Biopower and Biopolitics

Como seria pensar a educação não a partir da relação entre ciência e técnica e/ou teoria e prática, mas visando o par experiência e sentido? Tendo em vista que a análise de textos filosóficos, literários e a reflexão sobre sua própria experiência como professor são os eixos da experiência intelectual de Larrosa, encontramos uma discussão em torno dessa proposta na reflexão teórica de autores como Benjamin e Heidegger. Posteriormente, em um diálogo com a obra de Arendt, visando uma concepção de escola que pensa o comum e a capacidade de as novas gerações renovarem o mundo, Larrosa inova nossa possibilidade de pensarmos a concepção de experiência na escola ao insistir que se deve
dar autoridade ao mundo, à tradição (restaurando a ideia de autoridade – não no sujeito e
nem no professor). Entretanto, o que a experiência nos permite pensar, dizer, fazer no
campo pedagógico?

An immemorial apparatus construes the human and its relationships with the other lifeforms upon metaphors of verticalisation and straightness, with the consequent rejection and submission of what is not “straight” and of all that it represents. Our very moral lexicon has internalised this dichotomy and is construed upon it: “right,” “righteousness” and “rectitude” all express the opposition to and rejection of what is bowed and crooked, of what deviates from the straight line of justice. This geometry also informs a powerful politics that captures and manages life through the opposition straight/crooked and that I will therefore name “biopolitics of rectitude.” This politics works through exclusion, rejection, submission, and normalisation and warrants a coercive hold on life. This chapter attempts to construe a counterproposal of a politics that deactivates instead the dichotomous opposition straight/crooked and proposes a politics of life that is inclusive and eludes dualisms and contrapositions. To this end I use the category of the “creaturely,” which in recent years has gained traction in many disciplines as a way of challenging traditional, all-too “humanist” dichotomies, and I propose therefore a “creaturely biopolitics,” a politics that approaches life, human and nonhuman alike, not to straighten it up or reject its crookedness, but rather by caring for its playful multiplicity of forms.

This introduction to the edited volume The Biopolitical Animals presents the scope and the stakes of the book. It offers first a brief genealogy of the link and relations between politics and animality, starting with Aristotle’s founding concept of zoon politikon, and analyses then the anthropocentrism that has characterised and marked the main biopolitical theories of the past decades. It explores then the tasks that a reconceptualization and reclaiming of biopolitics are confronted with if they want to expand its scope beyond the traditional boundaries of the human species. Finally, it presents the structure of the volume and gives a brief overview of the three parts and a short summary of each chapter.

The two issues around which this collection revolves are that it is impossible to address biopolitics without taking the animal question into account, and that the animal question inherently concerns the politics of life beyond species barriers. Although biopolitical theories are necessarily structured around animal metaphors, they predominantly refer to human corporeality. On the other hand, the animal question is typically treated as an ethical issue, that is, a question of how human beings, the dominant species, ought to learn how to live peaceably with and respect other forms of life. This collection of essays by leading scholars in the fields of biopolitics and animal studies problematises, reconceptualises, and redefines these categories in order to realise the full potential of the biopolitical framework of analysis in the context of animal studies and praxis.

Table of contents available at: https://edinburghuniversitypress.com/book-the-biopolitical-animal.html

The aim of this article is to present, discuss and critically reflect the emerging in media studies notion of biomedia, which refutes the alleged dichotomy between technology and the body. In the broadest sense, biomedia can be construed as a particular way of mediation whereby the media directly affect and transform the biological dimension of the body and vice versa. The article opens with the discussion of the context in which biomedia emerge – the societies of control (G. Deleuze). In the this first part, the genesis of the concept of biomedia is discussed, as well as two conceptual paradigms – epistemological (E. Thacker’s “dark media”) and ethical (M. Fuller, A. Goffey’s “gray media”) are presented. In the second part, the nexus between biomedia and the cyberbiopolitical regime is highlighted, as well as a peculiar form of biopower, functioning through biomedia – neuropower (W. Neidich) is presented. Ultimately, two potential resistance lines (negative and critical) are examined.

Durante a pandemia da COVID-19, o Brasil foi alvo de grande
preocupação internacional devido às políticas adotadas pelo
governo de extrema direita do presidente Jair Bolsonaro. Seu
desrespeito pelas Medidas Não Farmacológicas (NPI) no combate
à COVID e sua defesa de produtos farmacêuticos considerados
cientificamente ineficazes foram frequentemente caracterizados
como negacionistas e anticientíficos. Este diagnóstico pode não
descrever claramente as múltiplas dimensões enredadas no
negacionismo. Este artigo enfoca a temporalidade implícita nos discursos e práticas negacionistas governamentais. A partir de uma
análise etnográfica de documentos públicos, discursos e postagens
em redes sociais feitas por Bolsonaro e seus ministros entre 2020 e
2022, o artigo descreve como as ações negacionistas do governo
brasileiro se estruturaram em uma temporalidade de futuro
anterior. O artigo sublinha como a ética do futuro anterior e as
políticas de negação abrem um espaço temporal e ético para que
a governança se exonere da responsabilidade pelas mortes e pelo
sofrimento das vítimas, que são rapidamente esquecidos ou
negados. O artigo defende um exame nuançado da
temporalidade e da negação como forma de compreender os
efeitos materiais e políticos do negacionismo institucionalizado
do Estado, especialmente na medida em implicam modos de
governança de vida e morte.

Cet article traite de l’émergence dans les études des images et du cinéma d’une nouvelle perspective d’analyse et d’historiographie des « images du travail ». Souvent considérée comme une thématique référentielle des images, la catégorie du travail a été remise en question depuis quelques décennies par des études anthropologiques, féministes et postmarxistes qui ont contesté son caractère universel et transhistorique. Pourtant, les études des images et du cinéma ont jusqu’à très récemment continué à s’appuyer sur une catégorie ontologique du travail pour la définition de corpus iconographiques. Depuis quelques années, une nouvelle perspective esthétique du travail émerge sous l’impulsion des études des médias, les études sur la culture visuelle et les études des sciences et des technologies. Selon cette perspective, les images du travail assument un caractère actif dans la genèse de la catégorie du travail. Cet article montre, à partir d’exemples d’usages institutionnels des techniques cinématographiques, comment cette nouvelle perspective esthétique du travail permet d’instituer un champ d’études des images du travail qui ne s’articule plus autour d’une thématique référentielle des images, mais autour de l’ensemble des dispositifs de contrôle de l’expérience du travail, au sein desquels les techniques cinématographiques jouent un rôle de plus en plus important.

Drawing from Foucauldian discourse analysis, this study examines explicit news coverage about Ukrainian refugees' desirability compared to Syrian based on biological aesthetics and cultural proximity. Whilst this may raise questions about Western duplicity during humanitarian crises, biopolitical governmentality offers a more useful theoretical framework beyond traditional conceptions of race because biopolitical governmentality of Europeans, through humanitarian governmentality of Ukrainians, is not primarily concerned with the inherent value of the displaced but with the material and emotional well-being of host populations. These benefits are contingent on humanitarian communication that is based on the aesthetic value of the displaced rather than solely the ethics, highlighting the discursive power of humanitarian journalism in the biopolitics of humanitarian crises.

Toda guerra, se supone, tiene un fin. Pero, ¿puede haber un fin de la guerra en general como finalización de todas las guerras? Para arribar al fin definitivo de la guerra, ¿es necesario hacerle la guerra a la guerra? Todas estas preguntas inquietaron al médico alemán Georg Friedrich Nicolai, hoy relegado injustamente al olvido. A comienzos de la Primera Guerra Mundial, Nicolai se opuso a las acciones de Alemania y escribió un libro extraordinario titulado La biología de la guerra, donde desarrolló una suerte de pacifismo biologicista según el cual la guerra, en las sociedades modernas, se habría vuelto un resabio atávico que obstaculiza la evolución humana. Después de 1918, La biología de la guerra despertó enorme entusiasmo en los círculos pacifistas europeos. Pero Nicolai, hostigado por la extrema derecha alemana e invitado por el movimiento universitario reformista, decidió emigrar a Córdoba. Como si la discordia hubiese seguido a este pacifista adondequiera que fuese, en Córdoba volvería a ser objeto de hostigamientos y persecuciones, lo que lo llevará a desplazarse primero a Rosario y después a Santiago de Chile, donde pasó los últimos treinta años de su vida.
En este ensayo recapitulamos el pensamiento de Nicolai sobre la guerra, con especial énfasis en su teoría de lo que llamó “gigantanasia”: la tendencia de la guerra moderna a morir por exceso de crecimiento. También seguiremos las huellas de su paso por Argentina explorando cómo, y en qué medida, el “gran europeo” (tal el título honorífico que le puso Romain Rolland) influyó y se vio influenciado por las batallas culturales latinoamericanas.

En el presente articulo me interesa discutir algunas de las tesis presentadas en el libro de Elias J. Palti titulado Una arqueologia de lo politico . Para ello, luego de efectuar una breve presentacion de los aportes del autor a la historia intelectual, me detengo en tres cuestiones: primero, analizar los supuestos del metodo propuesto en el libro que supone la redefinicion de la historia intelectual como “arqueologia”. Segundo, me detengo en la lectura historica que realiza para mostrar la emergencia y disolucion de lo politico. Tercero, analizo algunas de las afirmaciones realizadas sobre el pensamiento politico posfundacional. El objetivo del articulo es problematizar algunos de los modos de trabajar en el pensamiento politico contemporaneo.

The aim of this article is to explore the different demands and priorities of the intersex community as displayed in various Internet sites. It focuses on common and divergent viewpoints and strategies associated with the social, medical and legal regulations affecting intersex persons. It also demonstrates how online-based policy-making can lead to real actions and change, by allowing to provide information and support for intersex people, their families and supporters. This is oriented to reduce, if not eliminate, the shame and secrecy surrounding the topic, as well as inform and educate physicians and professionals specialized in intersex issues.

Resumen: En este artículo se exploran las aporías entre política y conflicto presentes en el pensamiento de Étienne Balibar. El texto explica, primero, cómo el conflicto es consustancial a la política y cómo, al mismo tiempo, un antagonismo excesivo puede imposibilitar la política sumiéndola en una espiral de violencia. En segundo lugar, el artículo muestra distintas estrategias para atemperar el antagonismo tales como el agonismo y la civilidad. Por último, en relación con este último concepto, se plantea la posibilidad de pensar el sorteo como un dispositivo de civilidad en cuanto que favorece una ruptura con el consenso posdemocrático y una atemperación de la violencia.

All the contents of this work, except where otherwise noted, is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license. Todo o conteúdo deste trabalho, exceto quando houver ressalva, é publicado sob a licença Creative Commons Atribição 4.0. Todo el contenido de esta obra, excepto donde se indique lo contrario, está bajo licencia de la licencia Creative Commons Reconocimento 4.0. "Meio quilo de gente" um estudo antropológico sobre ultrassom obstétrico

This chapter attempts to tackle the politics and commoditization of life by resorting to a posthuman/nonhuman ontology and multispecies ecology. The paper has three sections – the first deals with the imminent politics of life and the consequences of the new inquiries regarding the threshold of life. In the second section this is further corroborated by the critique of anthropocentrism and the implicit revival of anthropos in the guise of species thinking in the discourse of the Anthropocene. This lays the foundation for a posthuman ontology. The third section focuses on the multiplicity of life by exploring the symbiotic relationships that sustain life and thereby challenging the notion of ‘individual’ and ‘species’ as dominant categories of classification. It attempts to look at symbiosis as a Deleuzo-Guattarian assemblage and argues, following Deleuze and Guattari, that symbiotic relations have always been there in history. Finally, the chapter argues for a posthuman ontology that questions the arborescent model of biology and can address the transversal multispecies connections that affirm the immanence of life withstanding the commoditization of it by venture capital.

The paper analyzes proto-totalitarian elements on the examples of linguistic purism in Croatia and France. The author observes the complex phenomenon of linguistic purity, both on the example of state-led language policies of language purification, and on concrete examples of cultural practices. In the case of France, in accordance with the inviolable tradition of preserving the French language, the author looks at recent examples, such as the campaign against the singer Aya Nakamura, which shook this canon and showed its double nature when found in practice. In the case of Croatia, the author dwells on the generational already productive practice of linguistic purism and its consequences. The paper methodologically connects the studies of totalitarianism and the biopolitical strategy of interpretation. The author primarily bases her analysis on the discourses of leading authors in the mentioned theoretical paradigms - Hanna Arendt and Michel Foucault. As a result, this chapter is a contribution to sociolinguistics in the combination of totalitarianism and biopolitics.

Este trabajo explora las experiencias subjetivas y colectivas en torno a la revuelta social chilena desde una perspectiva psicoanalítica, abordando el impacto del trauma, la violencia y la resistencia. Se analiza cómo la memoria colectiva y el olvido se entrelazan en un contexto neoliberal, donde el cuerpo y el acto de recordar se convierten en un terreno de lucha política. A través de la reflexión sobre la tortura, la mutilación ocular y la negación estatal, se enfatiza la importancia del lazo social y el reconocimiento de las víctimas. El texto aboga por un acto de memoria basado en el amor, en contraposición al olvido, y destaca la necesidad de un encuentro simbólico que permita restituir posiciones subjetivas, tanto individuales como colectivas, en el contexto de una sociedad marcada por la represión y la impunidad.

The Suicidal State theorizes a biopolitics of suicide by mapping the entwinement between the Progressive-Era discourse of “race suicide” and period representations of literary suicide. Against the backdrop of the turn-of-the-century debates over immigration restrictions, “race suicide” suggests white Americans' low birth rate as foretelling an immanent extinction of the white race, prefiguring the contemporary white nationalist discourse, “replacement theory.” While race suicide personified the populational subject--the “race”--as a suicidal individual, Progressive-Era literature gave birth to a microgenre of literary suicides, including works by Henry James, Kate Chopin, Jack London, Gertrude Stein, and a series of Madame Butterfly texts.

The Suicidal State argues that suicides in these texts literalize the fear of race suicide as they thwart the biopolitical demands for self-preservation, survival, and reproduction, articulating queer deathways that betray the nation's reproductive imperative. Both in its figuration of race suicide and in literary suicides, self-inflected death is imagined as a uniquely agential act in its destruction of agency, offering a fertile space for the reconceptualization of biopower's subject formation as it traverses individual and social bodies. That is, the book argues that suicide poses a limit case for the biopolitical management over life. Suicide, as it was imagined at the turn of the century, refuses, nullifies, and parries its obligatory relation to both biopower's discipline of the individual and its management of the population, thereby forging new forms of subjectivity and ways of being in the world that sidestep the twin imperatives for preservation and procreation. In tracking these queer potentialities of suicide, The Suicidal State offers a new history of sex and race, of the relation between individual and collective, of the formation of a biopolitical state that Foucault calls a “racist State, a murderous State, and a suicidal State.”

Fiori sopra l'inferno Titolo: Fiori sopra l'inferno. Autore: Ilaria Tuti, nata a Gemona del Friuli nei pressi di Udine nel 1976 è considerata una delle migliori autrici di thriller in Italia. Anno di pubblicazione: 2018, da Longanesi Genere: giallo, thriller. Ambientazione: sulle montagne di Tavernì un luogo non esistente ma verosimile sulle Dolomiti friulane, in questura, all'ospedale, nel convento e nelle case di alcune vittime e sospettati della cittadina. Personaggi principali: Teresa Battaglia: è il commissario e la protagonista del racconto, una donna forte, decisa e che spesso appare fredda per nascondere le sue debolezze. Ha da poco scoperto di essere affetta da Alzheimer, per questo ha spesso dei momenti di black out totale in cui dimentica dove e con chi si trova, nonostante i colleghi fidati il suo carattere le impedisce di chiedere aiuto.

The following are chapter abstracts (quoted from pgs. 8-13 of the manuscript) for my 2019 Palgrave Macmillan/Springer Nature book as entitled above. About This Book This book offers resources for re-imagining the biblical vision of water for a time quickly emerging as "the century of water wars." It takes its urgency from the author's 5-year activist engagement with a grassroots led social movement, pushing back on Detroit water shutoffs as global climate crises intensify. Concerned with both white supremacist "biopolitics" and continuing settler colonial reliance on the Doctrine of Christian Discovery, and beholden to an interreligious methodology of "crossing over and coming back," the text creatively re-reads the biblical tradition under tutelage to the mythologies and practices of various indigenous cultures (Algonquian/Huron, Haitian/Vodouisant, and Celtic/Norman) whose embrace of water is animate and spiritual as well as political and communal. Not enough, today, merely to engage the political battle over water rights, however; indigenous wisdom and biblical prophecy alike insist that recovery of water spirituality is central to a sustainable future.

Ο μπαμπάς μου κάποτε είχε γυρίσει όλη την Κρήτη.

Από τη μία άκρη ως την άλλη.

Ξεκίνησε οδικώς από την Κοζάνη με ένα zastava. Σταμάτησε στα Γιάννενα, επισκέφτηκε το αρχαίο θέατρο της Δωδώνης.

Μετά ταξίδεψε ως το Αίγιο, ύστερα στα Καλάβρυτα, στην Κόρινθο, στο Ναύπλιο, στην Τρίπολη. Από εκεί στη Σπάρτη, στην Καλαμάτα, στη Μάνη, στη Μονεμβασιά, στα Κύθηρα. Και από τα Κύθηρα στον Κίσσαμο.

Και από τον Κίσσαμο ως την Ιεράπετρα και το Βάι.

Κοιμόταν τις περισσότερες φορές έξω, έτρωγε λιτά. Τον κερνούσανε τσικουδιές, τους χάριζε ρακές, που είχε στο πορτ μπαγκάζ.

Και εγώ ο φλώρος και με αεροπλάνο θα πάω και εφτά νύχτες θα μείνω.







(περίληψη από το οπισθόφυλλο του βιβλίου)

In this article I explore the meanings acquired by the notion of 'genetic inheritance' for families in Rio de Janeiro affected by a rare hereditary disorder, Machado-Joseph disease. My analysis examines three points: 1) how experience of the disease was thematized in the family prior to knowledge of its genetic and hereditary origin; 2) how knowledge of genetics affected the family's perception of their health and reproduction through the notion of risk contained in medical explanations; 3) finally, I problematize the meanings of 'hope,' a sentiment frequently cited by people with the disease and their descendants. Notably, despite the high value attributed to science and 'medical progress,' the use of certain biotechnologies is not always seen as positive or capable of enabling choices and actions in response to a rare disease. Notions of risk, responsibility and hope thus acquire singular contours for managing life and the continuity of the family.

Bu çalışmada Michel Foucault tarafından geliştirilen arkeoloji, soybilim ve etik yöntemleri erken cumhuriyet dönemi Türkiye'sinde iktidar mekanizmasının ve kurulu özneliğin analizini yapmak için kullanılmıştır. Çalışma, hem ontolojik anlamda verili bir doğası olmadığı için kurucu olmayan öznenin iktidarın özgül etkileri aracılığıyla inşasına eleştirel bir yaklaşım hem de öznenin yapay doğasının keşfedilmesine yönelik bir girizgâh olmayı amaçlamaktadır. Erken cumhuriyet döneminde öznenin inşasında etkili olan kılcal iktidar ilişkileri ve devlet iktidarı, modernizmin gerçekleşmesi için reddi miras ilişkisine dayanan bir süreksizliği izlerken diğer yandan üretilen söylemsel oluşumlarla bireylerin gündelik yaşamlarını algılama ve benimseme biçimlerini inşa etmiştir. Çalışma, ulus olma söyleminin bireyler tarafından nasıl içselleştirildiğine ve özneleştirme yoluyla kimliklerinin nasıl iktidara tabi kılındığına odaklanırken, aynı zamanda iktidar mekanizmalarına karşı nasıl sınır-tutum geliştirildiğinin tarihselliğine de dayanmaktadır. Belirli bir dönemde var olan 'şey'e kendi tekil bağlamsallıkları içinde bakmak, öznenin o dönem içinde inşa edilmiş doğasını ortaya çıkarır. Bu bağlamda erken cumhuriyet dönemi, ulusal kimlik, laiklik, milli eğitim, beden sağlığı, asri annelik ve kahraman erkeklik gibi söylemsel oluşumlara dayalı hakikat rejimleri tarafından deneyimlerin inşa edildiği ve bireyin özneleştirildiği kendisini eskiden ayıran tarihsel bir süreksizliktir. Tüm bu anlatılar ışığında erken cumhuriyet döneminin Foucauldian bir analizi, ümmet-millet, tebaa-yurttaş, din-laiklik, medrese-okul gibi karşıtlıklarla eskiyi hafıza alanına iterek reddeden dönemin iktidar mekanizmasının biyoiktidarla uyumlu olduğu bir tarihsel süreksizliği ortaya koymaktadır.

In this study, the methods of archaeology, genealogy and ethics developed by Michel Foucault are used to analyse the mechanism of power and constituted subjectivity in early republican Turkey. The study aims to be both a critical approach to the construction of the non-constitutive subject through the specific effects of power since it does not have an ontologically given nature and an introduction to the discovery of the artificial nature of the subject. Capillary power relations and state power, which were effective in the construction of the subject in the early republican period, followed a discontinuity based on the relationship of refusal of inheritance for the realisation of modernism, while on the other hand, they constructed the ways of perceiving and adopting the daily lives of individuals through discursive formations produced. While the study focuses on how the discourse of nationhood is internalised by individuals and how their identities are subordinated to power through subjectification, it is also based on the historicity of how boundary-attitudes are developed against power mechanisms. Looking at the 'thing' existing in a certain period within its singular contextualisations reveals the constructed nature of the subject within that period. In this context, the early republican period is a historical discontinuity that separates itself from the past, where experiences are constructed and the individual is subjectivised by regimes of truth based on discursive formations such as national identity, secularism, national education, physical health, modern motherhood and heroic masculinity. In the light of all these narratives, a Foucauldian analysis of the early republican period reveals a historical discontinuity in which the power mechanism of the period, which rejects the old by pushing it into the field of memory through oppositions such as ummah-nation, subjects-citizen, religion-secularism, madrasa-school, is compatible with biopower.

Here I will explore the contradictions raised by small plastic things forgotten, to paraphrase historical archaeologist James Deetz (1977), which were born from scientific innovation, entrepreneurial incentive, and concern for public health. The dental flosser, toothbrush, birth control pack, tampon and menstrual pad, condom wrapper, sanitising wipe, medical syringe, and surgical mask all qualify as mundane, taken‑for‑granted artefacts ripe for archaeological inquiry. I consider a few of these things in greater depth. To frame my discussion, I draw on ideas about biopower, a concept developed by Michel Foucault and taken up by subsequent writers. I argue that biopowered plastic things marshalled in the service of public health present a conundrum. Science‑based evidence supports their efficacy for safeguarding lives. Yet, because they represent techniques of power designed to control individuals with the aim of a more pliant, cohesive body politic (much like plastic as it moves from mouldable to hardened), these things engender pushback from the resistant, critical, opportunistic, and misinformed; ideologies and authorities are never absolute...

This article critically examines Foucault's engagement with neoliberalism. While Foucault declares that his analysis of this tradition is primarily descriptive, I argue that he continually questions whether neoliberalism is less disciplinary and biopolitically normalizing than traditional forms of liberalism. Although Foucault does not endorse neoliberalism as a prescriptive solution to these problems of normalization, his interest in such problems is consistent with his tendency to privilege freedom over other values like justice and equality. This helps to clarify the normative stakes of Foucault's analysis while rejecting any suggestion that he was invested in neoliberalism as a comprehensive political program. Indeed, I repudiate the claim that he was “seduced” by neoliberalism. Furthermore, I reject the idea that he was trying to “invent” a distinctively socialist governmentality through the prism of neoliberalism. Finally, I consider the broader significance of this discussion for normative political philosophy.

Michel Foucault (1926-1984) was a French philosopher and historian of ideas whose work on the relations between sexuality, power, knowledge and subjectivity served as a crucial basis for the emergence and articulation of queer studies. The introductory volume to The History of Sexuality (1978) provided the critical ballast necessary for constituting sexuality as a primary category of social analysis; a vector of social oppression that intersects with but is irreducible to gender, race and class. It was also a major factor in effecting a shift in lesbian and gay studies from conceiving sexual identities as essentialized, transhistorical, self-evident and stable categories of personal and political identity towards a vision of queer studies oriented around a more thorough resistance to regimes of the normal. This entry outlines key  concepts and situates key arguments from Foucault’s later work including disciplinary power, normalization, biopower, genealogy, power/knowledge and his critique of identity.
Keywords: biopower; normalization; genealogy; bodies; identity; power/knowledge

Según algunas concepciones filosóficas en la posmodernidad asistimos a una nueva ontología. Esta ontología puede considerarse relacional, la cual formula como proposición central que "el ser es relación" (Simondon, 2007). Lo que significa afirmar que los seres no existimos como entes independientes sino sólo en relación, nos continuamos unos con otros sin demarcaciones claras que delimiten entidades previas a la relación. Es a partir de esta ontología que algunos autores han abandonado la visión tradicional del sujeto y proponen nuevas subjetividades ligadas a la monstruosidad. Etimológicamente lo monstruoso es aquello que se muestra, en este sentido no es algo que está oculto y que habría que develar sino una manifestación de la subjetividad. Desde esta perspectiva analizaremos el cyborg que Donna Haraway define como "un organismo cibernético, un híbrido de máquina y organismo, una criatura de realidad social y también de ficción" (Haraway, 1995: 253) y el monstruo biopolítico con el que Antonio Negri denomina "a esta potencia liberadora de la multitud" (Negri, 2001: 185 y 191). En este trabajo nos proponemos determinar cuál es la diferencia entre ambas concepciones ontológicas, así como también, establecer qué es lo que permite identificarlas con la monstruosidad y cuáles son sus consecuencias políticas.

El artículo presenta un análisis filosófico fundamentado en la propuesta teórica elaborada por Michel Foucault, en torno al umbral de modernidad biológica, con la finalidad de captar la singular transformación de la vida producida por el ejercicio de poder y la tecnología. El análisis explora tanto el caso de los xenotrasplantes como el caso de la reintroducción de lobo gris mexicano a su hábitat natural, para intentar mostrar que la biopolítica contemporánea, al tomar la vida natural como objeto, solo es posible en la medida en que está sujeta, tal como lo propuso Jean-Luc Nancy, a la ecotecnia, cuyo efecto productivo estriba en salvar la vida.

Carlos Manrique y Laura Quintana (CM y LQ): en el debate contemporáneo sobre “biopolítica”, en particular en el contexto italiano y siguiendo, entre otros, el impulso de Roberto Esposito, ha cobrado una cierta fuerza la idea de que una verdadera resistencia al gobierno sobre la vida tendría que implicar necesariamente repensar la categoría de la “vida” (más allá de las oposiciones metafísicas entre lo humano y lo animal, o entre bios y zoê) y desarrollar en conformidad con esto las posibilida..

This book analyses assisted death in the philosophical context of biopolitics, searching for the form of resistance which would not produce 'bare life' and would not exclude marginalized social groups. A great deal of the criticism of euthanasia from pro-life movements associates this term with the Nazi practice of eugenics, and this book considers the inescapability of the Holocaust in this regard, while also moving the discussion on assisted death in new directions. The author proposes biographic-individual (but not individualistic) and collective perspective-in the name of subjectivity and solidarity with others. The author constructs conditions of biographic narration which would resist biopolitics, in the name of accidentality and uniqueness of one's life and death. In the third part the author argues that biopolitics has been in crisis since the 1960s when the debates on definition of death started. She shows uncertainty and unpredictability in key fields of biopolitics displaying cracks in the foundations of biopower.

La vida es el fundamento de los bienes, no un bien. El análisis de la sociedad moderna hace inevitable cuestionar: ¿Qué es la vida cuando se ha convertido en una mercancía? Es a través de ese concepto, vida, que se pueden advertir los movimientos de la historia. Su desarrollo genealógico en el decurso de los modos de producción es la condición de posibilidad para la comprensión del proceso histórico a través del materialismo dialéctico hasta llegar a la fase de desarrollo en la cual la vida entra en una profunda contradicción con su reproducción material. Entender cada momento histórico a la luz de las contradicciones entre las fuerzas productivas materiales, las relaciones de producción existentes y sus formas jurídicas ya no en relación con la materia, sino con la vida, es decir, con el sujeto, da un nuevo sentido a la comprensión de la historia,  ya no como progreso, sino como proceso. Todo esto también conduce a cuestiones de carácter moral y al insondable problema de las relaciones entre el modo de producción burgués, la vida, la apropiación de trabajo y la lógica del capital.

Se presenta un análisis del gobierno y la gestión universitaria desde una perspectiva biopolítica, con el objetivo de comprender las transformaciones y desafíos actuales que enfrentan las universidades como instituciones sociales. La mirada biopolítica permite diferenciar a la universidad de otras instituciones de educación superior, otorgándole características y funciones particulares. Analizar el gobierno universitario desde esta perspectiva permite concebir la universidad como parte de un entramado de instituciones de educación superior, pero también como una entidad educativa singular y autónoma. Se retoma el concepto de biopolítica desarrollado por Michel Foucault, quien lo utiliza para analizar la relación entre el Estado y la vida biológica de la población. Se plantea que las universidades, al igual que otros sistemas institucionales, están sujetas a dinámicas de poder y control que influyen en su organización y funcionamiento. El problema se centra en analizar las implicaciones de aplicar el análisis biopolítico al gobierno universitario, con el fin de comprender las formas de poder que operan en su interior y que la sostienen como institución particular y universal al mismo tiempo. Se hace uso de una metodología genealógica que permitirá analizar el desarrollo histórico de la universidad y su gestión en la era contemporánea. Uno de los hallazgos es que la biopolítica demuestra cómo las decisiones institucionales impactan la vida social y biológica, influenciando a la población a través de y valores y prácticas basadas en la idea del humano, lo cual invita a reevaluar resistencias universitarias y decisiones en la educación y sociedad. Disponible en: https://iesalc.unesco.org/ess/index.php/ess3/article/view/v36i1-dt-4

Las practicas artisticas enmarcadas en las artes visuales, son un excelente cuadro para la transmision en terreno del modelo social de la discapacidad. En el presentae articulo vamos a reflexionar sobre la capacidad de esas practicas para provocar el debate y ampliar las pretensiones del modelo social britanico de la discapacidad en Francia

Este artículo analiza, a partir de una postura foucaltiana y antiespecista, las articulaciones históricas entre la animalización de la criminalidad y la criminalización de los animales. Para esto se seguirá el siguiente recorrido: en primer momento repasaremos la reconstrucción genealógica que Foucault hace de la noción de «individuo peligroso» en el siglo XIX, donde el instinto aparece como voluntad arcaica que empuja al individuo al crimen; posteriormente, exploraremos la aparición paralela del problema del instinto animal en las prácticas de crianza, mantenimiento y explotación de razas animales entre el siglo XVIII y XIX; finalmente, veremos cómo en la antropología criminal, el crimen es comprendido como una anormalidad fisiológica que atraviesa a todo el reino animal. Así, mostraremos que el poder sobre la vida animal y el poder punitivo han estado históricamente vinculados a través de la problemática del instinto, que pone en peligro a la especie como fenómeno biopolítico.

This article explores the idea of choosing not to follow health guidelines and how it conflicts with societal norms. In modern societies, being healthy is seen as essential, and individuals are often expected to follow medical advice to avoid risks like smoking or unhealthy eating. This concept is driven by "biopower," a form of control that influences how people live by promoting health and reducing risks. However, the author argues that people should have the right to reject these norms. Skateboarding is used as an example of an activity that is both risky and healthy, challenging the idea that people must always prioritize safety. By embracing risk, individuals can resist societal control and assert their right not to be healthy.