Sofia Verza
European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, Department Member
- Columbia University, Columbia Law School, Department MemberUniversity of Perugia, Political Science, Department MemberUniversity of Trento, Law, Alumnusadd
- Internet research, Information/Communication Technologies and Development, Political Geography, Censorship of literary and popular culture texts, Censorship, Censorship (Law), and 14 moreInternet censorship, Generation Y, social media usage, Turkey, media in Italy, Mediated activism, Internet Policy, Surveillance Studies, Globalization and Media, Turkish and Middle East Studies, Sociology of Communication, Media Studies, Italy, Terrorism, Terrorism and Counterterrorism, and Counter terrorismedit
- Sofia Verza is a research associate at the Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom (CMPF) at the European Univer... moreSofia Verza is a research associate at the Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom (CMPF) at the European University Institute in Florence. Holds a PhD in Political Science at the University of Perugia, working in the field of sociology of communication- and a BA and MA in Law from the University of Trento. Studied in Istanbul at Bilgi University and Yeditepe University, majoring in the field of criminal and information law. Previously collaborated with the Global Freedom of Expression Initiative of Columbia University, the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF) and Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT).edit
- Paolo Manciniedit
THE COVERAGE OF COVID-19 IN A POLARIZED MEDIA SYSTEM: AN ANALYSIS OF THE ROLE OF THE MEDIA IN TIMES OF PANDEMIC During a pandemic, the media play a crucial role. Through their work, they can be valuable allies for those who exercise... more
THE COVERAGE OF COVID-19 IN A POLARIZED MEDIA SYSTEM: AN ANALYSIS OF THE ROLE
OF THE MEDIA IN TIMES OF PANDEMIC
During a pandemic, the media play a crucial role. Through their work, they can be valuable allies for those who exercise government roles and must manage a crisis of this magnitude. For example, the use of alarmist frames or highly emotional and dramatized narrative expedients
can fuel a sense of vulnerability in public opinion, thus helping institutions to indirectly enforce and respect strongly stringent and limiting rules for personal freedom but essential to counter the spread of the virus.
The media can also play a «service role» directly, that is provide
practical indications on the rules to follow and the habits to adopt, helping readers to manage the problems and risks of everyday life. The Italian case is an excellent case study to analyze the role of the press during the pandemic, because it represents a clear example of a «polarized pluralist» model of journalism, characterized by high levels of polarization and politicization and where this «service role» of journalism is not commonly exercised. Analyzing the coverage
of the Italian press in two key moments of the spread of the pandemic, this paper aims to outline the role played by the press in the management of the Covid-19 emergency and its contribution to the spread of the policies implemented by the Government to fight the virus.
OF THE MEDIA IN TIMES OF PANDEMIC
During a pandemic, the media play a crucial role. Through their work, they can be valuable allies for those who exercise government roles and must manage a crisis of this magnitude. For example, the use of alarmist frames or highly emotional and dramatized narrative expedients
can fuel a sense of vulnerability in public opinion, thus helping institutions to indirectly enforce and respect strongly stringent and limiting rules for personal freedom but essential to counter the spread of the virus.
The media can also play a «service role» directly, that is provide
practical indications on the rules to follow and the habits to adopt, helping readers to manage the problems and risks of everyday life. The Italian case is an excellent case study to analyze the role of the press during the pandemic, because it represents a clear example of a «polarized pluralist» model of journalism, characterized by high levels of polarization and politicization and where this «service role» of journalism is not commonly exercised. Analyzing the coverage
of the Italian press in two key moments of the spread of the pandemic, this paper aims to outline the role played by the press in the management of the Covid-19 emergency and its contribution to the spread of the policies implemented by the Government to fight the virus.
Research Interests:
OBC Transeuropa -as member of the Media Freedom Rapid Response consortium- conducted a research on the needs of European journalists and the gaps in support mechanisms. From verbal harassment against media operators to groundless legal... more
OBC Transeuropa -as member of the Media Freedom Rapid Response consortium- conducted a research on the needs of European journalists and the gaps in support mechanisms. From verbal harassment against media operators to groundless legal charges, what can be done to tackle these issues
Research Interests:
In the lead-up of March 4, 2018 Italian elections and resting upon the experience of the last elections in the UK, France, Germany and the U.S., this report proposes an overview of the existing Italian legal framework regulating political... more
In the lead-up of March 4, 2018 Italian elections and resting upon the experience of the last elections in the UK, France, Germany and the U.S., this report proposes an overview of the existing Italian legal framework regulating political communication during electoral campaigns. It will then individuate the regulation holes created by the ever- evolving digital revolution within a context which can still however be defined as “television- centred”.
Research Interests:
The first chapter of this dissertation will expand on the origins of the Italian and Turkish Criminal Codes and, above all, it will try to individuate some links between the ideological contexts surrounding their draft and adoption; I... more
The first chapter of this dissertation will expand on the origins of the Italian and Turkish Criminal Codes and, above all, it will try to individuate some links between the ideological contexts surrounding their draft and adoption; I will outline some links and differences between the Fascist and Kemalist ideologies.
In the second chapter, I will analyze the concepts of national security and public order in a balance with the fundamental rights of an individual, especially the right to free expression, as prescribed by the constitutional norms of the two countries and the European and international law. The criminal provisions of the Italian Penal Code must respond to Article No. 21 of the Italian Constitution, which protects freedom of expression and - therefore- a critical public debate. The same protection should be guaranteed under Articles No. 25-28 of the Turkish Constitution. Moreover, both of the countries must respect Article No. 10 of the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR) 1- since they both are members of the Council of Europe- and other international conventions.
In the third chapter, I have chosen to analyze three particular examples of criminalization of the human expression. Firstly, I will refer to the laws protecting the State, the institutions and senior political representatives from public denigration. The reputation of these bodies is supposed to be functional to their efficiency and- consequently- to national security and the legislation provides pecuniary and prison sentences for the persons who do not respect it. Secondly, the analysis will focus on the instigation to commit a crime and the apology for a crime, which can constitute a serious concern for free expression especially if they are applied as “abstract danger” crimes, protecting no immediate and concrete danger. Thirdly, I will focus on the crimes of instigation and apology in the counter-terrorism legislation’s context.
In the second chapter, I will analyze the concepts of national security and public order in a balance with the fundamental rights of an individual, especially the right to free expression, as prescribed by the constitutional norms of the two countries and the European and international law. The criminal provisions of the Italian Penal Code must respond to Article No. 21 of the Italian Constitution, which protects freedom of expression and - therefore- a critical public debate. The same protection should be guaranteed under Articles No. 25-28 of the Turkish Constitution. Moreover, both of the countries must respect Article No. 10 of the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR) 1- since they both are members of the Council of Europe- and other international conventions.
In the third chapter, I have chosen to analyze three particular examples of criminalization of the human expression. Firstly, I will refer to the laws protecting the State, the institutions and senior political representatives from public denigration. The reputation of these bodies is supposed to be functional to their efficiency and- consequently- to national security and the legislation provides pecuniary and prison sentences for the persons who do not respect it. Secondly, the analysis will focus on the instigation to commit a crime and the apology for a crime, which can constitute a serious concern for free expression especially if they are applied as “abstract danger” crimes, protecting no immediate and concrete danger. Thirdly, I will focus on the crimes of instigation and apology in the counter-terrorism legislation’s context.
Research Interests:
This research aims to analyze Turkish media atmosphere from internal and international points of view. Since Turkey is considered one of the Muslim – westernized countries, it clashes with the fact that movies, newspapers, Facebook pages,... more
This research aims to analyze Turkish media atmosphere from internal and international points of view. Since Turkey is considered one of the Muslim – westernized countries, it clashes with the fact that movies, newspapers, Facebook pages, Twitter and much more have been censured in the last decade.
Comparative research in European countries has shown that state media policies are largely fragmented. The Council of Europe has advocated the adoption of a new notion of media, “encompassing all actors involved in the production and dissemination, to potentially large numbers of people, of content and applications”. A lot of European countries have important failings in media policymaking at the national level: core aspects of media policy remain within the direct or indirect control of political power, which creates a potential for the exercise of undue political pressure on regulatory choices.
This paper was written in 2013 for the Economic Development Foundation (Istanbul).
Comparative research in European countries has shown that state media policies are largely fragmented. The Council of Europe has advocated the adoption of a new notion of media, “encompassing all actors involved in the production and dissemination, to potentially large numbers of people, of content and applications”. A lot of European countries have important failings in media policymaking at the national level: core aspects of media policy remain within the direct or indirect control of political power, which creates a potential for the exercise of undue political pressure on regulatory choices.
This paper was written in 2013 for the Economic Development Foundation (Istanbul).
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Da molto tempo gli studi sulle campagne elettorali mostrano come i significati e i frame della competizione politica attraversino fasi di ridefinizione generate da eventi che irrompono nel sistema dell’informazione, mostrano la capacità... more
Da molto tempo gli studi sulle campagne elettorali mostrano come i significati e i frame della competizione politica attraversino fasi di ridefinizione generate da eventi che irrompono nel sistema dell’informazione, mostrano la capacità di attrarre un enorme potenziale di attenzione e hanno un impatto significativo nell’agenda delle campagne. I mezzi d’informazione, sempre molto reattivi rispetto agli eventi straordinari, finiscono così per “imporre” nel dibattito di campagna le questioni che quegli eventi richiamano, al punto da portare gli attori politici in un campo di opportunità, o vincoli discorsivi, che diviene terreno del confronto elettorale per periodi più o meno lunghi, a seconda della tenuta delle storylines. Tale dinamica di “eventizzazione” sembra essersi verificata anche nella campagna elettorale italiana del 2018, nel corso della quale si verificano due scioccanti fatti di cronaca nera, che a cascata producono altri fatti in campo politico, invadendo in modo massiccio il dibattito elettorale. Parliamo del “caso Macerata”, ossia della sequenza costituita dall’omicidio di Pamela Mastropietro e dalla successiva sparatoria per le strade di Macerata in cui sono state ferite sei persone di origine africana.
Research Interests:
The present study aims to measure the level of populism expressed by the main Italian political leaders during the 2018 national electoral campaign, and, consequently, to evaluate which leaders can be considered populist. For this... more
The present study aims to measure the level of populism expressed by the main Italian political leaders during the 2018 national electoral campaign, and, consequently, to evaluate which leaders can be considered populist. For this purpose, our units of analysis are the television interviews granted by these leaders, and we will examine them through the pedagogical assessment technique of holistic grading, applied for the first time to the study of populist discourses by Hawkins
Research Interests:
The main aim of this study is to investigate the relationship between news reports and the development of a public discourse about immigration during the 2018 political election campaign. The study examines the way in which newspapers... more
The main aim of this study is to investigate the relationship between news reports and the development of a public discourse about immigration during the 2018 political election campaign. The study examines the way in which newspapers covered a series of dramatic events involving immigrants which took place in the Italian city of Macerata. This “Macerata case” is analyzed in relation to a trend of changing media practices characterized by increasing sensationalism and the systemic assimilation of the “permanent campaign” into news items, showing that political interference in news stories is not a casual or one-off occurrence.