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In academic and/or cultural debate, the word «Mediterranean» elicits mixed reactions and is revealing of normative considerations and the role of politics. This chapter explores two different perspectives that emerge from the extensive... more
In academic and/or cultural debate, the word «Mediterranean» elicits mixed reactions and is revealing of normative considerations and the role of politics. This chapter explores two different perspectives that emerge from the extensive literature on this subject, and suggests a third, inspired by the contemporary trend of the debate (or rather, its absence). First, the chapter examines conceptions of the Mediterranean as a unitary entity or political actor in and of itself. The Mediterranean as a «cradle of civilization», originally described by Braudel, has been taken up more recently by Horden and Purcell, who emphasized the central role of connectivity between local communities, and by the Italian school of geo-philosophy headed by Bassano, for whom the Mediterranean is a specific value system to be respected. A second perspective emphasizes instead the Mediterranean as an area of conflict, characterized by deep fault lines. Huntington's position, captured by the expression «...
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The article analyses the evolution of European diplomacy over two decades, to assess the impact of the European External Action Service (EEAS) creation alongside consecutive waves of enlargement. Data is drawn from two original datasets... more
The article analyses the evolution of European diplomacy over two decades, to assess the impact of the European External Action Service (EEAS) creation alongside consecutive waves of enlargement. Data is drawn from two original datasets about European Union (EU) member states’ diplomatic representations within the EU and across the globe. It shows that member states have maintained and strengthened their substantial diplomatic footprint across the EU’s territory, expanding it to include new members and making Brussels a diplomatic hub also for non-member countries. In parallel, and despite the establishment of the EEAS, member states have maintained and even increased their networks of diplomatic representations across the globe, alongside more numerous and more politically active EU Delegations (EUDs). At the same time, member states have been reducing their diplomats’ numbers, as the cases of Austria, France, Germany and Italy show. This delicate balancing act has been made possib...
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This article argues that communities of practice (CoPs) provide IR with a unique way to understand how a small group of committed people can make a difference to international politics. The point is addressed in three steps. First, the... more
This article argues that communities of practice (CoPs) provide IR with a unique way to understand how a small group of committed people can make a difference to international politics. The point is addressed in three steps. First, the article advances our understanding of how CoPs work. While at its core a CoP is a group of people brought together by a practice they enjoy, a CoP also shares a sense of timing, placing, and humour. These aspects help the group anchor, refine, and innovate their practice in the face of challenges and uncertainty. Second, the article contrasts the analysis of CoPs with other IR approaches, especially institutional analysis, network analysis, and epistemic communities, to show how CoPs supplement them. Third, the article illustrates the argument with the example of the EU foreign policy towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It concludes by suggesting that a CoP's perspective not only helps IR better understand informal politics, but also opens u...
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The COREU network is a little-studied but vitally important instrument of EU foreign policy, which in 2010 distributed nearly 8,500 messages on EU foreign policy to the 27 member states, the General Secretariat of the Council and the... more
The COREU network is a little-studied but vitally important instrument of EU foreign policy, which in 2010 distributed nearly 8,500 messages on EU foreign policy to the 27 member states, the General Secretariat of the Council and the European Commission. This article presents an overview of its functioning and an analysis of its role, taking into account the creation of
Research Interests: Economics, European integration, Political Science, Foreign Policy, Applied Economics, and 11 moreEU Foreign Policy, European Commission, Common Foreign and Security Policy, Sociologie politique, Exponential Growth, Policy Cycle, European Political Cooperation, Council of Ministers, Federica Bicchi, Member States, and Political and Security Committee
The article shows how and why, after having agreed upon a programme for democracy assistance under the name of European Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR), the EU fell short of its original objectives in programme... more
The article shows how and why, after having agreed upon a programme for democracy assistance under the name of European Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR), the EU fell short of its original objectives in programme implementation. This is demonstrated by close analysis of microprojects in Mediterranean countries. The scope of EU action shrank as priorities for action were
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The Convergence of Civilizations: Constructing a Mediterranean Region. DSpace/Manakin Repository. Search Cadmus. Search Cadmus This Collection. Advanced Search. Browse. ...
... Human Rights (CDIFDH), a national institution established by Morocco and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, to which the United Nations Development Programmes ... A Secure Europe in a better world European Security Strategy... more
... Human Rights (CDIFDH), a national institution established by Morocco and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, to which the United Nations Development Programmes ... A Secure Europe in a better world European Security Strategy View all references ...
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... Federica Bicchi a * pages 3-19. ... 15 I would like to thank Stefania Panebianco for raising this point. View all notes. This development is related not only to developments in the ArabIsraeli peace process (on which more below), but... more
... Federica Bicchi a * pages 3-19. ... 15 I would like to thank Stefania Panebianco for raising this point. View all notes. This development is related not only to developments in the ArabIsraeli peace process (on which more below), but also to the intra-European fragmentation. ...
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This paper focuses on the role of information and knowledge in the EU foreign policy system. In particular, it examines the case of HoMs reports, which are drafted by Heads of Mission (HoMs) in non-EU countries about the situation on the... more
This paper focuses on the role of information and knowledge in the EU foreign policy system. In particular, it examines the case of HoMs reports, which are drafted by Heads of Mission (HoMs) in non-EU countries about the situation on the ground and what the EU could/should do about it. They include both information, such as data, and more complex
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Federica Bicchi compares the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership with previous efforts of the EU to address the southern Mediterranean. The paper focuses on the main practices by which the EC/EU has pursued its aim of region building in the... more
Federica Bicchi compares the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership with previous efforts of the EU to address the southern Mediterranean. The paper focuses on the main practices by which the EC/EU has pursued its aim of region building in the Mediterranean. First, by examining the making of the Global Mediterranean Policy the paper analyses how the concept of a "Mediterranean region" came to be enshrined in European external relations. Second, it describes the multilateral institutional setting created by the EMP. Third, the paper shows how the agenda of the EMP has changed since 1995. Bicchi then analyzes the origins of these practices, as well as their pros and cons , arguing that EMP practices strictly relate to EC/EU internal practices, more so than to OSCE core principles. She warns that ‘downloading’ from EU cooperation history with little adaptation might miss the point in diversified and fragmented Southern Mediterranean societies.
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This paper aims to analyse the EMP in two respects. The first is the way European security concerns led to initiatives towards the Mediterranean. I will compare the Euro-Med Partnership with the Global Mediterranean Policy adopted in the... more
This paper aims to analyse the EMP in two respects. The first is the way European security concerns led to initiatives towards the Mediterranean. I will compare the Euro-Med Partnership with the Global Mediterranean Policy adopted in the early 1970s to show that both exhibit a similar pattern, as captured by the framework suggested by Adler and Crawford. The EMP, however, has shown a recent interest in 'soft security' issues, especially after 9/11. The second respect is the type of values and norms enshrined in the EMP and the way that they are promoted by the EU. I will suggest that the EMP might resemble an EU model rather than a CSCE one. Moreover, the literature about persuasion might be relevant here, to highlight how values are transmitted to Mediterranean partners.
Why, how and when does an issue become a European interest and a European priority? Under what conditions does the EC/EU decide to launch a foreign policy initiative? When does a topic get on the EC/EU agenda of foreign affairs? In this... more
Why, how and when does an issue become a European interest and a European priority? Under what conditions does the EC/EU decide to launch a foreign policy initiative? When does a topic get on the EC/EU agenda of foreign affairs? In this paper the author raises the question of how, when and why do ‘European interests’ emerge, - using the insights provided by the Mediterranean case. The starting point is how to account for a changing pattern of decisions, especially on the part of member states. The substance of this paper thus lies in the attempt to map out how, when and why crucial actors in EFP making change their mind and decide that the Mediterranean is more important than previously maintained.
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ABSTRACT This contribution assesses the practices of EU aid to Arab countries in the Mediterranean in the post-Arab spring context, and in particular the role of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). It looks at the institutional... more
ABSTRACT This contribution assesses the practices of EU aid to Arab countries in the Mediterranean in the post-Arab spring context, and in particular the role of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). It looks at the institutional practices relevant to EU foreign policy vis-à-vis Arab countries, the main ENP policy tenets (often summarized in the ‘more for more’ motto) and the financial practices of committing and disbursing funds on the ENP Instrument. It shows that while there has been a proliferation of institutional actors and a nominal increase in the amount of funds available, the policy tenets did not change and the rate of funds disbursed actually worsened – a situation better described as ‘less of the same’.
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ABSTRACT Summary This article analyses the role of the European External Action Service (EEAS) in EU foreign policy communications. Having cumulated a number of pre-existing functions, the EEAS is situated at the centre of the existing... more
ABSTRACT Summary This article analyses the role of the European External Action Service (EEAS) in EU foreign policy communications. Having cumulated a number of pre-existing functions, the EEAS is situated at the centre of the existing communication systems used in the European Union in relation to matters of foreign policy. Moreover, the EEAS is contributing to the expansion of the existing practice of foreign policy communications in three ways. First, it has affected the direction of communication flows in the most well-established (but now declining) communication system — the COREU/CORTESY network — as a growing proportion of messages now originate in Brussels. Second, the EEAS is developing an autonomous EU capacity for information gathering, as EU delegations regularly draft political reports. Third, the EEAS has contributed to the expansion of information sharing in consular affairs, which is an area of mixed and contested competences. The EEAS is thus a key actor in EU foreign policy communications, although practices are forever shifting and its role is still under construction.
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... Federica Bicchi a * pages 3-19. ... 15 I would like to thank Stefania Panebianco for raising this point. View all notes. This development is related not only to developments in the ArabIsraeli peace process (on which more below), but... more
... Federica Bicchi a * pages 3-19. ... 15 I would like to thank Stefania Panebianco for raising this point. View all notes. This development is related not only to developments in the ArabIsraeli peace process (on which more below), but also to the intra-European fragmentation. ...