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  • Joachim Diec, Ph.D., Associate Professor at Jagiellonian University in Krakow, Poland. Chair in Eurasian Area Studies... moreedit
Russian geopolitical thought after the collapse of the USSR can be classified in different ways. However, it always remains under the influence of the same conditions (the trauma of a historical downfall) and proposes clear indications... more
Russian geopolitical thought after the collapse of the USSR can be classified in different ways. However, it always remains under the influence of the same conditions (the trauma of a historical downfall) and proposes clear indications for the foreign policy of the state. The article presents a preliminary view of some directions in Russian geopolitical thought from the point of view of their origin. The study focuses on seven trends: the visions of Great Russia in a multipolar world order, Neo-Eurasianism, the insular theory, military geo-politics, the thought of political geographers, the geopolitics of the Russian World doctrine with its varieties in the form of information geopolitics and cy-ber-geopolitics, and, last but not least, geoeconomics. A typological study of contemporary Russian geopolitical thought reveals two developmental tendencies: one aiming at radical and ideological concepts and the other proposing a semi-scientific approach.
A study of the major theories of the plurality of civilizations: Nikolai Danilevsky, Konstantin Leontiev, Erazm Majewski, Oswald Spengler, Feliks Koneczny, Arnold Toynbee, Lev N. Gumilev, Samuel Huntington.
Language: Polish, English summary
A study of the doctrine of Russia's foreign policy as well as Russia's closest and furthest partners. Language: Polish
The book discusses very different aspects of the legacy of the Russian Revolution. The main problem of the book is the deconstruction of "natural order" (as portrayed in Hans-Hermann Hoppe's writings): the revolution is portrayed as an... more
The book discusses very different aspects of the legacy of the Russian Revolution. The main problem of the book is the deconstruction of "natural order" (as portrayed in Hans-Hermann Hoppe's writings): the revolution is portrayed as an ideological carricature of the natural values that underlie the development of a society. The book also studies the possibility of another - nationalist revolution in contemporary Russia.
The book provides an insight into the dilemma of the "true right-wing position". It makes an attempt to describe the rightists' journey from conservative and religious universalism to narrow-minded ethnic nationalism by means of the the... more
The book provides an insight into the dilemma of the "true right-wing position". It makes an attempt to describe the rightists' journey from conservative and religious universalism to narrow-minded ethnic nationalism by means of the the analysis of the central stage of the process: the formation of conservative nationalism - a doctrine, which has already left the conservative coast but has not reached the racist or state-oriented fascism yet. The study of conservative nationalism goes through three stages. The first part describes the formation of conservative nationalism in the classical models worked out in France, Germany and Japan. Part two focuses on the most representative and historically consistent conservative nationalist country - Russia. The last part presents a case study of the political thought of Igor Shafarevich, a famous mathematician and prominent nationalist thinker of the 20th century.
The language of the text: Polish. However, comprehensive, 40-page abbreviations in English and Russian are added to the main text. The numbers in parentheses under the paragraphs of the abbreviations refer to the footnotes of the main text.
As time passed, in Russian political thought after the collapse of the Soviet Union, militarism or even an apology for war came to the fore. The aim of the study was to detect the most important models of this trend, taking into account... more
As time passed, in Russian political thought after the collapse of the Soviet Union, militarism or even an apology for war came to the fore. The aim of the study was to detect the most important models of this trend, taking into account the timeline of the Crimean events in 2014, and to attempt to explain its background in the absence of significant military threats to Russia from the international environment. Four main models of post-Soviet militarism have been distinguished: a) the rational model, pointing to the effects of military action in the modern world; b) the dualistic model of a clash between the traditionalist Russian civilization and the corrupt and expansionist West; c) the fatalistic concept of war as an inevitable aspect of the maturation of societies; d/the revivalist model, where war is treated as a device of social mobilization.
vasion of Ukraine, the Russian narrative only became sharper, without departing from its fundamental assumptions. In addition to the obsession with multipolarism, the imperative of defending the Russian population in eternally Russian... more
vasion of Ukraine, the Russian narrative only became sharper, without departing from its fundamental assumptions. In addition to the obsession with multipolarism, the imperative of defending the Russian population in eternally Russian territories sounded even clearer. Despite the obvious aggression in real behavior, the Kremlin's verbal propaganda portrays Western policy as the source of international problems and makes it responsible for the outbreak of war. This may indicate the validity of Mearsheimer's thesis that the presence of Russia's closest neighbors in the European Union, and even more so in NATO, is perceived in Moscow as an existential threat.
The study focuses on the major perceptions of demographic security in Poland and Russia, regarded as an aspect of both social and state security. Demographics as a political topic has been increasingly more often exploited as a key theme... more
The study focuses on the major perceptions of demographic security in Poland and Russia, regarded as an aspect of both social and state security. Demographics as a political topic has been increasingly more often exploited as a key theme in official narratives and practical policies. The similarities in the demographic dynamics in both countries, as well as conditional failures of demographic policies, may not necessarily result from evident mistakes, but are probably a result of a complex set of social factors, including the regularit ies of demographic development in the past. It is quite clear, however, that the Polish political narratives and declared set of state objectives concentrate rather on the social sphere, whereas the Russian rhetoric and policy are clearly more state oriented.
The present study examines the directions of Russia’s demographic policy in the context of the accumulating challenges in this area and analyzes the results of this policy as well as the prospects for further development of the situation.... more
The present study examines the directions of Russia’s demographic policy in the context of the accumulating challenges in this area and analyzes the results of this policy as well as the prospects for further development of the situation. The development of the Russian population since the Soviet era shows a steady tendency: the number of births in the regions inhabited by ethnic Russians is seriously declining, with an increase in regions inhabited by ethnic groups traditionally professing Islam. Remedial steps were already taken in the 1990s, but the turning point was 2007, when the regulations related to the introduction of Maternity Capital entered into force. Another important step was the initiation of the national project “Demography”, which significantly increased social assistance not only for families with children, but also for the older generation. The Maternity Capital policy positively correlates with the increase in births in the following years, however, after the Crimean events, the positive trend collapses and the birth rate shows a clear decreasing tendency. Undoubtedly, success has been achieved in extending life expectancy. The tendency of a definitely positive net migration is not retreating either. The long-term effect of these processes is the aging of the Russian society and the change of the ethnic structure towards an increase in the number of the country’s Muslim population. A significant population growth is observable in metropolitan cities as well as in tourist and agricultural regions of the South-West while peripheral and rural areas are dying out. The fact that despite legislative and organizational efforts the number of the Federation’s inhabitants is falling indicates the limited nature of social policies aimed at manual control of social processes.
Modern Polish political scene is characterized by both the divisions within the ruling rightwing and, what is more important, with the alt-right, which stick to populism in terms of the determination to defend the country’s sovereignty.... more
Modern Polish political scene is characterized by both the divisions within the ruling rightwing and, what is more important, with the alt-right, which stick to populism in terms of the determination to defend the country’s sovereignty. On the other hand, the “Confederation”, the alternative right wing, with an even greater emphasis on sovereignty, is moving towards less conflicts with the country’s most important foreign partners. This article presents the foreign policy positions of the largest right-wing national populism movements in contemporary Poland. The authors analyzed the program documents of the leading right-wing populist groups, mainly of the United Right camp, over the past twenty years. The article highlights the main ideas and problematic points, including those regarding the relations with the European Union and the Russian Federation.
Neo-Eurasianism as a political doctrine is a descendant of the Eurasianist thought in the interwar period and L.N. Gumilev’s ethnological speculations during the Soviet era. Similarly to the oldest generation, Neo-Eurasianists, respond to... more
Neo-Eurasianism as a political doctrine is a descendant of the Eurasianist thought in the interwar period and L.N. Gumilev’s ethnological speculations during the Soviet era. Similarly to the oldest generation, Neo-Eurasianists, respond to the trauma of the lost empire in their thought: denying the leading position of the victorious competitor, they also deny the Western understanding of human rights. The polemic is conducted by a group of Russian visionaries, such as A. Panarin, A. Dugin, V. Korovin, as well as by much more pragmatic Kazakh theoreticians of law led by Z. Busurmanov. The Neo-Eurasianist narrative generally rejects the Lockean absolutization of inalienable individual’s rights and emphasizes the communitarian aspect instead. Russian Neo-Eurasianists blame the Western ideologists for treating human rights as a diplomatic weapon against foreign independent powers and try to present the liberal concept as a speculative idea. However, contrary to the Russian tradition, the...
Makronacjonalizm geopolityczny Aleksandra Dugina. [w:] Nacjonalizmy różnych narodów. Perspektywa politologiczno-religioznawcza. Pod red. Bogumiła Grotta i Olgierda Grotta. Księgarnia Akademicka, Kraków 2012, s. 429-448., 2012 Aleksandr... more
Makronacjonalizm geopolityczny Aleksandra Dugina. [w:] Nacjonalizmy różnych narodów. Perspektywa politologiczno-religioznawcza. Pod red. Bogumiła Grotta i Olgierda Grotta. Księgarnia Akademicka, Kraków 2012, s. 429-448., 2012 Aleksandr Dugin, główny teoretyk doktryny neoeurazjatyzmu, to bez wątpienia jedna z najbardziej rozpoznawalnych postaci współczesnej myśli politycznej w Rosji. Wydaje się, że motywacji kształtu jego idei można doszukiwać się w faktach związa nych z jego dzieciństwem i młodością, stąd też rozdział niniejszy rozpoczniemy od informacji biograficznych.
Итоги российско-белорусских отношений: 2000-2016, "Nowa Polityka Wschodnia" 2017, nr 1(12), s. 79-91, ISSN: 2084-3291, 2017 The essence of Russia's relations with Belarus after the end of the 20th century boils down to a... more
Итоги российско-белорусских отношений: 2000-2016, "Nowa Polityka Wschodnia" 2017, nr 1(12), s. 79-91, ISSN: 2084-3291, 2017 The essence of Russia's relations with Belarus after the end of the 20th century boils down to a specific kind of balance. Thanks to its presence in the institutional forms of close cooperation such as the CSTO, the Union State or the Eurasian Economic Union Minsk enjoys the openness of Russian market and very low prices of imported resources (especially crude oil and gas). What Moscow receives in return can be classified as a sort of intangible goods: greater prestige and a "friendly hegemonic" position in international relations. The balance of the game falls in favor of Lukashenko who takes advantage of his country's location between the Russian Federation and the EU: Moscow is permanently blackmailed with the possibility of Minsk's hypothetical turn toward the Western partners.
Quo vadis Eurazjo? : w poszukiwaniu nowych dróg partnerstwa, 2020 The evolution of the Eurasian idea was conditioned by the circumstances of its development. In the interwar period, when the idea of Russia-Eurasia was proposed by a group... more
Quo vadis Eurazjo? : w poszukiwaniu nowych dróg partnerstwa, 2020 The evolution of the Eurasian idea was conditioned by the circumstances of its development. In the interwar period, when the idea of Russia-Eurasia was proposed by a group of emigrés such as N.S. Trubetzkoy and P. Savitsky, the motivating main factor probably boiled down to alienation and the need for compensation. That is why Eurasianism proposed such ideas as imperialism of any ideological color, the concept of an imaginary Eurasian nation, an ideocratic state and strong aversion to the domination of the Western world. Interwar Eurasianism and its later incarnations emphasize the essential role of the Horde in shaping the Russian state, which was also reflected in the theory of ethnogenesis created by L.N. Gumilyov, a Eurasianist of the Soviet period. Post-Soviet neo-Eurasianism focuses on the idea of historical revanchism (A.S. Panarin), geopolitics opposing the democratic and liberal Atlanticism to the Eurasian co...
Przyroda a cywilizacja. "Kultura Współczesna" 2011, nr 1(67), s. 25-33., 2011 Despite it separates human life from the context of nature, civilisation<br> remains dependant on it both in the area of self-consciousness and... more
Przyroda a cywilizacja. "Kultura Współczesna" 2011, nr 1(67), s. 25-33., 2011 Despite it separates human life from the context of nature, civilisation<br> remains dependant on it both in the area of self-consciousness and practice. An extreme expression of the idea that both these worlds are interdependent is environmental determinism. Moderate theories talk about proportional dependency of the characteristics of civilisation from natural conditions, or of civilisation as a response to the challenge of nature. An observation of particular communities shows the attachment of particular cultures to their primal environment. The creation of artificial environment is in turn conditioned by the laws of primal nature.
Doktryna rosyjskiej polityki zagranicznej, 2015 A study of the doctrine of Russia's foreign policy as well as Russia's closest and furthest partners. Language: Polish
Ideowe korzenie Czarnej Sotni. Recepcja zjawiska. (Ideological Roots of the Black Hundred) [w:] Na Wschód od linii Curzona (East of the Curzon Line). Pod redakcją Renaty Król-Mazur i Michała Lubiny. Księgarnia Akademicka, Kraków 2014, s.... more
Ideowe korzenie Czarnej Sotni. Recepcja zjawiska. (Ideological Roots of the Black Hundred) [w:] Na Wschód od linii Curzona (East of the Curzon Line). Pod redakcją Renaty Król-Mazur i Michała Lubiny. Księgarnia Akademicka, Kraków 2014, s. 93-104, ISBN 978-83-7638-439-9, 2014 The phenomenon of the Black Hundred movement evoked lots of stereotypical approaches. It was in fact a couple of political organizations whose ideological background was comprised of Orthodox fundamentalism, monarchism, ethnic nationalism and antisemitism. The early emanation of the movement was represented by such groups like The Holy Brigade or the Russian Assembly. Later the main part was played by Russian Monarchist Party, the Union of the Russian People, All-Russian National Union and the Union of Archangel Michael. The ideology, especially in the version presented by the All-Russian National Union, especially by its leader, Mikhail Osipovich Menshikov tended to isolate the Russian ethnic core from the stran...
Социально-экономические основы правопопулистского поворота в Польше, "Современная Европа", 2019, № 7, s. 49-58
Polska myśl polityczna na temat Wschodu – między idealizmem a realizmem [w:] Polityka wschodnia Polski – między fatalizmem geopolitycznym a klątwą niemocy. Redakcja naukowa Stanisław Bieleń, Akademia Humanistyczna im. Aleksandra... more
Polska myśl polityczna na temat Wschodu – między idealizmem a realizmem [w:] Polityka wschodnia Polski – między fatalizmem geopolitycznym a klątwą niemocy. Redakcja naukowa Stanisław Bieleń, Akademia Humanistyczna im. Aleksandra Gieysztora, Pułtusk-Warszawa 2019, s. 33-46.
Diagnoza upadku Zachodu Patricka Buchanana i jej eurazjatyckie konteksty. [w:] Amerykomania. Księga jubileuszowa ofiarowana Profesorowi Andrzejowi Mani, t. 2. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, Kraków 2012, s. 195-204.
Cywilizacje bez okien. Teoria Mikołaja Danilewskiego i późniejsze koncepcje monadycznych formacji socjokulturowych. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Kraków 2002, ss. 300.
Doktryny faszystowskie w Rosji – idea człowieka i społeczeństwa. "Prace Komisji Kultury Słowian PAU". Tom VII: Obraz człowieka w kulturach Słowian, Kraków 2012, s. 199-224.
Konserwatywny nacjonalizm. Studium doktryny w świetle myśli politycznej Igora Szafariewicza (Conservative Nationalism. The Study of the Doctrine in the Context of the Political Thought of Igor Shafarevich), Księgarnia Akademicka, Kraków... more
Konserwatywny nacjonalizm. Studium doktryny w świetle myśli politycznej Igora Szafariewicza (Conservative Nationalism. The Study of the Doctrine in the Context of the Political Thought of Igor Shafarevich), Księgarnia Akademicka, Kraków 2013, ss. 492.
Source:L'Europa dei nazionalisti: Prospettive storichea cura diFrancesco Berti, Filippo Focardi,Valentine LomelliniPublisher: FrancoAngeli, Milano 2020
Polonofobia jako strukturalny składnik rosyjskich doktryn imperialnych. "Prace Komisji Środkowoeuropejskiej PAU", Polska Akademia Umiejętności, 2009, t. XVII, s. 29-44.
Ideowe korzenie Czarnej Sotni. Recepcja zjawiska. (Ideological Roots of the Black Hundred) [w:] Na Wschód od linii Curzona (East of the Curzon Line). Pod redakcją Renaty Król-Mazur i Michała Lubiny. Księgarnia Akademicka, Kraków 2014, s.... more
Ideowe korzenie Czarnej Sotni. Recepcja zjawiska. (Ideological Roots of the Black Hundred) [w:] Na Wschód od linii Curzona (East of the Curzon Line). Pod redakcją Renaty Król-Mazur i Michała Lubiny. Księgarnia Akademicka, Kraków 2014, s. 93-104, ISBN 978-83-7638-439-9
Geostrategiczny wybór Rosji u zarania trzeciego tysiąclecia (Russia's Geostrategic Choice at the Dawn of the Third Millenium). Tom 1: Doktryna rosyjskiej polityki zagranicznej. Partnerzy najbliżsi i najdalsi (The Doctrine of... more
Geostrategiczny wybór Rosji u zarania trzeciego tysiąclecia (Russia's Geostrategic Choice at the Dawn of the Third Millenium). Tom 1: Doktryna rosyjskiej polityki zagranicznej. Partnerzy najbliżsi i najdalsi (The Doctrine of Russia's Foreign Policy. The Closest and the Furthest Partners). Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, Kraków 2015, ss. 307
Итоги российско-белорусских отношений: 2000-2016, "Nowa Polityka Wschodnia" 2017, nr 1(12), s. 79-91, ISSN: 2084-3291
Dialog słowiańsko-kaukaski i słowiańsko-azjatycki w wydaniu rosyjskim. Rzeczywistość i perspektywy. [w:] Międzycywilizacyjny dialog w świecie słowiańskim w XX i XXI wieku. Pod red. Ireny Stawowy-Kawki. Księgarnia Akademicka, Kraków 2012,... more
Dialog słowiańsko-kaukaski i słowiańsko-azjatycki w wydaniu rosyjskim. Rzeczywistość i perspektywy. [w:] Międzycywilizacyjny dialog w świecie słowiańskim w XX i XXI wieku. Pod red. Ireny Stawowy-Kawki. Księgarnia Akademicka, Kraków 2012, s. 333-342.
The members of the Hamburg Circle: W. Stapel (the leading figure), H. Bogner, A.E. Günther, G. Günther, are usually attributed to the ‘young conservative’ trend of the conservative revolution in the Weimar Republic. The main platform of... more
The members of the Hamburg Circle: W. Stapel (the leading figure), H. Bogner, A.E. Günther, G. Günther, are usually attributed to the ‘young conservative’ trend of the conservative revolution in the Weimar Republic. The main platform of their expression was the Deutsches Volkstum, a monthly published in Hamburg between 1898 and 1938. The activists of the circle opposed the realities of the Weimar Republic, negating the foundations of a democratic and liberal society as it did not express the ‘national will’ of Germans. Their ideal was not exactly in the revival of monarchy but they proposed a national state which was supposed to promote the traditionally structured society. In the area of religious policy, Stapel and his colleagues aimed at a non-secular state with a form of traditionalistic church life in spite of the religious diversity in Germany. Christianity was not perceived from a purely spiritual perspective, but as a doctrine that should be a strong pillar of the state. The...
The present study examines the directions of Russia’s demographic policy in the context of the accumulating challenges in this area and analyzes the results of this policy as well as the prospects for further development of the situation.... more
The present study examines the directions of Russia’s demographic policy in the context of the accumulating challenges in this area and analyzes the results of this policy as well as the prospects for further development of the situation. The development of the Russian population since the Soviet era shows a steady tendency: the number of births in the regions inhabited by ethnic Russians is seriously declining, with an increase in regions inhabited by ethnic groups traditionally professing Islam. Remedial steps were already taken in the 1990s, but the turning point was 2007, when the regulations related to the introduction of Maternity Capital entered into force. Another important step was the initiation of the national project “Demography”, which significantly increased social assistance not only for families with children, but also for the older generation. The Maternity Capital policy positively correlates with the increase in births in the following years, however, after the Cr...
Podejmując się zadania znalezienia odpowiedzi na pytanie dokąd zmierza Eurazja, w pierwszym rzędzie należy zdefiniować samo pojęcie "Eurazji". Otóż Eurazja jest to największy kontynent na kuli ziemskiej, w skład którego wchodzą dwie... more
Podejmując się zadania znalezienia odpowiedzi na pytanie dokąd zmierza Eurazja, w pierwszym rzędzie należy zdefiniować samo pojęcie "Eurazji". Otóż Eurazja jest to największy kontynent na kuli ziemskiej, w skład którego wchodzą dwie części świata: Europa i Azja. Eurazja rozciąga się na przestrzeni prawie 55 mln km 2 , co stanowi około 37% powierzchni Ziemi. Zamieszkuje ją ponad 5 mld ludzi, co odpowiada około 70% populacji. Ten składający się z dwóch części obszar charakteryzuje niewystępowanie wyraźnej granicy strukturalnej, stąd w XIX wieku w stosunku do niego zaczęto używać nazwy "Eurazja" (Eurazja). Analizując kryterium geograficzne stwierdzić trzeba, że Eurazja rozciąga się od Oceanu Atlantyckiego z graniczącymi Portugalią i Hiszpanią na zachodzie (i być może także Irlandią, Islandią i Wielką Brytanią) do najbardziej wysuniętego na wschód punktu Rosji, w Cieśninie Beringa między Oceanem Arktycznym a Oceanem Spokojnym. Północna granica Eurazji obejmuje graniczące od północy z Oceanem Arktycznym Rosję, Finlandię i Norwegię. Granice południowe wyznaczają z kolei Morze Śródziemne, Afryka i Ocean Indyjski. Kraje leżące na południowej granicy Eurazji to Hiszpania, Izrael, Jemen, Indie i kontynentalna Malezja. Eurazja często obejmuje również wyspy i kraje wyspiarskie związane z kontynentem euroazjatyckim, takie jak Sycylia, Kreta, Cypr, Sri Lanka, Japonia, Filipiny, wyspa Malezja, a może nawet Indonezja (przy czym przyporządkowanie tej ostatniej w całości do Eurazji oznacza, że wyspa Nowa Gwinea dzielona jest nieraz na indonezyjską część azjatycką oraz terytorium Papui Nowej Gwinei uznawane za stanowiące część Oceanii). Obszar Eurazji składającej się z Europy i Azji pod kątem analizy administracyjno-politycznej składa się z 93 niezależnych państw. Obejmuje on wszystkie 48 krajów Europy (w tym kraje wyspiarskie Cypr, Islandię, Irlandię i Wielką Brytanię), 17 krajów Bliskiego Wschodu, 27 krajów Azji (w tym Indonezję, Malezję, Japonię, Filipiny i Tajwan), i jeden nowy kraj, obecnie często kojarzony z Oceanią-Timor Wschodni. W ten sposób prawie połowa ze 196 niezależnych krajów świata znajduje się w Eurazji (Rosenberg). Warto zwrócić uwagę, że zainteresowanie badaczy i podróżników Eurazją nie jest zjawiskiem nowym. Wynika ono ze specyfiki tego "superkontynentu" pod każdym względem: klasyfikacji jako odrębnego kontynentu (w niektórych częściach świata Eurazja jest uznawana za największy z sześciu, pięciu lub czterech kontynentów na Ziemi) (Continents of The World), geografii fizycznej, ekosystemu, zasobów surowcowych czy też potencjału gospodarczego, społecznego i politycznego.
Right populism in the United States and in the European Union is one of the leading trends in their political reality. That is why we need to structurize our understanding of this phenomenon by listing its main indicators and by... more
Right populism in the United States and in the European Union is one of the leading trends in their political reality. That is why we need to structurize our understanding of this phenomenon by listing its main indicators and by explaining its causal background. What seems to belong to the leading determinants of the phenomenon is: the hostility toward immigration, the perception of multinational companies as a threat to local labor markets, a postulate to reduce bureaucracy, anti-elitism, another understanding of international politics combined with a new opening in the relations with Russia. Various right populist movements result from several determinants such as a significant increase of immigration in Europe, the growth of national debt, expanding bureaucracy, growing importance of international corporations, a flood of terrorist attacks or negative demographic tendencies. The ideology of right populism can be referred to two different traditions: to individualist libertarianis...
Russian geopolitical thought after the collapse of the USSR can be classified in different ways. However, it always remains under the influence of the same conditions (the trauma of a historical downfall) and proposes clear indications... more
Russian geopolitical thought after the collapse of the USSR can be classified in different ways. However, it always remains under the influence of the same conditions (the trauma of a historical downfall) and proposes clear indications for the foreign policy of the state. The article presents a preliminary view of some directions in Russian geopolitical thought from the point of view of their origin. The study focuses on seven trends: the visions of Great Russia in a multipolar world order, Neo-Eurasianism, the insular theory, military geopolitics, the thought of political geographers, the geopolitics of the Russian World doctrine with its varieties in the form of information geopolitics and cyber- geopolitics, and, last but not least, geoeconomics. A typological study of contemporary Russian geopolitical thought reveals two developmental tendencies: one aiming at radical and ideological concepts and the other proposing a semi-scientific approach.
Politeja No. 5(62), 2019, pp. 141-160 https://doi.org/10.12797/Politeja.16.2019.62.08

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