Location via proxy:   [ UP ]  
[Report a bug]   [Manage cookies]                
Published in De Philosophia March 18, 2022 Philosophers Ignore History at their Peril Megan Hyska’s analysis of Putin’s wartime propaganda entirely misses the mark. Credit: Unsplash and British Library N orthwestern University Philosophy professor Megan Hyska’s recent op-ed on Russian President Vladimir Putin’s messaging during the Ukraine war is problematic, to say the last. Hyska analyzes a statement by the Russian autocrat, relying exclusively on an ahistorical analytic framework. As a specialist Published in De Philosophia March 18, 2022 in philosophy of language, she is trained to examine linguistic claims in a vacuum. Philosophers who ignore history do so at their peril. In Hyska’s case, her analysis of Putin’s propaganda completely misses the mark. What is propaganda? Professor Jason Stanley, also a philosopher of language, defines propaganda as “communicating a message, while concealing other important information.” In his book How Propaganda Works, Stanley offers an example: The lead-up in 2003 to the Iraq War … raised the philosophical mystery of the power of propaganda. A Washington Post poll in September 2003 found that almost 70 percent of Americans believed that Saddam Hussein was personally involved in the 9/11 attacks on New York City. . . . How is it that propaganda can thoroughly convince the majority of the country of something that later appears to have been obviously false at the time? The questions of the effectiveness of ideology and propaganda bear the characteristic hallmarks of philosophical problems. According to another expert, propaganda deceptively signals the intentions or motivations of the author. Propaganda is a potent messaging tool because it can influence a mass of people to accept an otherwise irrational or false claim as true. Published in De Philosophia March 18, 2022 Hyska’s argument According to Hyska, a single claim of Putin’s reveals why his propaganda is so puzzling and unpersuasive to a Western audience: When Russian President Vladimir Putin says he’s denazifying Ukraine, he no doubt expects some people, in Russia and abroad, to believe him. Many in the West and on the international stage have expressed bewilderment at these claims. But this does not mean his propaganda strategy is failing. He is engaging in “hard propaganda,” which is meant to convey the speaker’s power — not persuade. Propaganda can be classified into two types: 1. Soft propaganda. 2. Hard propaganda. Propaganda in popular discourse is conceived as a vehicle to persuade — that is, soft propaganda. However, many of Putin’s deceptive statements are instead meant to intimidate — which is hard propaganda. Putin’s claim that the rationale for Russia invading Ukraine (to denazify it), Hyska insists, is an instance of hard, not soft, propaganda. (Note: Similar to Putin’s claim, Stanley’s 2003 Iraq example concerns a pretext for invading a sovereign nation.) Does her argument hold water? Published in De Philosophia March 18, 2022 The problem with Hyska’s analysis Hyska’s analysis is intellectually irresponsible. Why? Because she fails to consider the historical context. Nazis — real Nazis, not neo-Nazis — occupied Ukrainian territory during WWII. A movement to liberate Ukraine from Russian control, led by the Ukrainian Stepan Bandera, allied itself with these Nazis. Nowadays, elements in Ukraine’s military and its militias still honor their Nazi-allied Ukrainian forebearers. Indeed, neo-Nazi militias are integral to the Ukrainian resistance currently repelling Russia’s invading forces. According to Lucas Leiroz, In the West, due to collective ignorance about Slavic history, many people think that Nazi racism was restricted to Jews, but in fact, anti-Russian hatred was one of the biggest locomotives of WWII, having led Hitler to the irrational decision to invade and try to annex the USSR. This sentiment is alive in these neoNazi militias, who are literally ready to do anything to annihilate the Russians, being much more fanatical in their racist convictions than the Ukrainian armed forces. Hyska never mentions these facts. She is guilty of the “collective ignorance about Slavic history” that Leiroz mentions. There is a shred of truth in Putin’s claim that she fails to acknowledge. Published in De Philosophia March 18, 2022 That’s not to say that Putin’s rationale for invading Ukraine is entirely honest and truthful. It’s propaganda. So, it’s meant to deceive. It conceals as much as it discloses. And clearly it’s a pretext for invading a sovereign nation. Truth and truthiness The point is that Hyska never considers the truth or falsity of Putin’s claim. She simply assumes that it’s entirely false. We might say that Putin’s claim is truthy (a term coined by Stephen Colbert). That’s not because we want it to be true (though perhaps that would help Putin’s case), but because with a minimum of historical knowledge, it has certain truth-like elements: 1. There are a significant number of neo-Nazis residing in Ukraine (especially in the military and the militias). 2. With some basic facts about Ukrainian history, we know why (see the explanation above). This is not to argue that Putin’s invasion is justified, though. Hyska uncritically accepts the official good/evil, hero/villain Ukraine-war narrative circulated by the Western media: Putin is the villain. His statements are all lies. His messaging is propaganda. And nothing in this narrative is itself propaganda. Published in De Philosophia March 18, 2022 Then she proceeds to argue that the intention behind Putin’s claim is to intimidate, not (like her own analysis) to persuade. Hyska’s analysis is flawed because it ignores history. Moreover, it’s itself an exercise in soft propaganda. Fortunately, if you know your history, it’s not very persuasive. Shane J. Ralston, Ph.D., is a Teaching Fellow and the Dean of Wright College, Woolf University.