological works of Nikolaj Velimirovic, as well as the Orthodox youth organizations’ documents, their periodicals and internet presentations. The supporting documents also include the Law on the Churches and Religious Communities (2006), the statements of the Serbian Minister of Religious Affairs and statements of other conservative politicians.

Keywords: Serbian Orthodox Church, ethno-nationalism, ideology, de-secularization, traditionalism, conservatism, sabornost, myth, testament, martyrdom, crisis, instrumentalism, civil society, public sphere

This study tackles the place and role of the Orthodox Church in Serbian society, state, and political life after October 5, 2000. Owing to its present “symphony” with the state, the church now offers a new ideological framework and value-system for state institutions such as the armed forces and public education. This new role of the church is particularly emphasized in the current legislation. One could probably refer to the “etatization” of the Serbian Church, with some negative consequences for non-traditional religious communities. The relations with the Macedonian and Montenegrin Orthodox churches have also been discussed in this context. In post-Milošević Serbia, religious rights and freedoms have been considerably extended, but there is still a great deal of arbitrariness, even completely partial interpretations of the church-state relations. In the concluding section, this article deals with the church's traditionalist perception of society as narod (the people), with some recommendations as for the possible cooperation between the church and civil society in Serbia.

In this work I assess the notions of modernity, modernization and
de-secularization, bearing in mind the variety of cultural programs and their constant dynamics in non-Western societies. This includes the reinterpretation and re-formulation of institutional models, as well as of the political and social issues, related to modern Western civilization. Part of this process are the societies undergoing transformation, such as the Serbian society. Religious and church institutions often respond to this process by a unique religization of modernity. It is clear that under the new circumstances religion itself may not remain unchanged, whereas
the character of that change calls for novel theoretical approaches and research methods.

Is the multiple modernities thesis applicable to the society in Serbia during the period of post-socialist transformation? This is a complex and diffi cult question deserving of the more comprehensive sociological analyses. I raise it here only in the context of the (de)secularization discourse by tackling religious institutions as bearers of symbolical resources that provide safe haven for a „protection of culture“, i.e. the national, local, particular heritage. Therefore I consider the leading and the most prominent religious institution in Serbia – the Serbian Orthodox Church.

In this essay, the author examines the religious, social and political contexts of the Jesus movement in the first century, including the social ethos of its members. The thesis about the nazirite practices (vows) of John the Baptist, James the Just and Jesus himself has also been considered.

U ranohrišćanskim i nehrišćanskim dokumentima neke žene se spominju kao rođake, patronese, družbenice i sledbenice Isusa Hrista. One su prvi svedoci njegovog raspeća, pogreba, vaskrsenja, ali i ravnopravne sagovornice, voljene žene, itd. Gotovo da nema, međutim, eksplicitnijeg upućivanja na to da su one bile i njegovi apostoli (apostolice). U nekim gnostičkim dokumentima jedino Marija iz Magdale, kao učenica, ravnopravno učestvuje u razgovorima s Isusom, pored drugih, muških apostola, pa čak i ima prvenstvo u odnosu na njih u pojedinim dijalozima. Cilj ovoga priloga je da se ukaže na ona mesta u ranohrišćanskoj literaturi gde se žene nešto izvesnije spominju u ulozi učenica, apostolica. Prepoznatljiv je tu, svakako, kontrast između „gnostičkih“ i „pravovernih“ apostola. Od velikog značaja je, pak, to što se žene u Isusovoj pratnji jednako spominju i u kanonskim i nekanonskim izvorima, iako je njihova uloga naglašenija u nekanonskim. Ali njihovo poimenično spominjanje u sinoptičkim jevanđeljima - istorijskim dokumentima od prvorazrednog značaja za rekonstruisanje života i aktivnosti Isusovog pokreta - tu je naročito važno. Ovaj rad se bavi i pitanjem socio-istorijskog konteksta u koji bi se mogli smestiti život i aktivnosti prvih apostola i apostolica, kao i njihovih sledbenika i sledbenica s kraja prvog i početkom drugog veka.

This article deals with inter-religious relations between Muslims, Jews and Christians in Islamic Spain from 8-15th centuries. The Umayyad rulers of Spain transformed Cordoba, a sleepy and remote Mediterranean town, into a European medieval center. In the ninth- and tenth centuries, this city became the most civilized European center, the "bride of Andalusia" and "ornament of the world". At that time, the Muslim Spain was the most prosperous and most cultural part of Europe. Religious and inter-ethnic tolerance was largely practiced there, along with free philosophical discussions, building of libraries, universities, public baths and parks, with fascinating poetry and architecture. A significant change occurred, however, after the Reconquista, when Christian rulers repossessed the cities of Andalusia, expelling Muslims and Jews who lived together with Christians for 800 years.

What is multiculturalism, a concept that is often uncritically used in the contemporary „civic“ and academic discourse, whereby those who employ it rarely feel the need to define it? Is it the state of affairs in some countries, the fact that several cultures coexist there, or perhaps some ideal that is still to be reached, something that implies political and social changes in a society? Or, again, is this something that had really existed in the states based on an ideology of inter-ethnic tolerance or utopia of ethnic pluralism (the case of former Yugoslavia, especially Bosnia), but soon disappeared with the dissolution of those countries, their inability to achieve democracy and guarantee security to their own citizens as individuals, and not only as collective members of the „sovereign”, „constitutive“ nations?

This is only one of the topics tackled by Jens-Martin Eriksen and Frederik Stjernfelt in the concluding chapters of The Anatomy of Hatred: Travels to Bosnia and Serbia (2004), but discussed in much more detail in their recent work The Politics of Segregation Multiculturalism – Ideals and Reality (2008)

How do religious ideas emerge and where do they originate from? Is it legitimate to study religion sui generis, independently of its social, psychological, or cultural dimensions? Can diverse beliefs, religious symbols, myths, and ritual practices of different peoples be comparatively analyzed without imposing one set of concepts onto others? What are the theoretical and methodological assumptions of such research? If we are able to recognize similarities in patterns and structures within several different cultural and religious traditions, on what are these similarities based? Are they physiological, sociological, economic, cultural, ecological, psychological, or ontological structures? Then, how do we approach the external and internal dimensions of religiosity? What is the nature of religious experience from a purely phenomenological perspective? In what sense are religious myths and rituals systems of symbols? What changes occur within individual religious systems when they interact with various aspects of modernity? What are the possibilities and prospects of interreligious dialogue in the contemporary world? These are just some of the questions that the reader of this book will undoubtedly contemplate if they engage with its contents with the necessary interest and curiosity.

Glavna svrha, cilj ove knjige je da se njen čitalac upozna s raznorodnim religijskim, ideološkim i kulturnim pravcima unutar kojih se formiralo, kretalo i razvijalo hrišćanstvo tokom prva četiri veka svoje povesti. Moglo bi se s pravom tvrditi da je od samih svojih početaka hrišćanstvo bilo jedan divergentan, heterogen, pluralistički religijski pokret, tako da sve do trećeg, pa i četvrtog veka n.e. u njemu nije lako prepoznati, ustanoviti nekakav "glavni tok", uniformni, monolitni pravac razvoja. Vrlo rano, još za života druge generacije Isusovih sledbenika, javlja se potreba za propovedanjem i zapisivanjem različitih jevanđelja u kojima bi se na osoben način predstavili život i učenje Isusa Hrista. Predanja o njemu zabeležena u Markovom, Jovanovom, Tominom jevanđelju, te nekim Pavlovim pismima i Otkrivenju Jovanovom bitno se, svakako, razlikuju među sobom, i tu je vrlo teško utvrditi nekakav jedinstveni tok ranohrišćanske predaje. Ili uzmimo, na primer, Novi zavet, hrišćanski kanon u celini. Ono što većina hrišćana i danas prihvata kao jednu knjigu (to biblion), jeste, u stvari, zbirka od dvadeset sedam knjiga (ta biblia, pl.), spisa koji sadrže veoma divergentne interpretacije velikog broja religijskih tema, istorijskih događaja, teoloških i filozofskih ideja. A šta tek reći o raznolikosti nekanonskih tekstova, onih spisa koji nisu mogli ući, biti prihvaćeni, u novozavetni kanon? Kako pomiriti sve te tekstualne i ideološke različitosti, i da li je, uostalom, to uopšte i potrebno činiti?

Guste magle i oblaci različitih interpretativnih nasleđa, nagomilani stolećima i epohama, dele savremene čitaoce od autentičnih izveštaja o istorijskom Isusu.  Da bismo danas, u svetlu novih saznanja, novootkrivenih dokumenata, arheoloških nalaza i savremenih naučnih metoda, adekvatno pristupili galilejskom Učitelju, potrebno je da se ti oblaci razgrnu u više slojeva. U zagrade treba staviti, ili čak potpuno odbaciti, bilo kakve teološke interese, tumačenja i filtriranja izvorne tekstualne građe i usredsrediti se na same tekstove i artefakte u okvirima religijske, društvene, ali i političke istorije Isusovog vremena.

Sam Isus, pomalo paradoksalno, nije bio nikakav hrišćanin. On nije planirao da osnuje nikakvu novu religiju, već da podstakne jedan mesijanski, religijskopolitički pokret u Galileji i Judeji. Hrišćani nisu bili ni Isusovi apostoli, kao ni njegov rođeni brat Jakov, koji ga nasleđuje u Jerusalimu nakon njegovog dramatičnog raspeća. Ali taj deo autentične povesti Isusovog pokreta, a naročito Ješuin brat, bivaju neopravdano skrajnuti, potisnuti i gotovo prećutani u docnijim, crkvenim izvorima i to potiskivanje je bilo prisutno od samih početaka razvoja hrišćanstva. Još su apostol Pavle i njegovi učenici polemisali s najranijim pristalicama Isusovog učenja. Kao pobornici kulta vaskrslog, postistorijskog Spasitelja, oni su svojim mitološkim interpretacijama u duhu gnosticizma i misterijskih religija starog Rima neposredno doprineli formiranju hrišćanstva kao svojevrsnog polemičkog odgovora i teološkog otklona u odnosu na eshatološki judaizam Isusa, Jakova i njihovih prvih sledbenika. A sam istorijski Isus bio je puno zanimljivija, autentičnija, originalnija ličnost od postistorijskog Hrista.

Knjiga Religija predstavlja potpuno novi tip priručnika-vodiča namenjenog učenicima, studentima, nastavnicima i široj čitalačkoj publici. Reč je o jednoj vrsti interdisciplinarne i multimetodske tematske sveske koja je koncipirana prema zahtevima modernog curriculuma o tri tipa znanja: bazično, tematsko i izborno. Posebna novina u odnosu na druge priručnike ovoga tipa je korišćenje igranog filma i interneta. Bogatstvo mitova, simbola i rituala svojstveno religijama pruža izvanredne mogućnosti za uvođenje vizuelnih medija u proučavanje religijskih fenomena. Osim toga, svako poglavlje je ilustrovano fotografijama, mapama, crtežima, i grafičkim simbolima. Većinu tih ilustracija čine originalne fotografije samog autora, koji je kao istraživač prisustvovao različitim obredima u hramovima mnogih religijskih zajednica na Balkanu, u Evropi i svetu.

Đuro Šušnjić, čovek osobenog integriteta, ethosa, naučne i ljudske doslednosti, nastojao je, sasvim sigurno, celog svog životnog i radnog veka da ostane izvan zavodljivih igara institucija, moći, vlasti, politike, konformizma, medija, spek­ta­kla, manipulacija, koje sa sobom neizbežno povlače i ra­zličita uslovljavanja, kompromise i odsustvo slobode zarad ličnog interesa. U takvim igrama Šušnjić je dosledno izbegavao da učestvuje, čak i po cenu velikih odricanja, kako bi oslobodio prostor za igru nauke, poezije, filozofije i nadasve originalnog, samosvojnog govora i mišljenja. Ostajući, na taj način, „izvan igre“, ali ne retko i na meti Velikog cenzora, Šušnjić je iznedrio i jedan od najsveobuhvatnijih i najoriginalnijih opusa u našim društvenim naukama.

Pravi značaj i smisao samog Šušnjićevog opusa adekvatno i potpuno će biti u stanju da procene tek generacije onih mladih ljudi kojima se on obraća još na prvim stranicama svog Razgovora koji je u toku. Jer u odnosu na njegovu, kao i svaku drugu „Veliku Priču“, biće potrebno napraviti malo veću vremensku distancu od one koju su prema Đurovom delu ima­le njegove kolege, prijatelji, „istinoljubivi saborci uspravna hoda“ čiji su tekstovi sabrani u ovoj knjizi.

Dhammapada („Put ispravnosti“, od dhamma – učenje [Budino], istina, pravednost, ispravnost i pada – stopalo, staza, put) jedan je od najznačajnih i, svakako, najpopularnijih spisa iz budističke religijske književnosti. Ono što je Bhagavad-gita za hinduizam, to je Dhammapada za budizam. Prema tradiciji, reči zabeležene u tom tekstu vode poreklo od samog Gautame Bude (563-483. pre n.e.?), mada se to nikako ne može s izvesnošću potvrditi ili, pak, sasvim negirati.

Popularnost i značaj ovoga dela jasnije se, možda, sagledava u činjenici što se u Dhammapadi na jezgrovit i jednostavan način izlažu osnovni elementi Budinog učenja sačuvani u kanonskoj književnosti na pali jeziku, „jeziku tekstova“. Taj budistički kanon čine ukupno tri literarne celine, tri „košare“ (Ti-pitake).

U jednoj od tih košara (Sutta-pitaka), koja sadrži glavne Budine besede i učenja, nalazi se „kratka zbirka“ (Kuddaka-nikâya) u kojoj je sačuvana i Dhammapada, neveliko poetsko-filozofsko delo od 423 strofe sabrane u 26 poglavlja. Oko polovine tih stihova, koji čine temelj budističkog ethosa, nalazi se i u drugim zbirkama i tekstovima pali kanona, dok su klasične verzije istog dela docnije sačuvane i na sanskritu (Dharmapada) i kineskom jeziku.

Najstariji i najpoznatiji komentar Dhammapade na paliju napisao je, prema budističkim izvorima, Buddhaghoša, verovatno u prvoj polovini petog veka. Ovaj komentator je, u svrhe tumačenja, uz gotovo svaki stih navodio i poneku parabolu. Bar neke od tih parabola mogao je, u razgovoru sa svojim učenicima, da koristi i Buda Šakjamuni, ali bez obzira na to, datum nastanka Puta ispravnosti teško je s pouzdanjem utvrditi.