CDC

The research draws on peoples’ understanding of their lived conditions and the materials presented below were worked up with different groups in the study communities through participatory exercises that opened up discussions around work, income, and food. The study highlights that a considerable number of rural families face food deprivation in the lean season and that poverty is underpinned by high incidence of landlessness and marginal landholdings insufficient to meet families’ food needs, low casual daily wage rates and high rates of under-employment, local economic relations that perpetuate poverty, and lack of critical services. In this context, the MCG Program can provide additional work days to families that are food insecure, whilst maintaining / repairing labor-intensive productive infrastructure.

Background. The role of health cost in vaccination programmes cannot be overemphasized: it has contributed significantly to creating and sustaining demand for vaccination services and improving vaccination coverage. In Centre for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), numerous cost approaches have been deployed but these interventions are not without challenges. We therefore aimed to compare the CDC cost of vaccine according to brand name and find out which manufacturer produces the most expensive and the cheapest vaccine. Methods. We used a quantitative approach and conducted a comparative study using the 5 manufacturers published on CDC website: Sanofi Pasteur, GlaxoSmithKline, Merck, Pfizer, Grifols and their vaccine brand names respectively. We identified cost of each vaccine for children program for September 2019 form CDC website. We also reviewed relevant documents. Secondary Data generated were analyzed manually because the data was small. Results. The CDC cost for all the vaccine for children program are cheaper than the private sector cost.

Purpose:
Chronic disseminated candidiasis (CDC) is a complication of Candida infection in immunocompromised patients, involving the liver and spleen, and rarely other organs. The aim of the study is to identify the best antifungal drug for hematologic immunocompromised patients with CDC.

Methods:
In this multicentric retrospective study, the charts of 20 patients with CDC following cytotoxic agent protocols for hematological malignancies, diagnosed from 2003 to 2013, were analyzed. The response to systemic antifungal therapy within 90 days from CDC diagnosis and the possible delay in chemotherapy plan, due to the infection, were evaluated.

Results:
Six patients were treated with high-dose (HD; 5 mg/kg/daily) liposomal amphotericin B (L-AmB), whereas three received standard-dose (SD) L-AmB (3 mg/kg/daily). Azoles were given to six patients; the remaining five were treated with echinocandins. All patients treated with HD L-AmB (6/6-100 %) achieved complete resolution of CDC; one of them had to interrupt the chemotherapy program for the infection. In the SD L-AmB group, treatment failed in the 100 % of cases and one patient had to delay chemotherapy for the infection. Of the six patients who received azoles, two achieved complete resolution of the infection, four experienced treatment failure, and only three performed chemotherapy as planned. Echinocandins treatment resulted in complete resolution of the infection in 2/5 cases, partial response in 2/5 cases, and failure in one case. In this group, 3/5 patients completed chemotherapy as planned.

Conclusions:
This study shows that HD L-AmB was particularly effective against CDC in hematologic patients, allowing most patients to continue cytotoxic agent program.

As this chapter illustrates, the selection of party leaders in Spain has not changed substantially since it was first implemented with the restoration of democracy. Formally, leadership selection is essentially made through delegates in party congresses. None of the analyzed parties has ever held (open or closed) primaries to select the party leader. Unlike other countries this has not prompted intra-party competition: generally speaking, the incumbent party leaders are rarely challenged, and party contests are still atypical even when the incumbent resigns. Furthermore, these procedures have not favoured the promotion of women as party leaders. Party primaries, intra-party contests and women’s promotion can be found in Spain, but they have mainly occurred in minor or regionalist parties (like UPyD, ERC or ICV), at the regional level, and mostly for the selection of the party’s top candidate.

Diante da ausência de uma lei específica para a proteção de usuários de serviços públicos, é muito comum que o Código de Defesa do Consumidor seja aplicado nessas situações. As justificativas para legitimar essa aplicação são ainda mais fortes quando se analisa o atual regime jurídico da prestação de serviços públicos, cada vez mais influenciado por normas tidas como de “Direito Privado”. Qualquer solução extremada (tanto a aplicação total, como a negação da aplicação do CDC) deve ser afastada, tendo em vista a necessidade de uma proteção jurídica adequada dos usuários de serviços públicos. Nesse sentido, defende-se a aplicação provisória das normas do CDC sempre que, passando pela filtragem constitucional, esses dispositivos estejam de acordo com o regime jurídico-administrativo.

A global growth in the middle class is anticipated to influence development choices and the evolution of domestic polities associated with a ‘rising‘ South. Responding to the local effects of a multi-polar world order will add to a citizen’s existing need to navigate national polycentrism. Exploration of this citizen-centric phenomenon introduces a new, comprehensive analytic framework that combines public with private governance, the latter categorised as modern, traditional and virtual. These categories are used to compare and contrast events of mass activism in Brazil and Turkey. It is argued that electronically networked agency played a significant role in people’s navigation involving scale, mobilization and self-organisation. In addition, a polycentric analysis suggests that a stronger middle class ‘voice’ for public accountability may be offset by processes that privatise domestic governance, reflecting what is happening internationally.

Une croissance mondiale dans la classe moyenne est supposée influencer les choix de la coopération au développement et l’évolution des systèmes politiques nationaux associés à un Sud « montant». Le besoin de répondre aux effets locaux d’un ordre mondial multipolaire s’ajoutera à la nécessité actuelle pour un citoyen d’évoluer dans un contexte de polycentrisme national. L’exploration de ce phénomène centré sur le citoyen introduit un nouveau cadre analytique complet qui combine gouvernance publique et privée, cette dernière étant classée comme moderne traditionnelle et virtuelle. Ces catégories sont utilisées pour comparer et contraster les événements d’activisme de masse au Brésil et en Turquie. Il est soutenu que la possession d’un vaste réseau électronique joue un rôle important dans la capacité des gens à évoluer dans ce contexte, telle que la mise à l’échelle, la mobilisation et l’auto-organisation. En outre, une analyse polycentrique suggère qu’une mobilisation plus forte de la classe moyenne en faveur d’une responsabilité publique peut être annulée par des procédés qui privatisent la gouvernance nationale, reflétant ce qui se passe à l’échelle internationale.