Alicia Pousada

Este artículo analiza el trabajo del Instituto de Inglés (1943-1949) de la Universidad de Puerto Rico, Río Piedras, bajo la dirección de Lewis C. Richardson. Después de discutir la historia de la enseñanza del inglés en Puerto Rico de 1898 a 1949, describe la incepción del Instituto de Inglés, sus dirigentes y agentes principales, así como sus objetivos. Escudriña la estructura del proyecto piloto para la enseñanza del inglés en los grados 1-4, los materiales producidos y el progreso logrado por los estudiantes. Finalmente, aclara por qué el programa fue abandonado por el Departamento de Educación y considera las implicaciones de esta decisión. Cómo citar: Pousada, A. (2014). English Institute of 1943-1949 under the Leadership of Lewis C. Richardson. Pedagogía, 47(1), 51-75. Recuperado a partir de https://revistas.upr.edu/index.php/educacion/article/view/16357This article analyzes the work of the English Institute (1943-1949) of the University of Puerto Rico, Rio Piedras, under the ...

I am an educational linguist who specializes in multilingualism and language planning and policy, and some of you may be surprised to see me here at a literature conference. However, today I want to share with you a project in progress which is firmly rooted in the literary genre of autobiography, specifically what Paul John Eakin (1985) has termed the “linguistic autobiography.” This is a personal narrative in which language is the primary hub around which the author’s life story turns and upon which his or her identities and personal ideologies are constructed. Well-known cases of linguistic autobiographies include Richard Rodriguez’s Hunger of Memory (1982), Ariel Dorfman’s Heading South, Looking North: A Bilingual

Language policy decisions are made daily in the Caribbean. They may include selection of official or national languages, development and implementation of writing systems, organization of national literacy campaigns, recognition and regularization of creoles or dialects, establishment of teacher training standards, creation of scientific or technological nomenclature, dissemination of publishing norms, and preparation of dictionaries. Regrettably, many determinations involving language are made with little genuine input from those trained to analyze language and its social functions. In Puerto Rico, partisan politics and commercial concerns, rather than sociolinguistic insights, have traditionally prevailed in language-related matters. This paper probes the different types of language policies carried out routinely in Puerto Rico. It then outlines the specific contributions that linguists can make to the resolution of language issues, based upon the documented experiences of other C...

Pousada’s commentary points to how Cultural Autonomy is being threatened by efforts to privatize education and run public schools as though they were businesses. She uses the case of Puerto Rico and describes the battle to retain a viable public university system within the larger struggle to maintain a uniquely Puerto Rican culture under the aegis of the United States within the ambiguous status of Commonwealth or Estado Libre Asociado ʻFree Associated Stateʼ. Pousada points to the anachronistic and colonized nature of a “free associated state” and, contrary to Fishman, argues that the Puerto Rican case is in no way a model for Cultural Autonomy.

This article considers a number of factors that have contributed to the long standing conflict between Spanish and English in Puerto Rico.  Among them are the historical imposition of English as part of a heavy handed Americanization plan, the critical role of party politics in the consideration of linguistic and cultural questions, the socioeconomic schisms in Puerto Rican society and their linguistic and educational ramifications, and a host of pedagogical problems which stem from an overly centralized and politicized school system in economic crisis. The article then signals ways in which a language planning perspective could help defuse the conflict and arrive at functionally adequate policies in keeping with the Puerto Rican people's desire for self determination. Finally, the article specifies concrete roles for English language professionals in the planning effort.

The project of making Puerto Ricans "bilingual" has been in progress for more than a century (Pousada, 1999). Nevertheless, the collective learning of English has lagged, and individual success has varied considerably depending on the social circumstances and motivation of the learner. Various researchers (Giroux, 1983; Resnick, 1993; Medina, 1994) have pointed out how language imposition may prompt an ethnic group to develop an unconscious and universalized imperative against learning that language. In short, Puerto Ricans have resisted learning English as a means of retaining their native language and culture, which they consider to be endangered by the political and economic dominance of the United States. According to Resnick's (1993) analysis of the "motivated failure" of Puerto Ricans to learn English, Puerto Rican society has correctly surmised that language spread may result in language shift and terminate in language loss, a well-documented pattern w...

Volume XX Number 1 (Spring 2008) Special Section: Functions and valorization of language in Puerto Rico Guest Editor:Alicia Pousada Functions and valorization of language in Puerto Rico: An introduction Alicia Pousada “Language is our only homeland”: An interview with Luz María Umpierre Carmen Haydée Rivera Delegitimizing oppressive culture: The voice of counter-discourse in Umpierre’s poetic work Alma Simounet Contact Us | Terms of Use | Disclaimer | Privacy Statement | Sitemap

The Spanish-speaking island of Puerto Rico (also known as Borinquen) has had a complex linguistic landscape since 1898, due to the United States’ colonial imposition of English as the language of administration and education. Even after 1948, when Puerto Rico was finally permitted to hold its own gubernatorial elections and determine its own language policies, controversy regarding how best to achieve bilingualism continued. Despite many studies of the language dynamic of the island, the voices of the people who actually live there have been muted. This volume opens with a basic introduction to bilingualism, with special reference to Puerto Rico. It then showcases twenty-five engaging personal histories written by Puerto Rican language professionals which reveal how they became bilingual, the obstacles faced, the benefits accrued, and the linguistic and cultural future they envision for themselves and their children. The closing chapter analyzes the commonalities of their richly detailed stories as well as the variability of their bilingual life experiences in order to inform a more nuanced language policy for Puerto Rico. The linguistic autobiographies will resonate with bilinguals of all kinds in Puerto Rico and the Caribbean, as well as those in other countries. The main message that emerges from the book is that there are many routes to multilingualism, and one-size-fits-all language policies are doomed to miss their mark.

I have been asked to discuss the sociolinguistic implications of the teaching of English in Puerto Rico. As you all know, English has become the international lingua franca of the Information Age and is promoted globally as the language of science, technology, business, and diplomacy. According to renowned linguist David Crystal, author of English as a global language (1997) and The language revolution (2004), about 1.4 million people around the planet speak some form of English. (That’s approximately a quarter of the population of the Earth.) Moreover, as Crystal is fond of reminding us, there are now more non-native users of English than there are native speakers. The importation of English into any new locale has numerous sociolinguistic implications for the speech community in question, regardless of whether it’s in Singapore, Greenland, or Vanuatu. There may be concerns about English displacing the local language(s) as young people begin to associate English with modernity and ...

Language planning has been defined as a "longterm, sustained, and conscious effort to alter a language's function in a society for the purpose of solving communication problems" (Wardhaugh 1992: 346). It is usually conceived of as a national or speech community process; however, individuals often engage in language planning in their familial or professional lives. Sometimes their decisions are mere reflections of macro‐ level policies, while other times the individual's choices among available language resources may represent the cutting edge of change in that particular speech community.

Language policy decisions are made daily in the Caribbean. They may include selection of official or national languages, development and implementation of writing systems, organization of national literacy campaigns, recognition and regularization of creoles or dialects, establishment of teacher training standards, creation of scientific or technological nomenclature, dissemination of publishing norms, and preparation of dictionaries. Regrettably, many determinations involving language are made with little genuine input from those trained to analyze language and its social functions. In Puerto Rico, partisan politics and commercial concerns, rather than sociolinguistic insights, have traditionally prevailed in language-related matters. This paper probes the different types of language policies carried out routinely in Puerto Rico. It then outlines the specific contributions that linguists can make to the resolution of language issues, based upon the documented experiences of other C...

It has been suggested by various researchers (Resnick 1993, Pousada 1996) that the learning of English has been impeded in Puerto Rico due to the imposed nature of the language in the educational system. As a corollary to this hypothesis, it has also been suggested that if Puerto Rican parents had a choice in the languages their children learned, there

Pousada’s commentary points to how cultural autonomy is being threatened by efforts to privatize education and run public schools as though they were businesses. She uses the case of Puerto Rico and describes the battle to retain a viable public university system within the larger struggle to maintain a uniquely Puerto Rican culture under the aegis of the United States within the ambiguous status of Commonwealth or Estado Libre Asociado [Free Associated State]. Pousada points to the anachronistic and colonized nature of a “free associated state,” and, contrary to Fishman, argues that the Puerto Rican case is in no way a model for cultural autonomy.

... Close to Home: Oral and Literate Practices in a Transnational Mexicano Community JUAN C. GUERRA Authorizing Readers: Resistance and ... W. SMITH On the Brink: Negotiating Literature and Life with Adolescents SUSAN HYNDS Life at the Margins: Literacy, Language, and ...

... Coulthard, M. (1994). Introduction to discourse analysis (2nd edition). Addison-Wesley. Johnstone, B. (2002). Discourse analysis. Malden, MA: Blackwell. ALICIA POUSADA University of Puerto Rico San Juan, Puerto Rico, United States 170 TESOL QUARTERLY

This paper attempts to characterize the linguistic and sociolinguistic task faced by the return migrant student in Puerto Rico in attempting to negotiate a comfortable adaptation to a new speech community. Included is a brief discussion of the different varieties spoken by many of these students: non‑standard English, non‑standard Spanish, and frequent code‑switching between the two. The discussion is utilized as a point of departure for an analysis of how schools in Puerto Rico may best address the special linguistic needs of the children in acquiring standard forms of their two languages. Also included is a consideration of the attitudes held by the newly arrived students, their island‑raised peers, and the teachers entrusted with their linguistic and cultural assimilation into the Puerto Rican mainstream.

This paper considers how English and Spanish can be taught in a complementary rather than conflicting manner in Puerto Rico to develop and strengthen the students' overall linguistic repertoire. It departs from a number of basic premises regarding the normalcy of multilingualism, the commonalities and differences between first and second language acquisition, the advisability of establishing literacy in the child's vernacular before teaching literacy in a second language, the need to give priority to language arts in the curriculum, the equality of Spanish and English as world languages, and the political nature of statements regarding English as a "threat" to Spanish in Puerto Rico. It concludes with concrete solutions to the current conflict.

This article analyzes the work of the English Institute (1943-1949) under the leadership of Lewis C. Richardson of the University of Puerto Rico, Rio Piedras. After discussing the history of English teaching in Puerto Rico from 1898 to 1949, it describes the inception of the English Institute, its key leaders and agents, and its objectives. It scrutinizes the structure of the pilot project for teaching English in grades 1-4, the materials produced, and the progress made by the students. Finally, it clarifies why the program was abandoned by the Department of Education and considers the implications of this decision.

Language policy decisions are made daily in the Caribbean. They may include selection of official or national languages, development and implementation of writing systems, organization of national literacy campaigns, recognition and regularization of creoles or dialects, establishment of teacher training standards, creation of scientific or technological nomenclature, dissemination of publishing norms, and preparation of dictionaries. Regrettably, many determinations involving language are made with little genuine input from those trained to analyze language and its social functions.

In Puerto Rico, partisan politics and commercial concerns, rather than sociolinguistic insights, have traditionally prevailed in language-related matters. This paper probes the different types of language policies carried out routinely in Puerto Rico. It then outlines the specific contributions that linguists can make to the resolution of language issues, based upon the documented experiences of other Caribbean nations. Its objective is to serve as a suggested plan of action for applied linguists on the island and throughout the Caribbean.

This collection of articles by teacher-researchers debunks the conventional myth of a monolithic U.S. Latino community by revealing the inter-and intra-group diversity of language socialization patterns, cultural and linguistic attitudes, and literacy practices among Latinos. The eleven chapters of Building on Strength: Language and Literacy in Latino Families and Communities present case studies of Puerto Rican, Dominican, Mexican, Cuban, and Central American families in various regions of the country. These are preceded by an insightful introduction by editor and linguist Ana Celia Zentella (University of California, San Diego) who reviews the current situation of Latinos in the U.S., argues for a language socialization focus in the study of first and second language acquisition, and explains the anthropolitical perspective on language and literacy which served as the intellectual impetus for the volume. In a nutshell, Zentella's anthropolitical perspective (cf. Zentella 1997, 2002) entails utilizing socially and politically-conscious ethnographic observation and qualitative analysis to penetrate the " language smokescreen that obscures ideological, structural, and political impediments to equity " (p. 9). It is diametrically opposed to the quantitative, experimental approach to educational research favored by governmental agencies which homogenizes the multiple experiences of Latino communities and ignores the ways in which English language hegemony negatively affects minority youth. The anthropolitical perspective is strongly allied with the precepts of critical or applied anthropology, as well as with critical discourse analysis and Freirean pedagogy of liberation. One of its principal aims is to open teachers and parents up to the existence of multiple routes to literacy and education and demonstrate that Latino families of all types may contribute to this goal in manners that are different from those prescribed by the schools. The usual analysis of the educational problems of Latino children blames parents for not caring enough about education or not serving as adequate models for linguistic and cultural success in U.S. society. In contrast, Zentella's collaborators take a family-centered orientation and reveal much that is unperceived by educators who limit themselves to a school-based view of children's language and literacy skills. Most importantly, the teacher-researchers uncover many ways in which Latino caregivers actively struggle to help their children fit in and get ahead while simultaneously retaining their native language and values. In chapter 1, Zentella delineates how language socialization has been studied in a variety of communities and emphasizes that opinions about language and parental roles in language acquisition vary dramatically from group to group. Dominant groups exert their power to subjugate and treat minority groups and their ways of speaking and child-rearing as inferior, and teachers (as purveyors of dominant ideology) are not immune to such attitudes. They tend to feel more favorably inclined toward parents who follow a teacher model of caregiving and judge as unfit those families that do not. This leads to grossly wrong-headed positions such as accusing parents of neglect for raising their children in Spanish. Zentella concludes by stating that: " To be successful, alliances between educators and Latino families must be based on mutual respect for

The Spanish-speaking island of Puerto Rico (also known as Borinquen) has had a complex linguistic landscape since 1898, due to the United States’ colonial imposition of English as the language of administration and education. Even after 1948, when Puerto Rico was finally permitted to hold its own gubernatorial elections and determine its own language policies, controversy regarding how best to achieve bilingualism continued. Despite many studies of the language dynamic of the island, the voices of the people who actually live there have been muted.

This volume opens with a basic introduction to bilingualism, with special reference to Puerto Rico. It then showcases twenty-five engaging personal histories written by Puerto Rican language professionals which reveal how they became bilingual, the obstacles faced, the benefits accrued, and the linguistic and cultural future they envision for themselves and their children. The closing chapter analyzes the commonalities of their richly detailed stories as well as the variability of their bilingual life experiences in order to inform a more nuanced language policy for Puerto Rico.

The linguistic autobiographies will resonate with bilinguals of all kinds in Puerto Rico and the Caribbean, as well as those in other countries. The main message that emerges from the book is that there are many routes to multilingualism, and one-size-fits-all language policies are doomed to miss their mark.