Vahid Yücesoy

The arrival in power of the moderate Hassan Rouhani in 2013 was a groundbreaking moment in Iran, marking a clean break from eight years of sociopolitical conservatism under the previous president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. What provoked this change? This paper argues that the institutional shift toward relative moder

Since the coup attempt of 2016, bilateral ties between Ankara and Tehran have witnessed a significant boost. Using and refining Steven David’s framework of omni-balancing, which argues that the conduct of foreign policy in Third World settings also takes stock of domestic threats to the regime, this paper explains this emerging rapprochement. The article argues that after 2016, the AKP’s foreign policy became increasingly predicated on regime survival, which was also reflected in Ankara-Tehran ties. This rapprochement was strengthened by both countries’ intersecting positions on the following issues (1) A mutual pro-Qatar stance in the recent Saudi Arabia-Qatar spat, (2) Mutual opposition to a Kurdish state in northern Iraq, and (3) Increasingly troubled relations with the US. Through a careful analysis of Turkish and Persian sources along with official discourses, this paper will expand on these key aspects of these significantly improved bilateral relations between both countries and will conclude with discussion of its durability.

Oil-rich countries have often times been confronted with the challenge of diversifying their economies away from oil dependence given the exhaustible nature of these fossil fuels. Investing in sovereign wealth funds has been one of the most ubiquitous ways of preparing for the post-oil period. Investing in sovereign wealth funds rather than directly injecting the oil revenues in the economy not only precludes the outbreak of the Dutch Disease (which is known for giving rise to an exchange rate appreciation, crowding out non-oil industries and keeping the economy reliant on oil), but it also saves for future generations. Yet, in the case of Azerbaijan, the Sovereign Wealth Fund of Azerbaijan (SOFAZ), founded in 1999, has only increased this reliance on oil. Using the rentier states theoretical framework, this paper will argue that the direct control over SOFAZ exercised by the president and the lack of consultation with the NGOs have made corruption easier, making the task of economic diversification more difficult. This has been possible because through corruption the president has often resorted to oil money to buy peace rather than invest it in economic diversification. As a result, since the foundation of SOFAZ, the country is more reliant, not less, on oil.

From its idealistic beginnings in 2003, the Zero-Problem policy sought to avert tensions with Turkey’s neighbours only until the outbreak of the Arab Spring to find itself at a today’s deadlock characterised by increasing problems with Turkey’s neighbours. 10 years after AKP’s tenure, Turkey’s fleeting diplomatic success with neighbours such as Iran, Syria, Russia, Iraq, and its attempts at reconciliation with Armenia have hit rock bottom. The question arises, was AKP’s problem-free foreign policy ambition confined to words? Or was it meant to fail from its very outset?

L’anthropologue canado-iranienne Homa Hoodfar est détenue en Iran depuis juin. Elle n’y est pas la seule prisonnière politique, tant s’en faut. La professeure retraitée de l’Université Concordia a été happée par une vague croissante d’arrestations dans un pays où les conservateurs tentent de reprendre la main sur les modérés, explique Vahid Yücesoy, doctorant en science politique au CERIUM.

La Turquie est la cible d'attentats en escalade du groupe État islamique. Le dernier en date, et non le moindre, celui du terminal international de l'aéroport d'Istanbul, le 28 juin. Bilan : 44 morts. Le groupe EI ne l'a pas revendiqué, mais il lui a été attribué par les autorités turques. Pourquoi cet attentat ? Que risque-t-il de changer ? Réponses de Vahid Yücesoy, doctorant en science politique au CERIUM.

Vahid Yucesoy, candidat au doctorat en science politique à l'Université de Montréal, se penche pour sa part sur les fondements de la société turque et sur les racines historiques qui peuvent expliquer ce coup d'État raté, notamment tout ce qui a trait aux tensions liées à la place de la religion dans l'appareil étatique.
http://ici.radio-canada.ca/emissions/medium_large/2014-2015/chronique.asp?idChronique=412298

Pourquoi aujourd’hui Erdogan, celui qui est devenu le président turc, pointe-t-il du doigt Fethullah Gülen comme étant responsable du coup d’État du 15 juillet dernier? Pourquoi Erdogan et Gülen, d’anciens alliés, sont-ils devenus des ennemis? Et quelles seront les répercussions de ce qui se passe en Turquie sur le statut de ce pays au sein de l’OTAN? Pour répondre à ces questions et tenter d’expliquer les formes d’islamisme qui s’opposent en Turquie, Maryse Jobin a joint Vahid Yücesoy, doctorant en science politique à l’Université de Montréal.

http://www.rcinet.ca/fr/2016/08/01/les-deux-visions-de-lislam-qui-saffrontent-en-turquie/

The gradual lifting of sanctions against Iran's nuclear program has enabled the country to start increasing its oil and gas production. While Iran's current production levels remain well below the pre-sanction levels, lately significant attempts have been made to jumpstart a boost in the production.