Takuya Nakazawa

The purpose of this paper is to understand the worldview of Russia’s narratives on Montenegro by analyzing articles in Sputnik Srbija, a Russia’s state-run propaganda media. Sputnik Srbija regards Montenegro as an Orthodox and Serbian state, opposes the “separation” of Montenegro from Serbia, and regards Russia as a friendly state to Montenegro. Although these are typical Serbian nationalist worldviews, Sputnik Srbija is characterized by its emphasis on solidarity with Russia and by its use of a logic similar to that used by Russia in its invasion of the Donbass.

This paper describes how the Japanese viewed the uprising in Herzegovina in the second half of the 19th century based on published materials.
First, we analyze information about Herzegovina in Japanese society from the 18th century to 1860. The first information about Herzegovina came in through the Dutch and Chinese geography books, but it was only an introduction to the place name, without further information.
Next, we analyze the information about Herzegovina in the Official Batavian Gazette from 1862. The Gazette reported on the situation in Herzegovina, but the focus was on the activities of Montenegrins.
Finally, we analyze the newspapers from 1875 to 1878. The newspapers of this period not only described the situation in Herzegovina in detail, but also reported on the history and geography of Herzegovina and the surrounding countries. Through these articles, we found that the Japanese at the time viewed Herzegovina in two ways: one as a great power on a par with the West, the other as a small, oppressed nation, and a sympathetic view of the uprising in Herzegovina.

U ovom članku, istražujem kanonizaciju Petra II Petrovića-Njegoša u socijalističkoj Crnoj Gori kroz proslave stogodišnjice smrti Njegoša 1951. godine. Poslije Drugog svjetskog rata su komunisti Crne Gore kanonizirali crnogorskoga vladiku kao narodnog i „crnogorskog“ pjesnika, uprkos tome što je kanoniziran kao „srpski“ u prijeratnoj Jugoslaviji. Analiza „socijalističke“ kanonizacije Njegoša nam treba da razumjemo poslijeratno „izgradnje nacije“ u Crnoj Gori. Proslava 1951. je jedna od najranijih pokušaja kanonizacije Petra II Petrovića-Njegoša pod komunističkom vlašću. Odbor za proslavu Njegoševe stogodišnjice bio je formiran 1950. godine. Odbor je planirao da prikaže „kulturnu revoluciju“ Crne Gore u periodu Narodnooslobodilačke borbe i u socijalističkom periodu. Komunisti Crne Gore su prikupili materijale o Njegošu, i Gorski vijenac je bio reprezentivan kao borba za slobodu naroda. Proslava 1951. je bila kulturni projekat za formiranje socijalističkog kanona i izgradnje kulturne infrastrukture Crne Gore. Ovaj je projekat postavio temelj za kulturnu politiku u novoj socijalističkoj republici, međutim komunisti Crne Gore još nijesu imali strogu razliku između crnogorske i srpske nacije u ovoj proslavi. Ideja „crnogorske nacije“ je postojala ali nije bila stroga u prvoj polovini pedesetih godina dvadesetog vijeka.

In the paper, I argue the political process of standardization of Montenegrin Language and its effect to ethnic differentiation in post-Yugoslav Montenegro. The standardization of Montenegrin Language was started as a project of few linguists, and became national project after the independence of Montenegro. This process didn’t bring drastic change of the language, however formed and expanded ethnic cleavage in Montenegro.

In this paper, I will argue on the polemics of a book – O etnogenezi Crnogoraca (On the ethnogenesis of Montenegrins), written by ethnologist Špiro Kulišić in 1980. In this book, Kulišić claimed that the origins of Montenegrin was old Illyrian and Vlach, not Serb. Ethnologists and historians discussed on this theme in the 1980s. In the polemics, both sides blamed each other as “nationalism.” Through this polemics, we can analyze the typical process of nationalization of historiography and ethnology in late Yugoslavia.