- Middle East Politics, Parliamentary Studies, Parliaments (in particular, parliamentary opposition and law making process), from a comparative perspective; Political Parties and Party Systems; Content Analysis techniques., Autocracies, Democratization, Military and Politics, and 8 moreEgypt, Constitutional Politics, Arab Spring (Arab Revolts), Tunisian Revolution-Arab Spring, Labor Movements, Middle East Studies, Parliamentary History, and Comparative Politicsedit
Über Ägypten hört man dieser Tage viel. Aber selten scheint es mir derart zum Verständnis beizutragen, wie dann, wenn die Ägypten-Expertin Irene Weipert-Fenner spricht. Im Bretterblog-Interview erläutert sie vor allem ökonomische... more
Über Ägypten hört man dieser Tage viel. Aber selten scheint es mir derart zum Verständnis beizutragen, wie dann, wenn die Ägypten-Expertin Irene Weipert-Fenner spricht. Im Bretterblog-Interview erläutert sie vor allem ökonomische Hintergründe, die erst die ganze Dimension der Revolutionen von 2011 und 2013 erahnen lassen
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Beyond the most immediate and devastating effects being felt by the local populace, the war in Ukraine is also having severe repercussions in other world regions, particularly the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), where we find... more
Beyond the most immediate and devastating effects being felt by the local populace, the war in Ukraine is also having severe repercussions in other world regions, particularly the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), where we find significant effects on domestic and regional politics. This contribution discusses conflict potential along these two dimensions and how they are interrelated, including with global politics. First, the effects of the war were quickly felt at the domestic level via rising prices and shortages of (subsidized) staples. A deteriorating economic situation is heating existing societal conflicts that had led to waves of mass uprisings in the MENA over the last decade, which are very likely to re-appear in the near future. We discuss recent developments in light of existing knowledge about the nexus between socioeconomic grievances and (non-)violent mobilization. Second, we reflect on changes to regional and global politics and their impact on conflicts in the re...
This chapter analyzes and compares the two most important types of unemployed mobilization in contemporary Tunisia: first, spontaneous, mostly disruptive contentious actions by unemployed people who operate outside formal organizations at... more
This chapter analyzes and compares the two most important types of unemployed mobilization in contemporary Tunisia: first, spontaneous, mostly disruptive contentious actions by unemployed people who operate outside formal organizations at the local level, using the example of the Gafsa mining basin and, second, formally organized activism within the framework of the Union of Unemployed Graduates (Union des Diplomes Chomeurs—UDC), the only unemployed organization at the national level. The chapter shows that unemployed mobilization in post-revolutionary Tunisia has been quite significant, but that despite the greater political freedom that theoretically would allow unemployed groups to join forces and rally together, unemployed protests are characterized by growing fragmentation. In order to explain the general lack of cooperation of unemployed activists with each other, as well as with other societal and political actors, the chapter systematically compares the two different types o...
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Teil XI unserer Serie zum „Islamischen Staat“. Die grose Aufmerksamkeit fur den Islamischen Staat (IS) hangt nicht nur mit dessen militarischen Erfolgen zusammen, sondern auch mit seinem Anspruch, einen neuen Staat aufzubauen. Das... more
Teil XI unserer Serie zum „Islamischen Staat“. Die grose Aufmerksamkeit fur den Islamischen Staat (IS) hangt nicht nur mit dessen militarischen Erfolgen zusammen, sondern auch mit seinem Anspruch, einen neuen Staat aufzubauen. Das Phanomen der hohen Anzahl auslandischer Kampfer gerade aus den Landern Nordafrikas und des Nahen Ostens scheint die Anschlussfahigkeit dieser Idee zu unterstreichen. Inwieweit der Anspruch auf Staatsaufbau tatsachlich eingelost werden kann, hinterfrage ich in diesem Beitrag. Danach beleuchte ich die Ausgangslage auslandischer Kampfer aus der MENA-Region und vertrete die These, dass die Attraktivitat des IS fur viele junge Manner vor allem auf der Krise der Staatlichkeit in ihren Heimatlandern basiert.
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One common demand in the 2011 uprisings in the MENA region was the call for ‘freedom, dignity, and social justice.’ Citizens rallied against corruption and clientelism, which for many protesters were deeply linked to political tyranny.... more
One common demand in the 2011 uprisings in the MENA region was the call for ‘freedom, dignity, and social justice.’ Citizens rallied against corruption and clientelism, which for many protesters were deeply linked to political tyranny. Yet, little is known of how the socio-political transformations, resulting from the economic reform and authoritarian ‘upgrading’ of recent decades, have altered what we call networks of dependency: What impact did the changing dynamics within and between clientelist and patronage networks before 2011 have on the configurations that led to the uprisings and protests in the Arab countries in 2011? And vice versa: What impact are the socio-economic and political changes after 2011 having on these networks? Finally, how can we better grasp the political relevance of clientelist and patronage networks, and the often overlooked agency of the clients? This edited volume looks to fill the gap with a broad set of original case studies covering Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, and the Gulf monarchies. They analyse the reconfigurations of patronage and clientelist networks and the corresponding emergence of contentious politics targeting these very networks, while exploring the interaction with specific political transformations, including changes within and of regimes. The volume also addresses major debates in comparative politics and political sociology by offering networks of dependency as an interdisciplinary conceptual approach that can ‘travel’ across place and time.
Research Interests: Sociology, Political Sociology, Comparative Politics, Political Economy, Middle East Studies, and 11 moreSocial Networking, Political Science, Collective Action, Neoliberalism, Middle East Politics, Patronage (History), Corruption, Arab Spring (Arab Revolts), Poltical Science, Political Clientelism, and Patrimonialism
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Research Interests: Social Movements, Latin American Studies, Socioeconomics, Middle East Studies, Middle East & North Africa, and 14 morePolitical Science, Protest, Egypt, Labor Movements, Latin America, Unemployed Workers' Movements, Political Transformation, Egyptian Revolution, Protest Movements, Tunisia, MENA region, Arab Spring (Arab Revolts), Tunisian Revolution-Arab Spring, and Arab Uprisings
Dass in Agypten und Tunesien der sogenannte Arabische Fruhling weitgehend friedlich die jeweiligen Diktatoren zu Fall brachte, hangt unter anderem damit zusammen, dass in beiden Landern die Armee gegen die Proteste nicht gewaltsam... more
Dass in Agypten und Tunesien der sogenannte Arabische Fruhling weitgehend friedlich die jeweiligen Diktatoren zu Fall brachte, hangt unter anderem damit zusammen, dass in beiden Landern die Armee gegen die Proteste nicht gewaltsam vorging. Doch wahrend in Agypten das Militar direkt nach der Revolution politische Amter ubernahm und im Juli 2013 erneut intervenierte, um Prasident Mursi abzusetzen, halt sich in Tunesien die Armee aus dem politischen Prozess heraus. Doch welche Rolle genau spielen die Generale in den beiden Landern und wie hangt diese mit den zum Teil turbulenten Demokratisierungsprozessen zusammen? Hier ein Vergleich der unterschiedlichen, historisch gewachsenen Positionen der Streitkrafte im Staat, der deren politisches Eingreifen beziehungsweise Zuruckhaltung aus dem politischen Prozess verstandlich macht. Dabei zeigt sich, dass sowohl die Rolle der Streitkrafte bei der Grundung der Republiken in den 1950er Jahren als auch Strukturreformen in den 1960er Jahren die Gr...
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Comparative research on unemployed activism, to date, is largely based on countries in the Global North although two outstanding cases of mobilization of jobless people can be found in the Global South: Argentina, which between the... more
Comparative research on unemployed activism, to date, is largely based on countries in the Global North although two outstanding cases of mobilization of jobless people can be found in the Global South: Argentina, which between the mid-1990s and the mid-2000s experienced probably the strongest wave of mobilization of unemployed workers on record worldwide, and Tunisia, where unemployed have played a significant role in waves of protests since 2008, including during the national uprising of 2010/11 that brought down long-standing Dictator Ben Ali. This working paper studies the two cases along the factors derived from general social movement theory and systematically compares them with the findings on unemployed movements in the Global North. The analysis reveals important common features that characterize unemployed movements across countries and contexts, but also dynamics that a narrow North-Western focus tends to miss. Most importantly, changes in general political opportunity st...
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This chapter presents the rationale and the topic of the book, the questions that are addressed, and the state of research on which it is based. It critically reflects upon the contentious politics approach as applied in the book, and... more
This chapter presents the rationale and the topic of the book, the questions that are addressed, and the state of research on which it is based. It critically reflects upon the contentious politics approach as applied in the book, and elaborates the analytical framework that is used to systematically study socioeconomic contention in Egypt and Tunisia. It also gives a brief overview of socioeconomic contention in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) beyond Egypt and Tunisia and lays out the rationale and the limitations of the interregional comparison with Latin America. The chapter concludes with an overview of the contributions compiled in this volume.
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When protests erupted in response to the 2010 Egyptian parliament elections that were widely viewed as fraudulent, many wondered. Why now? Voters had never witnessed free and fair elections in the past, so why did these elicit such an... more
When protests erupted in response to the 2010 Egyptian parliament elections that were widely viewed as fraudulent, many wondered. Why now? Voters had never witnessed free and fair elections in the past, so why did these elicit such an outcry? To answer this question, Weipert-Fenner conducted the first study of politics in modern Egypt from a parliamentary perspective. Contrary to the prevailing opinion that autocratic parliaments are meaningless, token institutions, Weipert-Fenner’s long-term analysis shows that parliament can be an indicator, catalyst, and agent of change in an authoritarian regime. Comparing parliamentary dynamics over decades, Weipert-Fenner demonstrates that autocratic parliaments can grow stronger within a given political system. They can also become contentious when norms regarding policies, political actors, and institutions are violated on a large scale and/or at a fast pace. Most importantly, a parliament can even turn against the executive when parliamentary rights are withdrawn or when widely shared norms are violated. These and other recurrent patterns of institutional relations identified in The Autocratic Parliament help explain long spans of stable, yet never stagnant, authoritarian rule in colonial and postcolonial periods alike, as well as the different types of regime change that Egypt has witnessed: those brought about by external intervention, by revolution, or by military coup.
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The ways in which political authorities respond to societal challenges is a key element in the interaction between social movements and state institutions. Two conceptual distinctions are important when studying such repertoires of... more
The ways in which political authorities respond to societal challenges is a key element in the interaction between social movements and state institutions. Two conceptual distinctions are important when studying such repertoires of counter-contention: authorities’ responses may (1) aim at either including or excluding challengers, and they may (2) either respect their autonomy or try to control them.
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Nach dem Sturz der tunesischen Diktatur 2011 haben sich die Hoffnungen auf eine Verbesserung der sozioökonomischen Lage im Land nicht erfüllt. Seit 2015 gibt es immer größer werdende Wellen von Protesten für Arbeit und bessere... more
Nach dem Sturz der tunesischen Diktatur 2011 haben sich die Hoffnungen auf eine Verbesserung der sozioökonomischen Lage im Land nicht erfüllt. Seit 2015 gibt es immer größer werdende Wellen von Protesten für Arbeit und bessere Lebensbedingungen. Jan-Philipp Vatthauer und Irene Weipert-Fenner untersuchen auf Basis quantitativer und qualitativer Analysen, wer in welchen Formen protestiert und welche Forderungen gestellt werden. Sie klären außerdem, warum zivilgesellschaftliche Akteure bisher scheiterten, zwischen Politik und Protestakteuren zu vermitteln. Sie zeigen, dass bereits die Inklusion von Protestierenden in soziale Dialogforen und die Reform von Einstellungsverfahren einen ersten Schritt in Richtung des sozialen Friedens darstellen können.
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In recent years, Egypt has achieved three mediation successes: the unity deal between Fatah and Hamas as well as the Gilat Shalit prisoner exchange in 2011 and the cease-fi re agreement between Hamas and Israel in November 2012. These... more
In recent years, Egypt has achieved three mediation successes: the unity deal between Fatah and Hamas as well as the Gilat Shalit prisoner exchange in 2011 and the cease-fi re agreement between Hamas and Israel in November 2012. These mediation successes stand in stark contrast to the unsuccessful efforts by external actors from the Middle East and the international arena to mitigate the intra-Egyptian tensions in Summer 2013. This POLICY BRIEF approaches this puzzle by developing a framework for analyzing mediation efforts and assessing the conditions for success in the cases at hand. It argues that the mediation successes analyzed gave Egypt greater diplomatic clout in interactions with regional and international actors. Yet the failed mediation efforts following the crisis of July 2013 and the resulting political, economic, and social instability of the most populous Arab country have rather developed into another stumbling block on the way to the Helsinki Conference on the estab...
This working paper outlines a research agenda that aims at studying the dynamics and consequences of socioeconomic contention during the current processes of political transformation in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region from... more
This working paper outlines a research agenda that aims at studying the dynamics and consequences of socioeconomic contention during the current processes of political transformation in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region from a comparative perspective that includes an interregional comparison with South America. In doing so, the authors review the state of research on socioeconomic protests in the MENA region, sketch an overall analytical framework and critically discuss the contentious politics approach on which this framework draws on. Finally, the paper presents a multilateral research project that has precisely set out to analyze to what extent and how socioeconomic contention shapes the ongoing process of political transformation in postrevolutionary Egypt and Tunisia.
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This chapter explores the broader ethical repercussions and dilemmas of positionality by focusing on the specific case when a researcher’s political affinity to the subject under study is so close that the line between the insider (the... more
This chapter explores the broader ethical repercussions and dilemmas of positionality by focusing on the specific case when a researcher’s political affinity to the subject under study is so close that the line between the insider (the research subject) and the outsider (the researcher) may become blurred. It does not aim to argue against researchers being activists themselves but to encourage the use of caution when switching between the two roles. The chapter reflects on how identifying with the cause of the subject can violate the three major overarching norms of ethical research, respect for persons, beneficence, and justice. However, the specific challenges and potential solutions for fieldwork in the MENA-region are quite different from best practices originating from medical research and often prescribed by research ethics committees. Special attention is attributed to the context of authoritarian regimes, polarized societies, and periods of political transformation.
Unemployed protests are the most important form of socioeconomic contention in Tunisia. Calls for employment and condemnations of corrupt recruitment procedures have fueled large-scale protests since the mid 2000s. Despite massive... more
Unemployed protests are the most important form
of socioeconomic contention in Tunisia. Calls
for employment and condemnations of corrupt
recruitment procedures have fueled large-scale
protests since the mid 2000s. Despite massive discontent, unemployed
mobilization has thus far lacked political leverage.
In this working paper, we assess if the dynamics
of mobilization in Tunisia can explain unemployed
protests’ lack of political leverage. Our study reveals
that the majority of unemployed mobilization can
be characterized as unorganized and spontaneous.
Protest actors raised limited claims, mostly demanding
their own employment, and making use of disruptive
protests, such as street and railway blockages. The
nation-wide scene of unemployed mobilization, on the
other hand, is captured by the 2006-formed Union des
diplômés chômeurs (Union of Unemployed Graduates,
UDC). In this working paper we compare these
two forms of activism by the unemployed: those of the
UDC and the unorganized unemployed protests, using
the Gafsa mining basin as our case study.
We have identified two divergent trajectories since
2011. The UDC has expanded its membership, offices,
and contentious actions, and increased its levels of
organization and professionalism. By contrast, the
Gafsa mining basin protesters fragmented, despite an
increase in discrete protest events. We try to explain
these dynamics by explicating the social meaning
of the activists’ grievances. We then compare their
mobilization networks before looking at how diverse
activists have perceived political opportunities
and threats since 2011. Finally, we will try to draw
conclusions on the different forms of unemployed
activism and their interplay with political change in
Tunisia.
of socioeconomic contention in Tunisia. Calls
for employment and condemnations of corrupt
recruitment procedures have fueled large-scale
protests since the mid 2000s. Despite massive discontent, unemployed
mobilization has thus far lacked political leverage.
In this working paper, we assess if the dynamics
of mobilization in Tunisia can explain unemployed
protests’ lack of political leverage. Our study reveals
that the majority of unemployed mobilization can
be characterized as unorganized and spontaneous.
Protest actors raised limited claims, mostly demanding
their own employment, and making use of disruptive
protests, such as street and railway blockages. The
nation-wide scene of unemployed mobilization, on the
other hand, is captured by the 2006-formed Union des
diplômés chômeurs (Union of Unemployed Graduates,
UDC). In this working paper we compare these
two forms of activism by the unemployed: those of the
UDC and the unorganized unemployed protests, using
the Gafsa mining basin as our case study.
We have identified two divergent trajectories since
2011. The UDC has expanded its membership, offices,
and contentious actions, and increased its levels of
organization and professionalism. By contrast, the
Gafsa mining basin protesters fragmented, despite an
increase in discrete protest events. We try to explain
these dynamics by explicating the social meaning
of the activists’ grievances. We then compare their
mobilization networks before looking at how diverse
activists have perceived political opportunities
and threats since 2011. Finally, we will try to draw
conclusions on the different forms of unemployed
activism and their interplay with political change in
Tunisia.
Research Interests:
Tunesien ist das einzige Land, in dem die Massenproteste im Zuge des „Arabischen Frühlings“ zur Etablierung einer demokratischen Ordnung geführt haben. Insbesondere die Europäische Union hat sich daher die Stabilisierung und Unterstützung... more
Tunesien ist das einzige Land, in dem die Massenproteste im Zuge des „Arabischen Frühlings“ zur Etablierung einer demokratischen Ordnung geführt haben. Insbesondere die Europäische Union hat sich daher die Stabilisierung und Unterstützung Tunesiens auf die Fahnen geschrieben. Mit knapp 1,2 Milliarden Euro förderte sie im Zeitraum von 2011–2015 in Form von Krediten und Darlehen zahlreiche Entwicklungsprojekte in Tunesien.
Die größte Hilfe aus Sicht der EU und damit Schwerpunkt ihrer Maßnahmen im Rahmen der Europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik ist allerdings der Abschluss eines umfassenden Freihandelsabkommens. Selbst wenn jedoch die damit erhofften positiven Effekte für die tunesische Wirtschaft insgesamt eintreten würden, birgt ein solches Abkommen erhebliche Risiken für den Arbeitsmarkt und damit für den sozialen Frieden.
Die größte Hilfe aus Sicht der EU und damit Schwerpunkt ihrer Maßnahmen im Rahmen der Europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik ist allerdings der Abschluss eines umfassenden Freihandelsabkommens. Selbst wenn jedoch die damit erhofften positiven Effekte für die tunesische Wirtschaft insgesamt eintreten würden, birgt ein solches Abkommen erhebliche Risiken für den Arbeitsmarkt und damit für den sozialen Frieden.
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The toppling of the Tunisian dictator in 2011 created hopes that the country‘s economy would improve that have not been fulfilled. Since 2015, ever bigger protests have been held to demand employment and better living conditions. Using... more
The toppling of the Tunisian dictator in 2011 created hopes that the country‘s economy would improve that have not been fulfilled. Since 2015, ever bigger protests have been held to demand employment and better living conditions.
Using qualitative and quantitative methods, Jan-Philipp Vatthauer and Irene Weipert-Fenner investigate who is using which form of protest to demand what. They clarify why civil society actors have not been able to mediate between politicians and protesters. They argue that including protesters in social dialogue fora and reforming recruitment practices can help create social peace.
Jan-Philipp Vatthauer and Irene Weipert-Fenner are working on the PRIF project, „Socioeconomic Protests and Political Transformations: Dynamics of Contentious Politics in Egypt and Tunisia Against the Background of South American Experiences,“ which is directed by Dr Weipert-Fenner and Dr Jonas Wolff.
Using qualitative and quantitative methods, Jan-Philipp Vatthauer and Irene Weipert-Fenner investigate who is using which form of protest to demand what. They clarify why civil society actors have not been able to mediate between politicians and protesters. They argue that including protesters in social dialogue fora and reforming recruitment practices can help create social peace.
Jan-Philipp Vatthauer and Irene Weipert-Fenner are working on the PRIF project, „Socioeconomic Protests and Political Transformations: Dynamics of Contentious Politics in Egypt and Tunisia Against the Background of South American Experiences,“ which is directed by Dr Weipert-Fenner and Dr Jonas Wolff.
Research Interests:
Comparative research on unemployed activism, to da te, is largely based on countries in the Global North although two outstanding cases of mobilization of jobless people can be found in the Global South: Argentina, which between... more
Comparative research on unemployed activism, to da
te, is largely based on countries in the Global
North although two outstanding cases of mobilization
of jobless people can be found in the Global
South: Argentina, which between the mid-1990s
and the mid-2000s experienced probably the
strongest wave of mobilization of unemployed wo
rkers on record worldwide, and Tunisia, where
unemployed have played a significant role in w
aves of protests since 2008, including during the
national uprising of 2010/11 that brought down long-standing Dictator Ben Ali. This working
paper studies the two cases along the factors deri
ved from general social movement theory and
systematically compares them with the findings
on unemployed movements in the Global North.
The analysis reveals important common features
that characterize unemployed movements across
countries and contexts, but also dynamics that
a narrow North-Western focus tends to miss. Most
importantly, changes in general political opport
unity structures and the mobilization of unem-
ployed prove to be strongly interrelated in Argent
ina and Tunisia. The effects of opening political
opportunities, however, have had decidedly ambivalent effects on these unemployed movements.
te, is largely based on countries in the Global
North although two outstanding cases of mobilization
of jobless people can be found in the Global
South: Argentina, which between the mid-1990s
and the mid-2000s experienced probably the
strongest wave of mobilization of unemployed wo
rkers on record worldwide, and Tunisia, where
unemployed have played a significant role in w
aves of protests since 2008, including during the
national uprising of 2010/11 that brought down long-standing Dictator Ben Ali. This working
paper studies the two cases along the factors deri
ved from general social movement theory and
systematically compares them with the findings
on unemployed movements in the Global North.
The analysis reveals important common features
that characterize unemployed movements across
countries and contexts, but also dynamics that
a narrow North-Western focus tends to miss. Most
importantly, changes in general political opport
unity structures and the mobilization of unem-
ployed prove to be strongly interrelated in Argent
ina and Tunisia. The effects of opening political
opportunities, however, have had decidedly ambivalent effects on these unemployed movements.
Research Interests:
Nach dem Sturz der tunesischen Diktatur 2011 haben sich die Hoffnungen auf eine Verbesserung der sozioökonomischen Lage im Land nicht erfüllt. Seit 2015 gibt es immer größer werdende Wellen von Protesten für Arbeit und bessere... more
Nach dem Sturz der tunesischen Diktatur 2011 haben sich die Hoffnungen auf eine Verbesserung der sozioökonomischen Lage im Land nicht erfüllt. Seit 2015 gibt es immer größer werdende Wellen von Protesten für Arbeit und bessere Lebensbedingungen. Jan-Philipp Vatthauer und Irene Weipert-Fenner untersuchen auf Basis quantitativer und qualitativer Analysen, wer in welchen Formen protestiert und welche Forderungen gestellt werden. Sie klären außerdem, warum zivilgesellschaftliche Akteure bisher scheiterten, zwischen Politik und Protestakteuren zu vermitteln. Sie zeigen, dass bereits die Inklusion von Protestierenden in soziale Dialogforen und die Reform von Einstellungsverfahren einen ersten Schritt in Richtung des sozialen Friedens darstellen können.
Research Interests:
Egypt has often played an active role in mediating between Israel and the Palestinians. Since the Arab Spring it was also the object of mediation by external actors. The paper identifies lessons learned from experience in both categories.
Research Interests:
Die salafistische Bewegung ist– trotz zahlenmäßig geringer Verbreitung – die am schnellsten wachsende muslimische Bewegung in Deutschland und ist eine gesamtgesellschaftliche Herausforderung. Obgleich der Begriff Salafismus in... more
Die salafistische Bewegung ist– trotz zahlenmäßig geringer Verbreitung – die am schnellsten wachsende muslimische Bewegung in Deutschland und ist eine gesamtgesellschaftliche Herausforderung.
Obgleich der Begriff Salafismus in aller Munde ist und in parlamentarischen Debatten sowie Nachrichtensendungen thematisiert wird, ist häufig unklar, wer oder was damit bezeichnet wird. Während die bekanntesten Prediger im mittleren Erwachsenenalter sind, handelt es sich bei den Anhängern meist um Jugendliche und junge Erwachsene aus allen Gesellschaftsschichten, unabhängig von Staatsangehörigkeit, Migrationshintergrund, sozio-ökonomischem Status, Bildungsgrad, Geschlecht oder ursprünglichem Glauben.
Doch was begründet das rasche Wachstum dieser Bewegung? Warum sind junge Menschen so empfänglich für diese Ideologie? Welche Maßnahmen können ergriffen werden?
Der neue HSFK-Standpunkt 1/2015 „Nicht nur eine Frage der Sicherheit. Salafismus in Deutschland als gesamtgesellschaftliche Herausforderung“ von Janusz Biene, Priska Daphi, Maik Fielitz, Harald Müller und Irene Weipert-Fenner untersucht dieses Phänomen und geht dessen Ursachen auf den Grund. Ausgehend von einer begrifflichen Bestimmung, Analyse und Differenzierung zwischen religiösen Erziehern, politischen Missionaren und radikalen Dschihadisten geben die Autorinnen und Autoren Handlungsempfehlungen und zeigen Integrations- und Präventionsmaßnahmen zur Deradikalisierung und Demobilisierung.
Obgleich der Begriff Salafismus in aller Munde ist und in parlamentarischen Debatten sowie Nachrichtensendungen thematisiert wird, ist häufig unklar, wer oder was damit bezeichnet wird. Während die bekanntesten Prediger im mittleren Erwachsenenalter sind, handelt es sich bei den Anhängern meist um Jugendliche und junge Erwachsene aus allen Gesellschaftsschichten, unabhängig von Staatsangehörigkeit, Migrationshintergrund, sozio-ökonomischem Status, Bildungsgrad, Geschlecht oder ursprünglichem Glauben.
Doch was begründet das rasche Wachstum dieser Bewegung? Warum sind junge Menschen so empfänglich für diese Ideologie? Welche Maßnahmen können ergriffen werden?
Der neue HSFK-Standpunkt 1/2015 „Nicht nur eine Frage der Sicherheit. Salafismus in Deutschland als gesamtgesellschaftliche Herausforderung“ von Janusz Biene, Priska Daphi, Maik Fielitz, Harald Müller und Irene Weipert-Fenner untersucht dieses Phänomen und geht dessen Ursachen auf den Grund. Ausgehend von einer begrifflichen Bestimmung, Analyse und Differenzierung zwischen religiösen Erziehern, politischen Missionaren und radikalen Dschihadisten geben die Autorinnen und Autoren Handlungsempfehlungen und zeigen Integrations- und Präventionsmaßnahmen zur Deradikalisierung und Demobilisierung.
Research Interests:
This working paper outlines a research agenda that aims at studying the dynamics and consequences of socioeconomic contention during the current processes of political transformation in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region from... more
This working paper outlines a research agenda that aims at studying the dynamics and consequences of socioeconomic contention during the current processes of political transformation in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region from a comparative perspective that includes an
interregional comparison with South America. In doing so, the authors review the state of research on socioeconomic protests in the MENA region, sketch an overall analytical framework and critically discuss the contentious politics approach on which this framework draws on. Finally, the paper presents a multilateral research project that has precisely set out to analyze to what extent and how socioeconomic contention shapes the ongoing process of political transformation in postrevolutionary Egypt and Tunisia.
interregional comparison with South America. In doing so, the authors review the state of research on socioeconomic protests in the MENA region, sketch an overall analytical framework and critically discuss the contentious politics approach on which this framework draws on. Finally, the paper presents a multilateral research project that has precisely set out to analyze to what extent and how socioeconomic contention shapes the ongoing process of political transformation in postrevolutionary Egypt and Tunisia.
Research Interests:
This working paper outlines a research agenda that aims at studying the dynamics and consequences of socioeconomic contention during the current processes of political transformation in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region from... more
This working paper outlines a research agenda that aims at studying the dynamics and consequences of socioeconomic contention during the current processes of political transformation in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region from a comparative perspective that includes an
interregional comparison with South America. In doing so, the authors review the state of research on socioeconomic protests in the MENA region, sketch an overall analytical framework and critically discuss the contentious politics approach on which this framework draws on. Finally, the
paper presents a multilateral research project that has precisely set out to analyze to what extent and how socioeconomic contention shapes the ongoing process of political transformation in postrevolutionary Egypt and Tunisia.
interregional comparison with South America. In doing so, the authors review the state of research on socioeconomic protests in the MENA region, sketch an overall analytical framework and critically discuss the contentious politics approach on which this framework draws on. Finally, the
paper presents a multilateral research project that has precisely set out to analyze to what extent and how socioeconomic contention shapes the ongoing process of political transformation in postrevolutionary Egypt and Tunisia.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
When protests erupted in response to the 2010 Egyptian parliament elections that were widely viewed as fraudulent, many wondered. Why now? Voters had never witnessed free and fair elections in the past, so why did these elicit such an... more
When protests erupted in response to the 2010 Egyptian parliament elections that were widely viewed as fraudulent, many wondered. Why now? Voters had never witnessed free and fair elections in the past, so why did these elicit such an outcry? To answer this question, Weipert-Fenner conducted the first study of politics in modern Egypt from a parliamentary perspective. Contrary to the prevailing opinion that autocratic parliaments are meaningless, token institutions, Weipert-Fenner’s long-term analysis shows that parliament can be an indicator, catalyst, and agent of change in an authoritarian regime.
Comparing parliamentary dynamics over decades, Weipert-Fenner demonstrates that autocratic parliaments can grow stronger within a given political system. They can also become contentious when norms regarding policies, political actors, and institutions are violated on a large scale and/or at a fast pace. Most importantly, a parliament can even turn against the executive when parliamentary rights are withdrawn or when widely shared norms are violated. These and other recurrent patterns of institutional relations identified in The Autocratic Parliament help explain long spans of stable, yet never stagnant, authoritarian rule in colonial and postcolonial periods alike, as well as the different types of regime change that Egypt has witnessed: those brought about by external intervention, by revolution, or by military coup.
Comparing parliamentary dynamics over decades, Weipert-Fenner demonstrates that autocratic parliaments can grow stronger within a given political system. They can also become contentious when norms regarding policies, political actors, and institutions are violated on a large scale and/or at a fast pace. Most importantly, a parliament can even turn against the executive when parliamentary rights are withdrawn or when widely shared norms are violated. These and other recurrent patterns of institutional relations identified in The Autocratic Parliament help explain long spans of stable, yet never stagnant, authoritarian rule in colonial and postcolonial periods alike, as well as the different types of regime change that Egypt has witnessed: those brought about by external intervention, by revolution, or by military coup.
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One common demand in the 2011 uprisings in the MENA region was the call for ‘freedom, dignity, and social justice.’ Citizens rallied against corruption and clientelism, which for many protesters were deeply linked to political tyranny.... more
One common demand in the 2011 uprisings in the MENA region was the call for ‘freedom, dignity, and social justice.’ Citizens rallied against corruption and clientelism, which for many protesters were deeply linked to political tyranny. Yet, little is known of how the socio-political transformations, resulting from the economic reform and authoritarian ‘upgrading’ of recent decades, have altered what we call networks of dependency: What impact did the changing dynamics within and between clientelist and patronage networks before 2011 have on the configurations that led to the uprisings and protests in the Arab countries in 2011? And vice versa: What impact are the socio-economic and political changes after 2011 having on these networks? Finally, how can we better grasp the political relevance of clientelist and patronage networks, and the often overlooked agency of the clients?
This edited volume looks to fill the gap with a broad set of original case studies covering Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, and the Gulf monarchies. They analyse the reconfigurations of patronage and clientelist networks and the corresponding emergence of contentious politics targeting these very networks, while exploring the interaction with specific political transformations, including changes within and of regimes. The volume also addresses major debates in comparative politics and political sociology by offering networks of dependency as an interdisciplinary conceptual approach that can ‘travel’ across place and time.
This edited volume looks to fill the gap with a broad set of original case studies covering Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, and the Gulf monarchies. They analyse the reconfigurations of patronage and clientelist networks and the corresponding emergence of contentious politics targeting these very networks, while exploring the interaction with specific political transformations, including changes within and of regimes. The volume also addresses major debates in comparative politics and political sociology by offering networks of dependency as an interdisciplinary conceptual approach that can ‘travel’ across place and time.
Research Interests: Sociology, Political Sociology, Comparative Politics, Political Economy, Middle East Studies, and 10 moreSocial Networking, Collective Action, Neoliberalism, Middle East Politics, Patronage (History), Corruption, Arab Spring (Arab Revolts), Poltical Science, Political Clientelism, and Patrimonialism
The Arab Uprisings led to an increased interest in studying protests in the MENA region. The article examines this literature, provides suggestions for further research and reflects how the study of MENA protests can contribute to a... more
The Arab Uprisings led to an increased interest in studying protests in the MENA region. The article examines this literature, provides suggestions for further research and reflects how the study of MENA protests can contribute to a cross-regional research agenda. It looks at rationalist-structuralist approaches, on studies in the framework of social movement theory, and political economy approaches. The article suggests combining the latter with SMT in broader concepts such as the ‘incorporation crisis’, originally developed for Latin America, allowing for more cross-regional comparisons. Finally, it discusses the latest methodological developments for collecting data on protests in the MENA post-2011.
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The Union of Unemployed Graduates (UDC) is the only organisation of unemployed individuals in Tunisia that operates nation-wide. Though it grew in membership and outreach after 2011, it has failed to develop into a key actor for the... more
The Union of Unemployed Graduates (UDC) is the only organisation of
unemployed individuals in Tunisia that operates nation-wide. Though it grew in membership and outreach after 2011, it has failed to develop into a key actor for the increasingly mobilised unemployed, who do not join or build formal organisations. The latter reject co-operation because they perceive the UDC to be weak and ‘politicized’. The article examines this assessment using interviews and focus groups conducted during extensive fieldwork and Facebook posts made by the unemployed union. An analysis of UDC’s internal dynamics and of the precautions it takes to remain autonomous from societal and political actors only partially supports this accusation. Instead, fragmentation is better explained by state responses that reward isolated protesters with limited demands rather than negotiating with actors in organisations to reach sustainable solutions.
unemployed individuals in Tunisia that operates nation-wide. Though it grew in membership and outreach after 2011, it has failed to develop into a key actor for the increasingly mobilised unemployed, who do not join or build formal organisations. The latter reject co-operation because they perceive the UDC to be weak and ‘politicized’. The article examines this assessment using interviews and focus groups conducted during extensive fieldwork and Facebook posts made by the unemployed union. An analysis of UDC’s internal dynamics and of the precautions it takes to remain autonomous from societal and political actors only partially supports this accusation. Instead, fragmentation is better explained by state responses that reward isolated protesters with limited demands rather than negotiating with actors in organisations to reach sustainable solutions.
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Examining the Role of Labor Unions in Argentina, South Africa, and Tunisia: In Argentina, the labor movement’s contributions to transitional justice reflected its ambivalent role in the 1976–1983 military dictatorship and its own... more
Examining the Role of Labor Unions in Argentina, South Africa, and Tunisia:
In Argentina, the labor movement’s contributions to transitional justice reflected its ambivalent role in the 1976–1983 military dictatorship and its own organizational interests. Thousands of labor leaders had been
imprisoned, forcibly disappeared, or killed by the military regime, and labor played a significant role first in the transition to democracy and then as subjects of transitional justice. Prominent cases addressed by the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons, for example, included those of victimized labor leaders and delegations. But some labor leaders had also collaborated with the regime. Ultimately, labor’s stance towards transitional justice was shaped by its political alliances.
In South Africa, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) suffered intense repression under apartheid, but its proximity to the ruling political party, the African National Congress, since the transition has led it to take ambivalent positions towards transitional justice processes. COSATU was present at the country’s truth commission’s hearings as both subject and participant, and it called for reparations from corporations that profited from the apartheid system. But it has also followed the government line by opposing litigation against corporations.
In Tunisia, labor’s relations with the regime were ambivalent, as the Tunisian General Labor Union was aligned with the Ben Ali regime but not fully coopted by it. The union has since played an important mediating role in the process of democratization, and its participation in transitional justice processes has focused on violence committed against its members. It directly participated in the National Dialogue on Transitional Justice, but it later withdrew from official transitional justice processes in dissatisfaction, preferring to use its own channels
to influence politics and policy.
In Argentina, the labor movement’s contributions to transitional justice reflected its ambivalent role in the 1976–1983 military dictatorship and its own organizational interests. Thousands of labor leaders had been
imprisoned, forcibly disappeared, or killed by the military regime, and labor played a significant role first in the transition to democracy and then as subjects of transitional justice. Prominent cases addressed by the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons, for example, included those of victimized labor leaders and delegations. But some labor leaders had also collaborated with the regime. Ultimately, labor’s stance towards transitional justice was shaped by its political alliances.
In South Africa, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) suffered intense repression under apartheid, but its proximity to the ruling political party, the African National Congress, since the transition has led it to take ambivalent positions towards transitional justice processes. COSATU was present at the country’s truth commission’s hearings as both subject and participant, and it called for reparations from corporations that profited from the apartheid system. But it has also followed the government line by opposing litigation against corporations.
In Tunisia, labor’s relations with the regime were ambivalent, as the Tunisian General Labor Union was aligned with the Ben Ali regime but not fully coopted by it. The union has since played an important mediating role in the process of democratization, and its participation in transitional justice processes has focused on violence committed against its members. It directly participated in the National Dialogue on Transitional Justice, but it later withdrew from official transitional justice processes in dissatisfaction, preferring to use its own channels
to influence politics and policy.