- A social and behavioural scientist, I have researched people's responses to long-term risks such as flooding and clim... moreA social and behavioural scientist, I have researched people's responses to long-term risks such as flooding and climate change. I am currenly embarking on new ventures relating to sustainable transport use and covid precautions while using transport.edit
upbringing, financial matters, socioeconomic comparisons, environmental concern, mistrust towards utilities, convenience, comfort and self-reported waste. Reading beyond the data illustrates the importance of social practices in the... more
upbringing, financial matters, socioeconomic comparisons, environmental concern, mistrust towards utilities, convenience, comfort and self-reported waste. Reading beyond the data illustrates the importance of social practices in the context of energy feedback, embedding eco-feedback research into the relevant context of sociology and psychology research. Keywords User interfaces • Information interfaces • Energy feedback • Eco-feedback Anthropogenic climate change is one of the biggest challenges of the twenty-first century according to the United Nations (www. un. org). Residential energy use makes up 25% of total energy consumption in the UK and this share is forecasted to grow (Mogles et al., 2017). At the same time, countries are expected to reduce total emissions by 80% below 1990 levels by 2050 in order to achieve international carbon targets (Cosar-Jorda et al., 2013). To tackle this challenge, several human-computer interaction (HCI) research projects, as well as commercial products, have been put forward. It is hoped that by providing rich feedback to householders, they will learn to use energy more wisely and cut their consumption. Eco-feedback technology provides feedback about individual or collective behaviour and aims to persuade people to improve their environmental footprint by reducing their consumption of resources, such as energy, water or food (Froehlich et al., 2010). On Abstract We report on a three-week field study in which participants from nine households were asked to annotate their domestic electricity consumption data using a prototype interactive visualisation. Through an analysis of the annotations and semi-structured interviews, our findings suggest that the intervention helped participants to develop a detailed and accurate understanding of their electricity consumption data. Our results suggest that energy data visualisations can be improved by having users actively manipulate and annotate their data, as doing so encourages reflection on how energy is being used, facilitating insights on how consumption can be reduced. One of the key findings from our thematic analysis was that participants went beyond the data in their reflections, talking about generational issues,
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This paper explores how and why Saudi householders designate mealtime leftovers as unwanted, thereby making them more likely to become waste. The paper argues that although over-provisioning is cited as one of the main antecedents for... more
This paper explores how and why Saudi householders designate mealtime leftovers as unwanted, thereby making them more likely to become waste. The paper argues that although over-provisioning is cited as one of the main antecedents for food waste, food becomes unwanted before it becomes waste and the designation of over-provisioned food as unwanted is an important but neglected driver of food waste. The study draws on in-depth interviews with 28 Saudi women to reveal four main reasons for the classification of leftovers as unwanted. First, food touched by others, such as plate leftovers, is perceived as unclean because it fosters feelings of disgust. The causes of this disgust are related to changes in social norms of eating. Second, clean leftovers are seen as less desirable for hedonistic reasons because they do not provide the same sensory eating experience as fresh food. Third, the rejection of leftovers might be related to the implications of rising levels of affluence for the attractiveness of leftovers. Lastly, food becomes unwanted as a result of social norms regarding eating home-cooked food outside the home. This highlights the possible influence of norms on the wider issue of food waste. These findings illustrate the circumstances in which food is categorized as unwanted and underline the significance of social and hedonistic factors. Such findings help us to better tackle the issue of food waste by providing in-depth insights into an important part of the journey between over-provisioning and food waste. The findings also strengthen the scarce literature on food waste in Arabic and other Islamic countries and highlight underlying normative and cultural aspects in such countries that are relevant to the issue of household food waste.
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This Defra research project (FD2706) was concerned with how the professionals and organisations involved in the recovery process following a flood incident interact with householders and business owners. In particular, the way in which... more
This Defra research project (FD2706) was concerned with how the professionals and organisations involved in the recovery process following a flood incident interact with householders and business owners. In particular, the way in which decisions are made about reinstatement was examined, as there is a need to improve the understanding of the opportunities within the process for encouraging resilient repair. Resilient repair is the application of property flood resilience measures during the recovery period so that, should there be another flood, the householder or business owner can re-occupy their properties more quickly, which has well documented benefits. Installing some measures during recovery has also been shown to be more cost effective and potentially less disruptive than the retrofitting of measures at other times.
The project had three elements: a quick scoping review; a series of case studies involving in-depth interviews with flooded households, small/micro-businesses and their repair networks; and, a series of facilitated group discussions with stakeholders to validate the findings of the Quick Scoping Review and case studies. Flow charts of the on-site and offsite processes and of the decisions involved in the repair of insured properties were developed to highlight the main points at which the ‘resilience’ of the reinstatement is determined. A list of 55 barriers and facilitators and a further list of 49 suggestions for change or wider application of good practice were extracted from the literature and
interviews. Themes for improvement were developed and a selection of the suggestions was further explored in the facilitated group discussions.
The project had three elements: a quick scoping review; a series of case studies involving in-depth interviews with flooded households, small/micro-businesses and their repair networks; and, a series of facilitated group discussions with stakeholders to validate the findings of the Quick Scoping Review and case studies. Flow charts of the on-site and offsite processes and of the decisions involved in the repair of insured properties were developed to highlight the main points at which the ‘resilience’ of the reinstatement is determined. A list of 55 barriers and facilitators and a further list of 49 suggestions for change or wider application of good practice were extracted from the literature and
interviews. Themes for improvement were developed and a selection of the suggestions was further explored in the facilitated group discussions.
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Research into small business adaptation to natural hazards is immature and poorly focussed, with too much emphasis on capacity factors and too little focus on the motivators of adaptation. More theorisation and use of models would help... more
Research into small business adaptation to natural hazards is immature and poorly focussed, with too much emphasis on capacity factors and too little focus on the motivators of adaptation. More theorisation and use of models would help avoid such omissions in future. There is firm evidence for the importance of some predictors: relevant skills; perceptions of response costs; building tenure; owner education; business sector, and business size. More qualitative and quantitative exploration is now needed to identify the factors that mediate these predictors and to establish the reasons for the inconsistent findings on the influence of hazard experience. Furthermore, evidence on the importance of other potentially important predictors is partial and fragmented-for example, social norms, social prompting and the concentration of clients in the area affected by a hazard event. More research also needs to be conducted in the Global South, where natural hazards have the greatest impact and the socio-cultural environment differs to that elsewhere. Given the importance of small businesses for economic development, equity of opportunity and the resilience of the wider community, it is important for these lacunae to be addressed.
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Smartphones are ideal for promoting physical activity in those with little intrinsic motivation for exercise. This study tested three hypotheses: H1 - receipt of social feedback generates higher step-counts than receipt of no feedback; H2... more
Smartphones are ideal for promoting physical activity in those with little intrinsic motivation for exercise. This study tested three hypotheses: H1 - receipt of social feedback generates higher step-counts than receipt of no feedback; H2 - receipt of social feedback generates higher step-counts than only receiving feedback on one's own walking; H3 - receipt of feedback on one's own walking generates higher step-counts than no feedback (H3). A parallel group randomised controlled trial measured the impact of feedback on steps-counts. Healthy male participants (n = 165) aged 18-40 were given phones pre-installed with an app that recorded steps continuously, without the need for user activation. Participants carried these with them as their main phones for a two-week run-in and six-week trial. Randomisation was to three groups: no feedback (control); personal feedback on step-counts; group feedback comparing step-counts against those taken by others in their group. The primary...
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This article uses a sensemaking approach to understand small firms’ responses to the threat of external shocks. By analysing semi-structured interviews with owners of flooded small firms, we investigate how owners process flood... more
This article uses a sensemaking approach to understand small firms’ responses to the threat of external shocks. By analysing semi-structured interviews with owners of flooded small firms, we investigate how owners process flood experiences and explore why such experiences do not consistently lead to the resilient adaptation of premises. We, conclude that some of the explanation for low levels of adaptation relates to a desire to defend existing sensemaking structures and associated identities. Sensemaking structures are only revised if these structures are not critical to business identity, or if a flood constitutes an ‘ontological shock’ and renders untenable existing assumptions regarding long-term business continuity. This article has implications for adaptation to the growing risk of flooding, climate change and external shocks. Future research analysing external shocks would benefit from using a sensemaking approach and survey studies should include measurements of ‘ontological’ impact as well as material and financial damage. In addition, those designing information campaigns should take account of small firms’ resistance to information that threatens their existing sensemaking structures and social identities.
People not only want to be safe from natural hazards; they also want to feel they are safe. Sometimes these two desires pull in different directions, and when they do, this slows the journey to greater physical adaptation and resilience.... more
People not only want to be safe from natural hazards; they also want to feel they are safe. Sometimes these two desires pull in different directions, and when they do, this slows the journey to greater physical adaptation and resilience.
All people want to feel safe—especially in their own homes. In fact, although not always a place of actual safety, in many cultures “home” is nonetheless idealized as a place of security and repose. The feeling of having a safe home is one part of what is termed ontological security: freedom from existential doubts and the ability to believe that life will continue in much the same way as it always has, without threat to familiar assumptions about time, space, identity, and well-being. By threatening our homes, floods, earthquakes, and similar events disrupt ontological security: they destroy the possessions that support our sense of who we are; they fracture the social structures that provide us with everyday needs such as friendship, play, and affection; they disrupt the routines that give our lives a sense of predictability; and they challenge the myth of our immortality. Such events, therefore, not only cause physical injury and loss; by damaging ontological security, they also cause emotional distress and jeopardize long-term mental health.
However, ontological security is undermined not only by the occurrence of hazard events but also by their anticipation. This affects people’s willingness to take steps that would reduce hazard vulnerability. Those who are confident that they can eliminate their exposure to a hazard will usually do so. More commonly, however, the available options come with uncertainty and social/psychological risks: often, the available options only reduce vulnerability, and sometimes people doubt the effectiveness of these options or their ability to choose and implement appropriate measures. In these circumstances, the risk to ontological security that is implied by action can have greater influence than the potential benefits. For example, although installing a floodgate might reduce a business’s flood vulnerability, the business owner might feel that its presence would act as an everyday reminder that the business, and the income derived from it, are not secure. Similarly, bolting furniture to the walls of a home might reduce injuries in the next earthquake, but householders might also anticipate that it would remind them that there is a continual threat to their home. Both of these circumstances describe situations in which the anticipation of future feelings can tap into less conscious anxieties about ontological security.
The manner in which people anticipate impacts on ontological security has several implications for preparedness. For example, it suggests that hazard warnings will be counterproductive if they are not accompanied by suggestions of easy, reliable ways of eliminating risk. It also suggests that adaptation measures should be designed not to enhance awareness of the hazard.
All people want to feel safe—especially in their own homes. In fact, although not always a place of actual safety, in many cultures “home” is nonetheless idealized as a place of security and repose. The feeling of having a safe home is one part of what is termed ontological security: freedom from existential doubts and the ability to believe that life will continue in much the same way as it always has, without threat to familiar assumptions about time, space, identity, and well-being. By threatening our homes, floods, earthquakes, and similar events disrupt ontological security: they destroy the possessions that support our sense of who we are; they fracture the social structures that provide us with everyday needs such as friendship, play, and affection; they disrupt the routines that give our lives a sense of predictability; and they challenge the myth of our immortality. Such events, therefore, not only cause physical injury and loss; by damaging ontological security, they also cause emotional distress and jeopardize long-term mental health.
However, ontological security is undermined not only by the occurrence of hazard events but also by their anticipation. This affects people’s willingness to take steps that would reduce hazard vulnerability. Those who are confident that they can eliminate their exposure to a hazard will usually do so. More commonly, however, the available options come with uncertainty and social/psychological risks: often, the available options only reduce vulnerability, and sometimes people doubt the effectiveness of these options or their ability to choose and implement appropriate measures. In these circumstances, the risk to ontological security that is implied by action can have greater influence than the potential benefits. For example, although installing a floodgate might reduce a business’s flood vulnerability, the business owner might feel that its presence would act as an everyday reminder that the business, and the income derived from it, are not secure. Similarly, bolting furniture to the walls of a home might reduce injuries in the next earthquake, but householders might also anticipate that it would remind them that there is a continual threat to their home. Both of these circumstances describe situations in which the anticipation of future feelings can tap into less conscious anxieties about ontological security.
The manner in which people anticipate impacts on ontological security has several implications for preparedness. For example, it suggests that hazard warnings will be counterproductive if they are not accompanied by suggestions of easy, reliable ways of eliminating risk. It also suggests that adaptation measures should be designed not to enhance awareness of the hazard.
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The report synthesizes the findings from early research with NDDP participants, employers and those charged with delivering the programme. It provides an emerging picture of the first 18 months of the nationally extended NDDP. Over the... more
The report synthesizes the findings from early research with NDDP participants, employers and those charged with delivering the programme. It provides an emerging picture of the first 18 months of the nationally extended NDDP. Over the course of the evaluation it is likely that the Job ...
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Background: Smartphones are ideal for promoting physical activity in those with little intrinsic motivation for exercise. This study tested three hypotheses: H1 – receipt of social feedback generates higher step-counts than receipt of no... more
Background: Smartphones are ideal for promoting physical activity in those with little intrinsic motivation for exercise. This study tested three hypotheses: H1 – receipt of social feedback generates higher step-counts than receipt of no feedback; H2 – receipt of social feedback generates higher step-counts than only receiving feedback on one's own walking; H3 – receipt of feedback on one's own walking generates higher step-counts than no feedback (H3).
Methods: A parallel group randomised controlled trial measured the impact of feedback on steps-counts. Healthy male participants (n = 165) aged 18–40 were given phones pre-installed with an app that recorded steps continuously, without the need for user activation. Participants carried these with them as their main phones for a two-week run-in and six-week trial. Randomisation was to three groups: no feedback (control); personal feedback on step-counts; group feedback comparing step-counts against those taken by others in their group. The primary outcome measure, steps per day, was assessed using longitudinal multilevel regression analysis. Control variables included attitude to physical activity and perceived barriers to physical activity.
Results: Fifty-five participants were allocated to each group; 152 completed the study and were included in the analysis: n = 49, no feedback; n = 53, individual feedback; n = 50, individual and social feedback. The study provided support for H1 and H3 but not H2. Receipt of either form of feedback explained 7.7% of between-subject variability in step-count (F = 6.626, p < 0.0005). Compared to the control, the expected step-count for the individual feedback group was 60 % higher (effect on log step-count = 0.474, 95% CI = 0.166–0.782) and that for the social feedback group, 69% higher (effect on log step-count = 0.526, 95 % CI = 0.212–0.840). The difference between the two feedback groups (individual vs social feedback) was not statistically significant.
Conclusions: Always-on smartphone apps that provide step-counts can increase physical activity in young to early-middle-aged men but the provision of social feedback has no apparent incremental impact. This approach may be particularly suitable for inactive people with low levels of physical activity; it should now be tested with this population.
Methods: A parallel group randomised controlled trial measured the impact of feedback on steps-counts. Healthy male participants (n = 165) aged 18–40 were given phones pre-installed with an app that recorded steps continuously, without the need for user activation. Participants carried these with them as their main phones for a two-week run-in and six-week trial. Randomisation was to three groups: no feedback (control); personal feedback on step-counts; group feedback comparing step-counts against those taken by others in their group. The primary outcome measure, steps per day, was assessed using longitudinal multilevel regression analysis. Control variables included attitude to physical activity and perceived barriers to physical activity.
Results: Fifty-five participants were allocated to each group; 152 completed the study and were included in the analysis: n = 49, no feedback; n = 53, individual feedback; n = 50, individual and social feedback. The study provided support for H1 and H3 but not H2. Receipt of either form of feedback explained 7.7% of between-subject variability in step-count (F = 6.626, p < 0.0005). Compared to the control, the expected step-count for the individual feedback group was 60 % higher (effect on log step-count = 0.474, 95% CI = 0.166–0.782) and that for the social feedback group, 69% higher (effect on log step-count = 0.526, 95 % CI = 0.212–0.840). The difference between the two feedback groups (individual vs social feedback) was not statistically significant.
Conclusions: Always-on smartphone apps that provide step-counts can increase physical activity in young to early-middle-aged men but the provision of social feedback has no apparent incremental impact. This approach may be particularly suitable for inactive people with low levels of physical activity; it should now be tested with this population.
This article presents qualitative research in flood risk areas of England that suggests that the desire to feel secure can sometimes deter people from taking actions that would reduce the actual physical damage of a hazardous natural... more
This article presents qualitative research in flood risk areas of England that suggests that the desire to feel secure can sometimes deter people from taking actions that would reduce the actual physical damage of a hazardous natural event. That is, it argues that people sometimes put what Giddens calls their ontological security above their physical security. Preferring to think of their homes as places that are innately safe, they reject the idea of defending them; preferring to think of nature as a positive moral force, they hesitate to view it as a source of real danger; and preferring to think of society as a competent protector of last resort, they are reluctant to accept the need to protect themselves. Being central to ontological security, such social representations (of ‘home’, ‘nature’, ‘society’ etc.) are defended by avoiding perceptual shifts and behaviours that might challenge them. This paper discusses how and why they are defended, what happens when they become indefensible and why some householders and groups of householders are more willing than others to take self-protective actions against risks such as flooding.
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This paper uses social practice theory to study the interweaving of walking into everyday practices and considers how greater awareness of everyday walking can influence its position within the organisation and scheduling of everyday... more
This paper uses social practice theory to study the interweaving of walking into everyday practices and considers how greater awareness of everyday walking can influence its position within the organisation and scheduling of everyday life. Walking is of policy interest because of its perceived benefits for health. This paper asserts that increased awareness of everyday walking allows users to become more active without having to reschedule existing activities. Using Schatzki's distinction between dispersed and integrative practices, it argues that increasing awareness of dispersed walking can enlist walking into the teleoaffective organisation of some social practices and prompt the performance of new 'health practices' within everyday domains of life such as shopping and employment. While this analysis offers useful insights for the design of behaviour change strategies, it also points to some unintended consequences of using digital feedback to increase walking awareness. In directing the gaze of participants at one particular element of their daily practices, the paper suggests, digital walking feedback provides a 'partial' view of practices: by highlighting the exercise value of walking at the expense of other values it can prompt feedback recipients to pass moral judgements on themselves based on this partial view. A Virtual Abstract of this paper can be found at: https://youtu.be/WV7DUnKD5Mw
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An 18-week experimental intervention with 316 Bristol householders used digital technologies to collect and feed back hourly data on participants’ own electricity consumption and that of others in their neighbourhood. By providing digital... more
An 18-week experimental intervention with 316 Bristol householders used digital technologies to collect and feed back hourly data on participants’ own electricity consumption and that of others in their neighbourhood. By providing digital feedback (by email and web) to two thirds of participants and only giving half of these the social data, the study set out to test the effectiveness of the social norms approach at reducing domestic electricity consumption in a UK setting. Initial findings suggest little difference between the impact of individual feedback and individual plus social feedback but point to the importance of the granularity of feedback data and the inclusion, in future research, of large samples, extended data collection periods and adequate experimental controls.
Interviews were conducted with risk managers in a case-study area in England to determine the factors influencing the choice between more traditional, engineering based, adaptation to flood risk and those focussing on vulnerability... more
Interviews were conducted with risk managers in a case-study area in England to determine the factors influencing the choice between more traditional, engineering based, adaptation to flood risk and those focussing on vulnerability reduction. The findings of in-depth analysis of these interviews have implications for climate change adaptation as a whole. They suggest that government policies to implement a broader
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The report synthesizes the findings from early research with NDDP participants, employers and those charged with delivering the programme. It provides an emerging picture of the first 18 months of the nationally extended NDDP. Over the... more
The report synthesizes the findings from early research with NDDP participants, employers and those charged with delivering the programme. It provides an emerging picture of the first 18 months of the nationally extended NDDP. Over the course of the evaluation it is likely that the Job ...
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The increase in the risk of flooding as a result of extreme weather and climate change makes it essential for local authorities and communities to engage with this issue. Defra is providing grant funding to 13 local authorities throughout... more
The increase in the risk of flooding as a result of extreme weather and climate change makes it essential for local authorities and communities to engage with this issue. Defra is providing grant funding to 13 local authorities throughout England under a new Flood Resilience Community Pathfinder (FRCP) scheme aimed at stimulating community action to increase resilience. The measures being developed include property-level protection, flood resilience groups, volunteer flood wardens and community champions, engagement with more vulnerable groups and efforts to increase financial resilience.
Collingwood Environmental Planning (CEP) and a consortium of expert project partners are conducting the evaluation of the Pathfinder scheme. Evaluating policy interventions
like the FRCP scheme generates valuable information and contributes to a reliable understanding of which actions work and are effective.
Rapid Evidence Assessments (REAs) or systematic reviews are integral to evaluations (HM Treasury, 2011) to provide the conceptual framework. They have been developed in the
context of the rapid growth in quantity and availability of evidence specifically via electronic databases, together with the demand in government for transparency and accountability within evidence gathering (JWEG, 2013).
REAs involve a systematic search for relevant literature guided by experts, based on:
Clear criteria for inclusion and exclusion of documents and studies
Measures of quality of research.
This report provides details of the process and findings of the REA conducted for FRCP .
Collingwood Environmental Planning (CEP) and a consortium of expert project partners are conducting the evaluation of the Pathfinder scheme. Evaluating policy interventions
like the FRCP scheme generates valuable information and contributes to a reliable understanding of which actions work and are effective.
Rapid Evidence Assessments (REAs) or systematic reviews are integral to evaluations (HM Treasury, 2011) to provide the conceptual framework. They have been developed in the
context of the rapid growth in quantity and availability of evidence specifically via electronic databases, together with the demand in government for transparency and accountability within evidence gathering (JWEG, 2013).
REAs involve a systematic search for relevant literature guided by experts, based on:
Clear criteria for inclusion and exclusion of documents and studies
Measures of quality of research.
This report provides details of the process and findings of the REA conducted for FRCP .
Research Interests:
Interviews were conducted with risk managers in a case-study area in England to determine the factors influencing the choice between more traditional, engineering based, adaptation to flood risk and those focussing on vulnerability... more
Interviews were conducted with risk managers in a case-study area in England to determine the factors influencing the choice between more traditional, engineering based, adaptation to flood risk and those focussing on vulnerability reduction. The findings of in-depth analysis of these interviews have implications for climate change adaptation as a whole. They suggest that government policies to implement a broader range of adaptation measures might be hampered by institutional cultures formed when engineered
approaches were the norm. Political decentralisation and the fashion for public consultation exacerbate this effect, leaving decision-makers more responsive to the influence of those directly affected by natural hazards than they are to policy pronouncements by government.
approaches were the norm. Political decentralisation and the fashion for public consultation exacerbate this effect, leaving decision-makers more responsive to the influence of those directly affected by natural hazards than they are to policy pronouncements by government.
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This multidisciplinary paper reports on a large-scale field trial, designed and implemented by a group of social scientists, computer scientists and statisticians, of a new smartphone-based app for the promotion of walking in everyday... more
This multidisciplinary paper reports on a large-scale field trial,
designed and implemented by a group of social scientists, computer scientists
and statisticians, of a new smartphone-based app for the promotion of walking
in everyday life. The app, bActive, is designed for a more diverse range of users
than the typical active-lifestyle app, since it requires neither additional equipment
nor a great deal of commitment to exercise. As a result, it can raise awareness
of walking and promote walking amongst those with only a casual or
hesitant engagement with the topic. The 6-week randomised controlled trial
with 22-40 year-old male participants (N=152) indicates that bActive prompted
users to increase the amount of walking they did by encouraging them to value
and increase walking that is incidental to normal everyday activities. Longitudinal
data analysis showed that use of the app increased walking by an average of
64% but did not find any evidence to suggest that the inclusion of comparative
social feedback improves the impact of such apps on male participants.
designed and implemented by a group of social scientists, computer scientists
and statisticians, of a new smartphone-based app for the promotion of walking
in everyday life. The app, bActive, is designed for a more diverse range of users
than the typical active-lifestyle app, since it requires neither additional equipment
nor a great deal of commitment to exercise. As a result, it can raise awareness
of walking and promote walking amongst those with only a casual or
hesitant engagement with the topic. The 6-week randomised controlled trial
with 22-40 year-old male participants (N=152) indicates that bActive prompted
users to increase the amount of walking they did by encouraging them to value
and increase walking that is incidental to normal everyday activities. Longitudinal
data analysis showed that use of the app increased walking by an average of
64% but did not find any evidence to suggest that the inclusion of comparative
social feedback improves the impact of such apps on male participants.
Research Interests:
Purpose – This large-scale experiment evaluated the impact of communicating two types of feedback to householders regarding their domestic electricity consumption: feedback on their own consumption and feedback of both their own... more
Purpose – This large-scale experiment evaluated the impact of communicating two types of feedback to householders regarding their domestic electricity consumption: feedback on their own consumption and feedback of both their own consumption and that of others in their locality.
Design/methodology/approach – Digital technologies were used to automatically measure and communicate the electricity consumption of 316 UK residents for a period of 16 weeks. Participants were randomly assigned to one of three experimental conditions: one involving no feedback; one involving feedback about a household's own usage, and one involving a household’s own usage plus social norms feedback (the average consumption of others in the locality). At the end of the study, a selection of participants took part in interviews or focus groups.
Findings – Both types of feedback (individual and individual-plus-social-norms) led to reductions in consumption of about 3%. Those receiving social norms feedback were significantly more likely to engage with the information provided. However, the social norms information had no additional impact on consumption. Survey and interview data confirmed that participants from both conditions had been encouraged to adopt new energy-saving practices. The study concludes that near real-time individual feedback can be sufficient for usage reduction if it is provided in a historical format. It also suggests that the impact of social norms information may previously have been confounded with that of individual feedback.
Research limitations/implications – The study demonstrates the importance of comparing a condition in which households receive social norms feedback with one in which they only receive information about their own behaviour/consumption. Without such a comparison, it is not possible to isolate the impact of the social norms approach from that of more conventional feedback. Unexpectedly small effect sizes and high standard deviations precluded the use of adequate tests of statistical significance for the energy reductions identified in this research, so future studies should use larger samples and measure intervention effects over longer periods of time.
Practical implications – The research suggests that well-designed historical feedback can have a real impact on domestic electricity consumption and that social norms feedback can enhance engagement with information about a household's own usage. It suggests that the current roll-out of smart electricity metering in the UK could be improved by 1/ supplementing real-time displays with email and web-based displays of historical data and 2/ presenting each day's historical consumption data in hourly blocks so that householders can identify which activities are responsible for the greatest fluctuations in consumption.
Social implications – The automated feedback mechanisms developed in the study led to a 3% drop in domestic electricity consumption. If replicated across the population, this would represent a significant contribution to the carbon dioxide reduction goals of countries such as the UK.
Originality/value – This is the first time that a controlled experiment in the field of domestic electricity consumption has compare the impact of real-time social norm information with that of information that only contains individual household usage. The results question the validity of previous research, which may have confounded the impact of social norms feedback and individual feedback. The study also suggests practical ways to improve the impact of consumption feedback.
Design/methodology/approach – Digital technologies were used to automatically measure and communicate the electricity consumption of 316 UK residents for a period of 16 weeks. Participants were randomly assigned to one of three experimental conditions: one involving no feedback; one involving feedback about a household's own usage, and one involving a household’s own usage plus social norms feedback (the average consumption of others in the locality). At the end of the study, a selection of participants took part in interviews or focus groups.
Findings – Both types of feedback (individual and individual-plus-social-norms) led to reductions in consumption of about 3%. Those receiving social norms feedback were significantly more likely to engage with the information provided. However, the social norms information had no additional impact on consumption. Survey and interview data confirmed that participants from both conditions had been encouraged to adopt new energy-saving practices. The study concludes that near real-time individual feedback can be sufficient for usage reduction if it is provided in a historical format. It also suggests that the impact of social norms information may previously have been confounded with that of individual feedback.
Research limitations/implications – The study demonstrates the importance of comparing a condition in which households receive social norms feedback with one in which they only receive information about their own behaviour/consumption. Without such a comparison, it is not possible to isolate the impact of the social norms approach from that of more conventional feedback. Unexpectedly small effect sizes and high standard deviations precluded the use of adequate tests of statistical significance for the energy reductions identified in this research, so future studies should use larger samples and measure intervention effects over longer periods of time.
Practical implications – The research suggests that well-designed historical feedback can have a real impact on domestic electricity consumption and that social norms feedback can enhance engagement with information about a household's own usage. It suggests that the current roll-out of smart electricity metering in the UK could be improved by 1/ supplementing real-time displays with email and web-based displays of historical data and 2/ presenting each day's historical consumption data in hourly blocks so that householders can identify which activities are responsible for the greatest fluctuations in consumption.
Social implications – The automated feedback mechanisms developed in the study led to a 3% drop in domestic electricity consumption. If replicated across the population, this would represent a significant contribution to the carbon dioxide reduction goals of countries such as the UK.
Originality/value – This is the first time that a controlled experiment in the field of domestic electricity consumption has compare the impact of real-time social norm information with that of information that only contains individual household usage. The results question the validity of previous research, which may have confounded the impact of social norms feedback and individual feedback. The study also suggests practical ways to improve the impact of consumption feedback.
Research Interests:
In spite of the widespread and well-publicised availability of measures to retrofit properties so as to reduce flood risk (Environment Agency, 2010; National Flood Forum, 2010), take-up of these measures is low. Survey evidence reported... more
In spite of the widespread and well-publicised availability of measures to retrofit properties so as to reduce flood risk (Environment Agency, 2010; National Flood Forum, 2010), take-up of these measures is low. Survey evidence reported in this chapter reveals that only 33% of people who have experienced a flood take steps to protect their homes from further flooding and less than 8% of those do who have never been flooded. This chapter addresses the question of why this is so and asks what factors seem to encourage and discourage householders from taking steps that, at first glance, might seem obvious.
The chapter investigates the proposition that behaviour in the face of risks such as flooding is influenced not only by the scientific evidence on the risk but also by the way people perceive that risk and, indeed, choose to perceive it. Furthermore, it proposes and tests the hypothesis that responses to long-term flood risk might be influenced as much by people’s responses to the available adaptation measures as by their evaluations of the extent of the risk. Behaviour change strategies sometimes focus on people’s understandings of the physical workings of risk processes and adaptation measures and try to plug the gaps in these understandings by providing more and better information (e.g. Bostrom et al., 1992; Atman et al., 1994; Siudak, 2001). However, although people’s technical grasp of flood risk plays a part, this understanding, rather than simply reflecting the available scientific information, is influenced by other social and individual factors (Homan, 2001; Burningham, 2008), including the way in which people perceive the whole notion of adaptation.
To this end, the argument presented here draws on the author’s analysis of survey data collected for the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra) by Entec, Greenstreet Berman and John Chatterton Associates (Entec et al., 2008) (n = 555) and data collected by the author in semi-structured interviews and focus groups conducted between 2005 and 2008 (n = 60).
The chapter investigates the proposition that behaviour in the face of risks such as flooding is influenced not only by the scientific evidence on the risk but also by the way people perceive that risk and, indeed, choose to perceive it. Furthermore, it proposes and tests the hypothesis that responses to long-term flood risk might be influenced as much by people’s responses to the available adaptation measures as by their evaluations of the extent of the risk. Behaviour change strategies sometimes focus on people’s understandings of the physical workings of risk processes and adaptation measures and try to plug the gaps in these understandings by providing more and better information (e.g. Bostrom et al., 1992; Atman et al., 1994; Siudak, 2001). However, although people’s technical grasp of flood risk plays a part, this understanding, rather than simply reflecting the available scientific information, is influenced by other social and individual factors (Homan, 2001; Burningham, 2008), including the way in which people perceive the whole notion of adaptation.
To this end, the argument presented here draws on the author’s analysis of survey data collected for the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra) by Entec, Greenstreet Berman and John Chatterton Associates (Entec et al., 2008) (n = 555) and data collected by the author in semi-structured interviews and focus groups conducted between 2005 and 2008 (n = 60).
Research Interests:
This chapter considers the response of UK householders to the country’s most widespread and damaging natural hazard, flooding. Although flood risk affects 3 million UK residents and major floods in 1998, 2000, 2005, 2007 and 2009 received... more
This chapter considers the response of UK householders to the country’s most widespread and damaging natural hazard, flooding. Although flood risk affects 3 million UK residents and major floods in 1998, 2000, 2005, 2007 and 2009 received extensive media coverage, few at-risk householders take any action to reduce their risk exposure. Research conducted in London, Reading and Leeds suggests that people who have insufficient confidence in their ability to manage their exposure to the material impacts of flooding choose instead to adopt anxiety-avoidance strategies such as blame and fatalism. These strategies protect social representations that enable citizens to achieve a feeling of safety in their lives but they also de-legitimise the discourse of risk mitigation. The research suggests that protection of self identity and social identity also play a role. Only when traumatic or repeated experiences of flooding force changes to identity and make the retention of old representations untenable are these psychological strategies abandoned. When this occurs, individuals either learn to accept the existence of the risk or else fall into a state of disabling anxiety.
Research Interests:
In 2007, Defra launched a pilot grant scheme that provided funding for property-level flood protection surveys and measures in six locations in England. In November 2009, in what was probably the first flood event to affect any of these... more
In 2007, Defra launched a pilot grant scheme that provided funding for property-level flood protection surveys and measures in six locations in England. In November 2009, in what was probably the first flood event to affect any of these areas subsequent to the implementation of the pilot, the River Eden overtopped its banks and flooded one of the principal streets of Appleby-in-Westmorland.
Six months later, this research was commissioned by Defra to discover what difference the government-funded measures had made to the people of the town, what factors had affected the implementation and effectiveness of the grant scheme and how the experience of the flood had changed attitudes towards this approach to flood risk management.
This report details the findings of that research and is therefore of relevance to any local, regional or national bodies that are considering the introduction of similar schemes.
Six months later, this research was commissioned by Defra to discover what difference the government-funded measures had made to the people of the town, what factors had affected the implementation and effectiveness of the grant scheme and how the experience of the flood had changed attitudes towards this approach to flood risk management.
This report details the findings of that research and is therefore of relevance to any local, regional or national bodies that are considering the introduction of similar schemes.
Research Interests:
This article presents qualitative research in flood risk areas of England that suggests that the desire to feel secure can sometimes deter people from taking actions that would reduce the actual physical damage of a hazardous natural... more
This article presents qualitative research in flood risk areas of England that suggests that the desire to feel secure can sometimes deter people from taking actions that would reduce the actual physical damage of a hazardous natural event. That is, it argues that people sometimes put what Giddens calls their ontological security above their physical security. Preferring to think of their homes as places that are innately safe, they reject the idea of defending them; preferring to think of nature as a positive moral force, they hesitate to view it as a source of real danger; and preferring to think of society as a competent protector of last resort, they are reluctant to accept the need to protect themselves. Being central to ontological security, such social representations (of ‘home’, ‘nature’, ‘society’ etc.) are defended by avoiding perceptual shifts and behaviours that might challenge them. This paper discusses how and why they are defended, what happens when they become indefensible and why some householders and groups of householders are more willing than others to take self-protective actions against risks such as flooding.
Research Interests:
When considering householder responses to flood risk, researchers and policy-makers have perhaps focussed too much on the influence of risk perceptions and concerns about material costs and benefits. Using secondary analysis of a... more
When considering householder responses to flood risk, researchers and policy-makers have perhaps focussed too much on the influence of risk perceptions and concerns about material costs and benefits. Using secondary analysis of a telephone survey of 555 at-risk and flooded UK householders, this paper demonstrates the importance for behaviour of beliefs concerning the emotional consequences of the various responses to flood risk. It finds that protective behaviour is less influenced by material and financial considerations than it is by concerns about feelings of anxiety and security and about the influence on these feelings of insurance and flood protection measures. It also finds that these concerns mediate the impact on behaviour of flood experience and help explain why experience leads to increased use of protective measures. The paper concludes that more research should be carried out on the role of anticipated emotions in risk response and that policy-makers and the designers of protection products should pay more attention to the emotional barriers and incentives to adaptation.