Papers by Constantin Zuckerman
ДРЕВНЕЙШИЕ ГОСУДАРСТВА ВОСТОЧНОЙ ЕВРОПЫ, 2021
The testimony of the geographer Ibn Hawkal about a meeting in Cordoba, in late summer or autumn o... more The testimony of the geographer Ibn Hawkal about a meeting in Cordoba, in late summer or autumn of 948, with the Jewish courtier Hasdai ibn Shaprut, who became for him a major source on Khazaria, allows us to identify the Byzantine ambassador, who, according to Hasdai himself, was the first to tell him about Khazaria. Indeed, in the same summer or early autumn of 948, three warships under the command of the eunuch Stephen brought to Cordoba the imperial ambassador, the eunuch Salomon, with whom Hasdai undoubtedly communicated. Hasdai’s first attempt
to establish contact with Khazaria, through Constantinople, the by-product of which was the emergence of the so-called “Cambridge Anonymous”, should thus be associated with the return embassy of the Cordoba Caliphate, which arrived in Constantinople in the fall of 949 and spent the winter there.
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Travaux et Mémoires, 2020
The first note focuses on the personality and the historical work of Niketas the Paphlagonian, a ... more The first note focuses on the personality and the historical work of Niketas the Paphlagonian, a minor saint and a rare victim of the anathema on books. Niketas’ biography is revised, the presumed title of his historical compilation, ἀπόκρυϕος ἱστορία, is explained. He is shown to be the author of the fragmentary text now considered to be his hagiography.
The second note explores the metamorphosis of a remarkably poorly written short passage from Niketas’ History. A story of a modest vision gradually transforms into an extraordinary scene with no parallels in the vast array of Byzantine miracles, a telepathic encounter between two confessors, Abbot Theophanes and Patriarch Nikephoros.
The third note briefly raises some textual issues related to the Chronicle of Pseudo-Symeon, our main depository of fragments from the History of Niketas.
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Millennium, 2018
Chapter II, 45 of the Book of Ceremonies, a half-edited dossier pertaining to the naval expeditio... more Chapter II, 45 of the Book of Ceremonies, a half-edited dossier pertaining to the naval expedition of 949 against the Arabs at Crete, contains a document which is most banal and singular at once. This is a procurement report of miscellaneous supplies recording in each entry the amount spent and the nature of the supplies acquired, occasionally specifying the price per item or per measure. However common such reports are in ancient and modern accounting, this is the only document of its kind preserved from the middle Byzantine period. In line with the State accounting norms inherited from Late Antiquity, all expenses are listed in gold, the silver miliaresia being recorded as fractions of a golden nomisma. The symbols for fractions have not been recognized by editors, translators and students of the text; they were either disregarded or misinterpreted. Restoring their meaning to these symbols allows not only a coherent reading of the report as a whole and a better understanding of th...
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Antiquité Tardive Revue Internationale d'Histoire et d'Archéologie (IVe-VIIe siècle), 1995
A dedication by prim ipilarii at Novae fo r the Victory o f the Emperors From the camp o f the le... more A dedication by prim ipilarii at Novae fo r the Victory o f the Emperors From the camp o f the legio I Italica at Novae on the Danube comes a Greek inscription recently published by V. Velkov, which is reedited here. Our revision o f the text demonstrates that it is in fa ct a dedication by two primipilarii o f the province o f Hellespont fo r the Victory o f the emperors. The inscription is studied in the context o f three similar dedications by primipilarii at the nearby camp o f Oescus (ILBulg. 8b, 9,10), which are also revised. The date assigned to the text by the first editor (307 A D .) is shown to be untenable, and the document is dated no earlier-and probably no later-than 368 A D. This is the only known dedication from the camp o f Novae from the later imperial period. More importantly, it seems to be the latest known dedication fo r the Victory o f the emperors and one o f the last pagan monuments o f the Eastern Roman Empire.
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O. Delouis, S. Métivier, P. Pagès éd., Le saint, le moine et le paysan. Mélanges d’histoire byzantine offerts à Michel Kaplan (Byzantina sorbonensia 29), Paris , 2016
The presents a reedition of a Christian inscription from Antioch of Pisidia, presently kept at th... more The presents a reedition of a Christian inscription from Antioch of Pisidia, presently kept at the museum of Yalvaç and first published on a flyer of the local hotel Antiocheia. The text supplies new data on the yield of wheat and its price. The commentary also dwells on the grain measure used in the inscription, the modios, familiar yet poorly known, and includes some observations on the Byzantine antecedents of the Mediterranean diet
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A. Mardirossian, A. Ouzounian, C. Zuckerman, éd., Mélanges Jean-Pierre Mahé (Travaux et Mémoires 18), 2014
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Revue des études byzantines 72, 2014
This study investigates four distinct but interrelated issues. It focuses first on the events in ... more This study investigates four distinct but interrelated issues. It focuses first on the events in the Peloponnese that have been placed by R.J.H. Jenkins in the early 920’s and that actually belong in the 930’s and 940’s. Then it deals with problematic issues in the history of South Italy in the 920-50’s (revising the careers of several officials posted in Greece and Italy), the date of Beneševič Taktikon, and the military accounts of the Byzantine expedition to Longobardia, which, both in the Book of Ceremonies and in De administrando imperio, belong in 934-935.
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Восточная Европа в древности и средневековье. ХХХ Юбилейные Чтения памяти члена‐корреспондента АН СССР В.Т. Пашуто (Москва 17‐20 апреля 2018 г.), Moscou, 2018
This short study identifies for the first time the circumstances of the Rus' warriors' first appe... more This short study identifies for the first time the circumstances of the Rus' warriors' first appearance in the Mediterranean: during Byzantium's victorious raid of the Syrian coast in the spring of 910.
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ХI Международный Византийский семинар ΧΕΡΣΩΝΟΣ ΘΕΜΑΤΑ: ИМПЕРИЯ И ПОЛИС (Севастополь – Балаклава 3 – 7 июня 2019 г.). Материалы научной конференции, 2019
Заметка содержит пояснения к статье The End of Byzantine Rule in North-Eastern Pontus (МАИЭТ 22, ... more Заметка содержит пояснения к статье The End of Byzantine Rule in North-Eastern Pontus (МАИЭТ 22, 2017) и отклик на высказанную в ее адрес критику.
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Revue des études byzantines 58, 2000
What is people, populus, δήμος ? This basic question has been neglected by those who study the La... more What is people, populus, δήμος ? This basic question has been neglected by those who study the Late Empire's population, popular games and popular riots. The article shows that the «people» of each city comprised a distinct social stratum, not to be confused with the vague «popular masses» of heterogenous city dwellers. This essentially hereditary citizen body was defined, in particular in the two capitals, by the entitlement to free daily rations of bread and eventually of other products (annonae). The citizens/δημόται were the most ardent partisans of the circus colors — the current notion of δημόται as members of «fan clubs» or «theatre claques» is anachronistic and has no basis in the sources — and, obviously, also played an important political rôle. The article follows the changing fortunes of the citizen body of Constantinople, which dwindled from 80 000 people in the late 4th entury to well below 10 000 ca. 600 but which became better structured and more politically active. It proposes some new insights on a misinterpreted dedication from Bostra (IGLS XIII, 9129), on the rôle of the circus financial managers, the aurarii, and on the most indecent of the late antique graffiti.
a révision d'une inscription problématique, provenant de la ville de Bostra en Arabie et datée de 539/40, nous conduit à poser deux questions majeures. La première concerne les finances du théâtre et du cirque, et surtout les personnes responsables de leur gestion, les aurarii, dont le rôle est éclairé et précisé grâce aux données nouvelles. La seconde question porte sur le sens du mot δημόται qui figure dans l'inscription. Notre analyse vise à effacer la distinction entre les deux significations couramment admises, citadins/citoyens et passionnés du cirque, et à restituer aux mots δήμος et δημόται leur unité de sens : ils désignent dans tous les contextes le peuple de la cité et les citoyens qui le composent. Cette démonstration nous oblige à aborder le problème épineux des «partis du cirque» et elle aboutit à une définition structurelle du peuple de la cité, tant à Constantinople que dans d'autres grandes villes de l'Empire.
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R. R. Ervine, M. E. Stone, N. Stone (eds.), The Armenians in Jerusalem and the Holy Land, 2002
This paper studies the first scientific demonstration ever produced of Jerusalem's position as th... more This paper studies the first scientific demonstration ever produced of Jerusalem's position as the center of the earth, harmonizing Biblical data with Ptolemy's map.
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Travaux et Mémoires 12, 1994
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У истокови источников: на международных и междисциплинарных путях. Юбилейный сборник в честь Александра Васильевича Назаренко, 2019
The Rus’ian Chronicle denominates the tribute allegedly paid to the Khazars “per (light) plow” by... more The Rus’ian Chronicle denominates the tribute allegedly paid to the Khazars “per (light) plow” by Vyatichi at the time of Prince Svyatoslav, in the monetary unit “shchelag”. This is shchelag’s only mention in Kievan Rus, except for the description of the Radimichi’s tribute to the Khazars in the time of Prince Oleg. The article shows, however, this use of the term to be a borrowing from the Viatichy episode, part of the re-writing of the Chronicle’s oldest source, the Tale of 1016/7, by the author of the “Primary Chronicle”. The only explanation for the term’s origin is the West European shilling. A shilling of 12 silver denars was also the tax imposed
on each “(heavy) plow” by King Ethelred II in England in 1012. Of course, this is not just a coincidence. A comparative study of the ancient tributes mentioned in the Tale shows that scholars were wrong to perceive them (albeit selectively) as historically valid. They belong to the Tale’s literary design: the tribute of a shilling per ralo is as realistic as that of a sword per household (allegedly produced by Poliane). The knowledge of the newly created English tax was probably channeled to Rus’ by Earl Sweyn Haakonsson and his men, who entered Prince Yaroslav’s service in the spring of 1015 after their defeat at the battle of Nesyar. The story of the unusual tax, alien to Rus’ both in regard to its monetary rate and to the unit of taxation, captured the attention of the Tale’s author, who made it part of an episode placed half a century before the time of the tax’s creation. Indications on taxes in the “Slavic Chronicle” of Helmold from Bozau are also examined. The dime of 12 silver coins (bracteates) per
“Slavic (light) plow”, described by Helmold as introduced in the mid-10th century, is shown to be an innovation of his contemporary, Duke Henry the Lion.
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Travaux et Mémoires / Tome XII, 1994
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Travaux et Mémoires / Tome XI, 1991
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Palaeoslavica, 2017
The tribe of Ulici, probably the mightiest of east-slavic tribes in the advanced ninth century, d... more The tribe of Ulici, probably the mightiest of east-slavic tribes in the advanced ninth century, declines at the very end of the ninth and in the first half of the tenth century under the successive strikes of the Magyars, the Petchenegs and the Rus'. Very little is known of their history, but the sparse indications in the Rus'ian chronicles provide material for a singular case study of the chronicles' stratigraphy.
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Материалы по археологии, истории и этнографии Таврии, 2017
The current belief in the continuity of Byzantine rule at Cherson and in other regions of Crimea,... more The current belief in the continuity of Byzantine rule at Cherson and in other regions of Crimea, as well as on the Taman peninsula, in the 12th century needs to be revised in the light of two recently published seals. This study traces the waning of the Byzantine power at Cherson in the
late 1060 — early 1070’s. A short-lived attempt to install a Byzantine doux at Tamatarkha in the person of the Rus’ian exiled prince Oleg-Michael takes place ca. 1083 and is celebrated in Emperor Alexios I Komnenos’ panegyric by Manuel Straboromanos. In addition to Tamatarkha, his former princedom, the Empire transfers under his authority territories in eastern Crimea, designated as Khazaria, essentially the resort of the strategos of Sugdea. Soon, however, probably by the late 1080’s, Oleg-Michael abandons his imperial allegiance. After these dates, neither Cherson not Tamatarkha will ever again be part of the imperial military and administrative structures.
Keywords: Byzantium, Cherson, Khazaria, Tamatarkha, Tmutorokan, Sugdea, Bosporos, Kerch, Oleg-Michael, George Tzoulas, katepano, strategos.
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This study originated in the new commentary on chapters II, 44-45 of the Book of Ceremonies that ... more This study originated in the new commentary on chapters II, 44-45 of the Book of Ceremonies that I prepare for the forthcoming Paris edition of this vast compendium. The core of my argument resides in a new analysis of figures provided in De cerim. II, 44 for the Byzantine military personnel of all categories mobilized for the Syrian campaign of 910. From a study of these figures emerges a new concept of dromon that takes shape in the early tenth century. This concept appears firmly established by the time of the Cretan campaign of 949, as it is presented in figures in De cerim. II, 45. Thus, our data shows how the notion of dromon evolves over the first half of the tenth century. Grasping this short-term evolution creates the incentive to extend the observation in time and to examine the meaning invested in the term dromon from its inception. Therefore, my first chapter sketches the early history of the dromon and the emergence of the Byzantine navy, the second chapter explores the evidence for dromons in the Book of Ceremonies, while the third focuses on the supplies- and horse-transports, the pamphyloi.
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C o n s t a n t i n Z u c k e r m a n Comités and duces in Egypt around the year 400 and the date... more C o n s t a n t i n Z u c k e r m a n Comités and duces in Egypt around the year 400 and the date o f the Notitia Dignitatum Orientis The study consists o f four prosopographical notes which deal with the career o f high commanders and functionaries in Egypt. 1. FI. Eleutherius is shown to have served first as dux of Thebaid and then as comes o f Egypt (399-401). II. Synesius' friend the comes based in Alexandria is identified as comes Aegypti FI. Herculianus (appointed in the summer o f 395). HI. Aedesius, the person guilty o f not prosecuting Hypatia's murderers (415), is tentatively identified as the homonymous officer who appears as dux Thebaidis in a letter o f Shenute and who could be later promoted comes Aegypti. IV. The mysterious Anatolius burned in Alexandria according to the Chronicle ofTheophanes (398/9), is shown to have occupied the position o f praefectus Augustalis, the last to bear the honorary rank of clarissimus. The latter note develops into a dissertation on the date o f the promotion o f comités Orientis, praefecti Augustales, vicarii, comités and duces to the rank o f spectnbiles and on the date o f the Notitia Dignitatum Orientis, set inA.D. 401. [Author] Trois des quatre notices qui composent cette étude apportent des précisions au tableau des hauts commandants militaires en Egypte et, accessoirement, en Cyrénaïque à la fin du IVe et au début du Ve siècle. Elles abordent un sujet commun à partir de sources diverses : des papyrus (notice I), mais aussi des lettres de Synésios (notice II) et un fragment de Damascius (notice III). La quatrième notice, partant des données de carrière d'un haut fonctionnaire civil, préfet augustal du diocèse d'Égypte, aborde un problème plus vaste : la promotion des comtes d'Orient, des augustals et des vicaires ainsi que des comtes militaires et des ducs au rang des spectabiles et la date de la Notitia Dignitatum Orientis.
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Papers by Constantin Zuckerman
to establish contact with Khazaria, through Constantinople, the by-product of which was the emergence of the so-called “Cambridge Anonymous”, should thus be associated with the return embassy of the Cordoba Caliphate, which arrived in Constantinople in the fall of 949 and spent the winter there.
The second note explores the metamorphosis of a remarkably poorly written short passage from Niketas’ History. A story of a modest vision gradually transforms into an extraordinary scene with no parallels in the vast array of Byzantine miracles, a telepathic encounter between two confessors, Abbot Theophanes and Patriarch Nikephoros.
The third note briefly raises some textual issues related to the Chronicle of Pseudo-Symeon, our main depository of fragments from the History of Niketas.
a révision d'une inscription problématique, provenant de la ville de Bostra en Arabie et datée de 539/40, nous conduit à poser deux questions majeures. La première concerne les finances du théâtre et du cirque, et surtout les personnes responsables de leur gestion, les aurarii, dont le rôle est éclairé et précisé grâce aux données nouvelles. La seconde question porte sur le sens du mot δημόται qui figure dans l'inscription. Notre analyse vise à effacer la distinction entre les deux significations couramment admises, citadins/citoyens et passionnés du cirque, et à restituer aux mots δήμος et δημόται leur unité de sens : ils désignent dans tous les contextes le peuple de la cité et les citoyens qui le composent. Cette démonstration nous oblige à aborder le problème épineux des «partis du cirque» et elle aboutit à une définition structurelle du peuple de la cité, tant à Constantinople que dans d'autres grandes villes de l'Empire.
on each “(heavy) plow” by King Ethelred II in England in 1012. Of course, this is not just a coincidence. A comparative study of the ancient tributes mentioned in the Tale shows that scholars were wrong to perceive them (albeit selectively) as historically valid. They belong to the Tale’s literary design: the tribute of a shilling per ralo is as realistic as that of a sword per household (allegedly produced by Poliane). The knowledge of the newly created English tax was probably channeled to Rus’ by Earl Sweyn Haakonsson and his men, who entered Prince Yaroslav’s service in the spring of 1015 after their defeat at the battle of Nesyar. The story of the unusual tax, alien to Rus’ both in regard to its monetary rate and to the unit of taxation, captured the attention of the Tale’s author, who made it part of an episode placed half a century before the time of the tax’s creation. Indications on taxes in the “Slavic Chronicle” of Helmold from Bozau are also examined. The dime of 12 silver coins (bracteates) per
“Slavic (light) plow”, described by Helmold as introduced in the mid-10th century, is shown to be an innovation of his contemporary, Duke Henry the Lion.
late 1060 — early 1070’s. A short-lived attempt to install a Byzantine doux at Tamatarkha in the person of the Rus’ian exiled prince Oleg-Michael takes place ca. 1083 and is celebrated in Emperor Alexios I Komnenos’ panegyric by Manuel Straboromanos. In addition to Tamatarkha, his former princedom, the Empire transfers under his authority territories in eastern Crimea, designated as Khazaria, essentially the resort of the strategos of Sugdea. Soon, however, probably by the late 1080’s, Oleg-Michael abandons his imperial allegiance. After these dates, neither Cherson not Tamatarkha will ever again be part of the imperial military and administrative structures.
Keywords: Byzantium, Cherson, Khazaria, Tamatarkha, Tmutorokan, Sugdea, Bosporos, Kerch, Oleg-Michael, George Tzoulas, katepano, strategos.
to establish contact with Khazaria, through Constantinople, the by-product of which was the emergence of the so-called “Cambridge Anonymous”, should thus be associated with the return embassy of the Cordoba Caliphate, which arrived in Constantinople in the fall of 949 and spent the winter there.
The second note explores the metamorphosis of a remarkably poorly written short passage from Niketas’ History. A story of a modest vision gradually transforms into an extraordinary scene with no parallels in the vast array of Byzantine miracles, a telepathic encounter between two confessors, Abbot Theophanes and Patriarch Nikephoros.
The third note briefly raises some textual issues related to the Chronicle of Pseudo-Symeon, our main depository of fragments from the History of Niketas.
a révision d'une inscription problématique, provenant de la ville de Bostra en Arabie et datée de 539/40, nous conduit à poser deux questions majeures. La première concerne les finances du théâtre et du cirque, et surtout les personnes responsables de leur gestion, les aurarii, dont le rôle est éclairé et précisé grâce aux données nouvelles. La seconde question porte sur le sens du mot δημόται qui figure dans l'inscription. Notre analyse vise à effacer la distinction entre les deux significations couramment admises, citadins/citoyens et passionnés du cirque, et à restituer aux mots δήμος et δημόται leur unité de sens : ils désignent dans tous les contextes le peuple de la cité et les citoyens qui le composent. Cette démonstration nous oblige à aborder le problème épineux des «partis du cirque» et elle aboutit à une définition structurelle du peuple de la cité, tant à Constantinople que dans d'autres grandes villes de l'Empire.
on each “(heavy) plow” by King Ethelred II in England in 1012. Of course, this is not just a coincidence. A comparative study of the ancient tributes mentioned in the Tale shows that scholars were wrong to perceive them (albeit selectively) as historically valid. They belong to the Tale’s literary design: the tribute of a shilling per ralo is as realistic as that of a sword per household (allegedly produced by Poliane). The knowledge of the newly created English tax was probably channeled to Rus’ by Earl Sweyn Haakonsson and his men, who entered Prince Yaroslav’s service in the spring of 1015 after their defeat at the battle of Nesyar. The story of the unusual tax, alien to Rus’ both in regard to its monetary rate and to the unit of taxation, captured the attention of the Tale’s author, who made it part of an episode placed half a century before the time of the tax’s creation. Indications on taxes in the “Slavic Chronicle” of Helmold from Bozau are also examined. The dime of 12 silver coins (bracteates) per
“Slavic (light) plow”, described by Helmold as introduced in the mid-10th century, is shown to be an innovation of his contemporary, Duke Henry the Lion.
late 1060 — early 1070’s. A short-lived attempt to install a Byzantine doux at Tamatarkha in the person of the Rus’ian exiled prince Oleg-Michael takes place ca. 1083 and is celebrated in Emperor Alexios I Komnenos’ panegyric by Manuel Straboromanos. In addition to Tamatarkha, his former princedom, the Empire transfers under his authority territories in eastern Crimea, designated as Khazaria, essentially the resort of the strategos of Sugdea. Soon, however, probably by the late 1080’s, Oleg-Michael abandons his imperial allegiance. After these dates, neither Cherson not Tamatarkha will ever again be part of the imperial military and administrative structures.
Keywords: Byzantium, Cherson, Khazaria, Tamatarkha, Tmutorokan, Sugdea, Bosporos, Kerch, Oleg-Michael, George Tzoulas, katepano, strategos.
Jean-Claude Cheynet fait ainsi partie d’une espèce rare, celle des « byzantinistes complets ». Il connaît Byzance comme l’on connaît une personne aimée que l’on a fréquentée longtemps sans jamais être déçu. Il sait les rouages de l’administration, les méthodes de la diplomatie, les attitudes des dirigeants comme celles des simples citoyens du menu peuple ; il déchiffre les enjeux et les dangers de la politique étrangère, les relations avec l’Église et avec son clergé supérieur ; bref, il connaît Byzance de l’intérieur comme s’il y avait vécu. L’Empire byzantin n’a pas de secrets pour cet érudit passionné et passionnant. Il n’y a donc rien d’étonnant à ce qu’il ait su transmettre cette passion aux nombreux élèves qu’il a eus pendant sa longue et fructueuse carrière de professeur à la Sorbonne. Il est aussi symptomatique que Jean-Claude Cheynet n’ait pas hésité à consacrer du temps et des efforts continus au service de la byzantinologie. Il assura la direction de laboratoires scientifiques dépendant du CNRS ; il supervisa des éditions de documents, des études relatives aux sources historiques et fut responsable de revue ; enfin, il dirigea les thèses de jeunes byzantinistes qui continuent aujourd’hui son œuvre. En un mot, c’est un collègue estimé, un maître aimé et un savant accompli. La place de Jean-Claude Cheynet dans la hiérarchie du petit monde des byzantinistes (Roberto S. Lopez nous estimait un millier dans le monde) se trouve au sommet et y restera longtemps.
Hélène Ahrweiler
Jean Gascou a beau d’être l’inventeur d’un « modèle », il s’est avant tout exprimé à travers l’édition de papyrus, qu’il a toujours ressentie comme un stimulus nécessaire au développement d’une pensée ferme et rigoureuse cherchant à éviter les séductions des synthèses faciles et des rapprochements factices de données en réalité hétérogènes. Cet hommage se devait donc d’être avant tout un recueil d’éditions de papyrus. Nous avons pu tenir ce cap, même si certains collègues dont la présence était souhaitée ont préféré contribuer par un essai, sans jamais néanmoins rompre totalement les liens avec la documentation papyrologique.
Le risque d’hétérogénéité qu’encourt tout volume de mélanges est ici conjuré par l’unité thématique qui découle des limites chronologiques et géographiques que nous lui avons imposées et qui reflètent celles de l’œuvre de Jean Gascou : l’Égypte byzantine et arabe – même si quelques incursions en dehors de cette province confirment cette règle éditoriale et rappellent que notre « mélangé » s’est aussi intéressé à d’autres périodes (la fin du Haut-Empire) et à d’autres régions (notamment le Proche-Orient qu’il a fréquenté avec de plus en plus d’assiduité ces deux dernières décennies). C’est aussi la raison pour laquelle certains collègues proches de Jean Gascou, mais travaillant sur d’autres périodes, n’ont pu contribuer à ces mélanges. Nous nous excusons auprès d’eux d’avoir été d’une rigueur inflexible qui, loin d’être une entorse à l’amicitia papyrologorum, ne visait qu’à produire un ouvrage homogène qui reflète le mieux possible les préoccupations du récipiendaire.
Homogène ne veut pas forcément dire « monolingue ». On verra que toutes les langues pratiquées à grande échelle dans l’Égypte de l’Antiquité tardive et du haut Moyen-Âge y sont représentées dans toute leur diversité : grec, latin, copte, arabe. Nous avons souhaité ce mélange : il correspond aux intérêts de Jean Gascou, qui a pratiqué l’édition de papyrus dans ces quatre langues ; il acte surtout une tendance de la papyrologie qui refuse désormais tout enclavement linguistique, comme en témoignent les sessions de nos congrès consacrées à d’autres formes de papyrologie et l’émergence d’une nouvelle génération de papyrologues de plus en plus rétive à se laisser enfermer dans une documentation monolingue.