- Political Parties, Elites (Political Science), Spanish politics, Party organization, Party members, Party finance, and 23 moreCandidate Selection, Political Science, Comparative Politics, Governance, Leadership (Political Science), Democracy, Decentralisation processes and development issues, Prime Ministership, Democratization, European Politics, Politicas Publicas, Administracion Publica, Institutions (Political Science), Modernización del Estado, Spanish Studies, Political Elites, Political Institutions, Subnational Politics, Coalition Government, Ethnoregionalism, Spanish Political System, Multi Level Governance, and Multilevel governanceedit
Research Interests:
¿Qué pasa en Cataluña? ¿Por qué sucede lo que sucede? ¿Quiénes orientan los eventos? ¿De dónde vienen sus posturas? ¿Son nuevas? ¿A dónde quieren ir? Los historiadores no pueden explicar lo que sucederá. Tienen vedado el futuro. Pero... more
¿Qué pasa en Cataluña? ¿Por qué sucede lo que sucede? ¿Quiénes orientan los eventos? ¿De dónde vienen sus posturas? ¿Son nuevas? ¿A dónde quieren ir?
Los historiadores no pueden explicar lo que sucederá. Tienen vedado el futuro. Pero conocen el pasado del que sale ese devenir. Este libro es un conjunto que ofrece al lector español unos materiales para poder valorar que ha cambiado en Cataluña, de dónde ha surgido el “giro independentista” y qué “hojas de ruta” arrastran.
No es un libro partidista. En él hay muchas voces, miradas críticas que miran desde ángulos diversos. Nuestra idea rectora es dar más noticia que las noticias de los diarios. No se pretende reducir la complejidad política a meras consignas. Se quiere entender, ni más, ni menos.
Los historiadores no pueden explicar lo que sucederá. Tienen vedado el futuro. Pero conocen el pasado del que sale ese devenir. Este libro es un conjunto que ofrece al lector español unos materiales para poder valorar que ha cambiado en Cataluña, de dónde ha surgido el “giro independentista” y qué “hojas de ruta” arrastran.
No es un libro partidista. En él hay muchas voces, miradas críticas que miran desde ángulos diversos. Nuestra idea rectora es dar más noticia que las noticias de los diarios. No se pretende reducir la complejidad política a meras consignas. Se quiere entender, ni más, ni menos.
Research Interests:
De la mano de Josep Antoni Durran Lleida, Unió Democràtica de Catalunya ha jugado un relevante papel en la política catalana y española de las últimas décadas. Este libro analiza las razones del pacto que este partido estableció con la... more
De la mano de Josep Antoni Durran Lleida, Unió Democràtica de Catalunya ha jugado un relevante papel en la política catalana y española de las últimas décadas. Este libro analiza las razones del pacto que este partido estableció con la Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya de Jordi Pujol, así como los principales efectos que se han derivado de la formación de esta peculiar y duradera alianza política. El análisis de la evolución política y organizativa de UDC muestra cómo el creciente liderazgo de Duran fue un factor clave para superar la crisis de identidad y la endémica lucha faccional que el partido vivió durante los años ochenta. Y, a su vez, un elemento fundamental para entender la creciente influencia que Duran y Unió han tenido sobre CIU
Reference: Baras, M. and Barberà, O. (2000): “Partido Popular”, Molas, I. (ed.) Diccionari dels Partits Polítics de Catalunya. Segle XX Barcelona, Enciclopedia Catalana. This book traces the evolution of the Catalan branch of Spain's... more
Reference:
Baras, M. and Barberà, O. (2000): “Partido Popular”, Molas, I. (ed.) Diccionari dels Partits Polítics de Catalunya. Segle XX Barcelona, Enciclopedia Catalana.
This book traces the evolution of the Catalan branch of Spain's Partido Popular.
Baras, M. and Barberà, O. (2000): “Partido Popular”, Molas, I. (ed.) Diccionari dels Partits Polítics de Catalunya. Segle XX Barcelona, Enciclopedia Catalana.
This book traces the evolution of the Catalan branch of Spain's Partido Popular.
Reference: Barberà, O. (2001): “La coalició Convergència i Unió”, a Culla, J.B: El pal de paller. Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya (1974-2000). Barcelona: Pòrtic. This book chapter describes the evolution of Convergència i Unió... more
Reference:
Barberà, O. (2001): “La coalició Convergència i Unió”, a Culla, J.B: El pal de paller. Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya (1974-2000). Barcelona: Pòrtic.
This book chapter describes the evolution of Convergència i Unió form its origins (1978) to 2000. The chapter points out the main organizational dynamics involved in each stage of CiUs evolution.
Barberà, O. (2001): “La coalició Convergència i Unió”, a Culla, J.B: El pal de paller. Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya (1974-2000). Barcelona: Pòrtic.
This book chapter describes the evolution of Convergència i Unió form its origins (1978) to 2000. The chapter points out the main organizational dynamics involved in each stage of CiUs evolution.
Research Interests:
Reference: Barbera, O (2010): Unió Democràtica de Catalunya: evolució política i organitzativa. Bellaterra: Servei de Publicacions de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona This book is the first monographic study on the evolution of Unió... more
Reference:
Barbera, O (2010): Unió Democràtica de Catalunya: evolució política i organitzativa. Bellaterra: Servei de Publicacions de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
This book is the first monographic study on the evolution of Unió Democràtica de Catalunya (Democratic Union of Catalonia) from 1931 until 2003. Its main objective is to offer an interpretation of how UDC has evolved from an opposition party to a party in government. The book explains the main factors involved in UDCs change in the different stages of its history. The partnership with CDC (initiated in 1978), and the strong leadership of Josep A. Duran i Lleida (its leader since 1987) appear, in this sense, as key factors to understand much of the party's transformation since the democratic transition.
Barbera, O (2010): Unió Democràtica de Catalunya: evolució política i organitzativa. Bellaterra: Servei de Publicacions de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
This book is the first monographic study on the evolution of Unió Democràtica de Catalunya (Democratic Union of Catalonia) from 1931 until 2003. Its main objective is to offer an interpretation of how UDC has evolved from an opposition party to a party in government. The book explains the main factors involved in UDCs change in the different stages of its history. The partnership with CDC (initiated in 1978), and the strong leadership of Josep A. Duran i Lleida (its leader since 1987) appear, in this sense, as key factors to understand much of the party's transformation since the democratic transition.
Research Interests:
Reference: Barberà, O and Barrio, A. (2006): “Convergència i Unió: from Stabilty to Decline?”, De Winter, L., Gómez-Reino, M. and Lynch, P. (Ed): Autonomist Parties in Europe: Identity Politics and the Revival of the Territorial... more
Reference:
Barberà, O and Barrio, A. (2006): “Convergència i Unió: from Stabilty to Decline?”, De Winter, L., Gómez-Reino, M. and Lynch, P. (Ed): Autonomist Parties in Europe: Identity Politics and the Revival of the Territorial Cleavage. Barcelona: Institut de
Ciències Polítiques i Socials.
The chapter offers an overview of Convergencia i Unió history, electoral evolution, organization, party membership form 1978 to 2003.
Barberà, O and Barrio, A. (2006): “Convergència i Unió: from Stabilty to Decline?”, De Winter, L., Gómez-Reino, M. and Lynch, P. (Ed): Autonomist Parties in Europe: Identity Politics and the Revival of the Territorial Cleavage. Barcelona: Institut de
Ciències Polítiques i Socials.
The chapter offers an overview of Convergencia i Unió history, electoral evolution, organization, party membership form 1978 to 2003.
Research Interests:
Reference: Barberà, O; Barrio, A; and Rodríguez, J. (2004): “Perfils i percepcions polítiques dels militants dels partits polítics catalans”, Baras, M (ed) (2004): Els militants dels partits polítics de Catalunya. Perfils socials i... more
Reference:
Barberà, O; Barrio, A; and Rodríguez, J. (2004): “Perfils i percepcions polítiques dels militants dels partits polítics catalans”, Baras, M (ed) (2004): Els militants dels partits polítics de Catalunya. Perfils socials i percepcions polítiques. Barcelona: Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials.
Barberà, O; Barrio, A; and Rodríguez, J. (2004): “Perfils i percepcions polítiques dels militants dels partits polítics catalans”, Baras, M (ed) (2004): Els militants dels partits polítics de Catalunya. Perfils socials i percepcions polítiques. Barcelona: Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials.
Research Interests:
Reference: Barberà, O; Barrio, A; and Rodríguez, J. (coord) (2002): Els militants de les organitzacions polítiques juvenils a Catalunya. Barcelona: Fundació Jaume Bofill / Diputació de Barcelona. The book shows how young party activists... more
Reference:
Barberà, O; Barrio, A; and Rodríguez, J. (coord) (2002): Els militants de les organitzacions polítiques juvenils a Catalunya. Barcelona: Fundació Jaume Bofill / Diputació de Barcelona.
The book shows how young party activists in Catalonia are. It contains the results of a large survey upon members of all party youth associations in Catalonia (JSC, JNC, UJ, JERC, JI, NNGG) that we carried out in place in 2000. With more than 500 requested people, our survey design the profile of young member activists in Catalonia in several dimensions (social and cultural profile, ideological identification and political opinions about own association and other parties) Also we compare the profile of these members to older party activists and to young catalan citizens (less than 30 years). The results shows party differents but also generation similarities, suggesting interesting inferences about the role and personality of young political party members in Catalonia.
Barberà, O; Barrio, A; and Rodríguez, J. (coord) (2002): Els militants de les organitzacions polítiques juvenils a Catalunya. Barcelona: Fundació Jaume Bofill / Diputació de Barcelona.
The book shows how young party activists in Catalonia are. It contains the results of a large survey upon members of all party youth associations in Catalonia (JSC, JNC, UJ, JERC, JI, NNGG) that we carried out in place in 2000. With more than 500 requested people, our survey design the profile of young member activists in Catalonia in several dimensions (social and cultural profile, ideological identification and political opinions about own association and other parties) Also we compare the profile of these members to older party activists and to young catalan citizens (less than 30 years). The results shows party differents but also generation similarities, suggesting interesting inferences about the role and personality of young political party members in Catalonia.
Research Interests:
Reference:
Barberà, O. (2000): Unió Democràtica de Catalunya (1976-1978). Barcelona: Editorial Mediterrània.
Barberà, O. (2000): Unió Democràtica de Catalunya (1976-1978). Barcelona: Editorial Mediterrània.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Reference: Rodríguez, J.; Barberà, O.; Barrio, A.; Baras, M. (2010): “¿Se han hecho más democráticos los partidos? La evolución de la selección de líder en España (1977-2008)”, Revista Mexicana de Ciencia Política, 208: 159-187. The aim... more
Reference:
Rodríguez, J.; Barberà, O.; Barrio, A.; Baras, M. (2010): “¿Se han hecho más democráticos los partidos? La evolución de la selección de líder en España (1977-2008)”, Revista Mexicana de Ciencia Política, 208: 159-187.
The aim of this article is to test whether between 1977 and 2008 has been an increase in internal democracy in the main Spanish political parties. We will focus on the process of selecting the leader. Our research question is whether parties have fostered equality in the participation to select party leader, favouring representative tools or direct election either. We also test the hypothesis that the degree of equality in the selection party rules affects the degree of political competition amongst candidates for party leadership. The paper observes the conditions of eligibility (certification), the selectorate who chooses the leader, the level of participation of members and the level of competitiveness in the election. The results show that the parties have strengthened representation mechanisms for leader selection. Conversely, we didn’t find empirical relation between selection party rules and the degree of competition for leadership.
Rodríguez, J.; Barberà, O.; Barrio, A.; Baras, M. (2010): “¿Se han hecho más democráticos los partidos? La evolución de la selección de líder en España (1977-2008)”, Revista Mexicana de Ciencia Política, 208: 159-187.
The aim of this article is to test whether between 1977 and 2008 has been an increase in internal democracy in the main Spanish political parties. We will focus on the process of selecting the leader. Our research question is whether parties have fostered equality in the participation to select party leader, favouring representative tools or direct election either. We also test the hypothesis that the degree of equality in the selection party rules affects the degree of political competition amongst candidates for party leadership. The paper observes the conditions of eligibility (certification), the selectorate who chooses the leader, the level of participation of members and the level of competitiveness in the election. The results show that the parties have strengthened representation mechanisms for leader selection. Conversely, we didn’t find empirical relation between selection party rules and the degree of competition for leadership.
Research Interests:
Reference: Botella, J.; Rodríguez, J.; Barberà, O.; Barrio, A (2011) “Las carreras políticas de los jefes de gobierno regionales en España, Francia y el Reino Unido (1980-2009)”, Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas, 133:... more
Reference:
Botella, J.; Rodríguez, J.; Barberà, O.; Barrio, A (2011) “Las carreras políticas de los jefes de gobierno regionales en España, Francia y el Reino Unido (1980-2009)”, Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas, 133: 3-20.
This article aims to address the effects of political decentralization on the regional political elite. We observe whether a bifurcation is taking place regarding the national elite, through a predominance of local and regional careers. We use a descriptive approach of the political careers of the regional presidents and prime ministers in Spain, France and United Kingdom, comparing amongst countries and periods of time. The data suggest the existence of different patterns, in which local and national paths tend to dissociate, creating distinctive cursus honorum. Spain is the best case to observe the arise of political careers linked to the new regional institutions.
Botella, J.; Rodríguez, J.; Barberà, O.; Barrio, A (2011) “Las carreras políticas de los jefes de gobierno regionales en España, Francia y el Reino Unido (1980-2009)”, Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas, 133: 3-20.
This article aims to address the effects of political decentralization on the regional political elite. We observe whether a bifurcation is taking place regarding the national elite, through a predominance of local and regional careers. We use a descriptive approach of the political careers of the regional presidents and prime ministers in Spain, France and United Kingdom, comparing amongst countries and periods of time. The data suggest the existence of different patterns, in which local and national paths tend to dissociate, creating distinctive cursus honorum. Spain is the best case to observe the arise of political careers linked to the new regional institutions.
Research Interests:
Reference Barrio, A., Rodríguez – Teruel, J., Barberà, O., Baras, M. (2010): “Party congress delegates in Spain: The state of the art”, Paper presented to the XVII International Sociology Association World Congress. Gothenburg, 11-17 July... more
Reference
Barrio, A., Rodríguez – Teruel, J., Barberà, O., Baras, M. (2010): “Party congress delegates in Spain: The state of the art”, Paper presented to the XVII International Sociology Association World Congress. Gothenburg, 11-17 July 2010
Barrio, Barberà, Rodríguez-Teruel, (2011) 'Intra party democracy and middle elites in Spain', Paper presented to the Workshop “The current state of party member research”, Copenhagen, February 3rd - 4th, 2011
The aim of this paper is to present an assessment of the state of the art in the study of party members in Spain. In particular, the paper is focused on the study of convention delegates, by far the most studied topic of this literature in Spain. To that purpose it first describes how party convention works and how they have evolved over time. Then a brief evolution of the different team projects and questionnaires is presented. This finally allows us to critically review the major theoretical, methodological and practical problems raised in this research.
Barrio, A., Rodríguez – Teruel, J., Barberà, O., Baras, M. (2010): “Party congress delegates in Spain: The state of the art”, Paper presented to the XVII International Sociology Association World Congress. Gothenburg, 11-17 July 2010
Barrio, Barberà, Rodríguez-Teruel, (2011) 'Intra party democracy and middle elites in Spain', Paper presented to the Workshop “The current state of party member research”, Copenhagen, February 3rd - 4th, 2011
The aim of this paper is to present an assessment of the state of the art in the study of party members in Spain. In particular, the paper is focused on the study of convention delegates, by far the most studied topic of this literature in Spain. To that purpose it first describes how party convention works and how they have evolved over time. Then a brief evolution of the different team projects and questionnaires is presented. This finally allows us to critically review the major theoretical, methodological and practical problems raised in this research.
Research Interests:
Reference: Baras, Barberà, Rodríguez-Teruel, Barrio (2011) “The evolution of party funding reforms in Spain (1977-2011)” , paper presented to the ECPR/IPSA Conference 'Whatever happended to the North/South' 16-19 February 2011. The... more
Reference:
Baras, Barberà, Rodríguez-Teruel, Barrio (2011) “The evolution of party funding reforms in Spain (1977-2011)” , paper presented to the ECPR/IPSA Conference 'Whatever happended to the North/South' 16-19 February 2011.
The gradual implementation of new, more participatory and thus, more democratic mechanisms of intraparty decision making has been pointed out by several party politics scholars. This phenomenon has been studied as the party elite’s reactions to a widespread trend in Western countries: the party membership decline. Spain is still a deviant case in both the party membership decline trend, and with regards to the introduction of more participatory and democratic decision making mechanisms. However, the paper point out that support for intra-party democracy is quite widespread within Spanish party middle elites (party delegates). That is why the aim of this paper is to explain which factors are underpinning the supports for intra-party democracy amongst Spanish party delegates. After conducting a multivariate analysis, the results show that ideology, the involvement in intra-party experiences and the degree of pragmatism, amongst others, are factors strongly associated with the support for intraparty democracy in
Spanish party middle elites.
Baras, Barberà, Rodríguez-Teruel, Barrio (2011) “The evolution of party funding reforms in Spain (1977-2011)” , paper presented to the ECPR/IPSA Conference 'Whatever happended to the North/South' 16-19 February 2011.
The gradual implementation of new, more participatory and thus, more democratic mechanisms of intraparty decision making has been pointed out by several party politics scholars. This phenomenon has been studied as the party elite’s reactions to a widespread trend in Western countries: the party membership decline. Spain is still a deviant case in both the party membership decline trend, and with regards to the introduction of more participatory and democratic decision making mechanisms. However, the paper point out that support for intra-party democracy is quite widespread within Spanish party middle elites (party delegates). That is why the aim of this paper is to explain which factors are underpinning the supports for intra-party democracy amongst Spanish party delegates. After conducting a multivariate analysis, the results show that ideology, the involvement in intra-party experiences and the degree of pragmatism, amongst others, are factors strongly associated with the support for intraparty democracy in
Spanish party middle elites.
Research Interests:
Reference Barrio, Barberà, Rodríguez-Teruel, (2011) 'Intra party democracy and middle elites in Spain', paper presented to the ECPR/IPSA Conference 'Whatever happended to the North/South' 16-19 February 2011 From 1976 to 2011 the Spanish... more
Reference
Barrio, Barberà, Rodríguez-Teruel, (2011) 'Intra party democracy and middle elites in Spain', paper presented to the ECPR/IPSA Conference 'Whatever happended to the North/South' 16-19 February 2011
From 1976 to 2011 the Spanish party funding regime has evolved from an essentially private funding system to another one predominantly based on state funding. The aim of our paper is to develop a new model to explain the introduction and reforms of party funding in Spain. Our main hypothesis suggests that new (third wave) democracies party funding reforms follow a different path to the well-established democracies. That is why we state that political parties weaknesses, and not to other factors (such as corruption) may be the most important factor linked to each party reform. The empirical part of the paper tries to identify, using process tracing methods, the main factors laying behind each party funding reform adopted in Spain (1976-1978, 1985-1987, 1991-1994, 2007, 2011). The conclusions support our main hypothesis. However, the evidence from the Spanish case also allows us to propose a new path under which parties can accept reforms that are detrimental to theirincreasing state funding revenues.
Barrio, Barberà, Rodríguez-Teruel, (2011) 'Intra party democracy and middle elites in Spain', paper presented to the ECPR/IPSA Conference 'Whatever happended to the North/South' 16-19 February 2011
From 1976 to 2011 the Spanish party funding regime has evolved from an essentially private funding system to another one predominantly based on state funding. The aim of our paper is to develop a new model to explain the introduction and reforms of party funding in Spain. Our main hypothesis suggests that new (third wave) democracies party funding reforms follow a different path to the well-established democracies. That is why we state that political parties weaknesses, and not to other factors (such as corruption) may be the most important factor linked to each party reform. The empirical part of the paper tries to identify, using process tracing methods, the main factors laying behind each party funding reform adopted in Spain (1976-1978, 1985-1987, 1991-1994, 2007, 2011). The conclusions support our main hypothesis. However, the evidence from the Spanish case also allows us to propose a new path under which parties can accept reforms that are detrimental to theirincreasing state funding revenues.
Research Interests:
Reference: Hopkin, J. and Barberà, O. (2011), “Regionalist parties and multi-level governance: Spain and the UK in comparative perspective” paper presented to the ECPR/IPSA Conference 'Whatever happended to the North/South' 16-19 February... more
Reference:
Hopkin, J. and Barberà, O. (2011), “Regionalist parties and multi-level governance: Spain and the UK in comparative perspective” paper presented to the ECPR/IPSA Conference 'Whatever happended to the North/South' 16-19 February 2011.
This paper tries to assess the impact of regionalist parties on the evolution of territorial politics in Spain and the United Kingdom. Its fundamental aim is to contribute to the “nationalization of politics” debate recently revisited from different approaches by the works of Caramani’s (2004) and Chibber and Kollman’s (2004). The comparison includes data from the regionalist parties in the national and regional arena. The results don’t appear to correspond to the conclusions of neither of the two approaches showing, instead a more complex reality.
Hopkin, J. and Barberà, O. (2011), “Regionalist parties and multi-level governance: Spain and the UK in comparative perspective” paper presented to the ECPR/IPSA Conference 'Whatever happended to the North/South' 16-19 February 2011.
This paper tries to assess the impact of regionalist parties on the evolution of territorial politics in Spain and the United Kingdom. Its fundamental aim is to contribute to the “nationalization of politics” debate recently revisited from different approaches by the works of Caramani’s (2004) and Chibber and Kollman’s (2004). The comparison includes data from the regionalist parties in the national and regional arena. The results don’t appear to correspond to the conclusions of neither of the two approaches showing, instead a more complex reality.
Research Interests:
Reference: Barberà,O.; Baras, M.; Barrio, A.; Rodríguez, J. (2010) Are parties domocratizing themselves? the evolution of leardership selection in Spain (1977-2008), Working Paper 285/10. Barcelona: Institut de Ciències Polítiques i... more
Reference:
Barberà,O.; Baras, M.; Barrio, A.; Rodríguez, J. (2010) Are parties domocratizing themselves? the evolution of leardership selection in Spain (1977-2008), Working Paper 285/10. Barcelona: Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials
The aim of this article is to test whether between 1977 and 2008 has been an increase in internal democracy in the main Spanish political parties, focusing on the process of selecting the party leader. Our research question is whether parties have fostered equality in the process to select the party leader, favouring representative or direct mechanisms of intraparty democracy. We also test the hypothesis that the degree of equality in the selection rules and procedures affects the degree of political competition amongst candidates for party leadership. The results show that Spanish parties have strengthened their representation mechanisms for the leadership selection. Conversely, we didn’t find empirical relation between the selection rules and the degree of competition.
Barberà,O.; Baras, M.; Barrio, A.; Rodríguez, J. (2010) Are parties domocratizing themselves? the evolution of leardership selection in Spain (1977-2008), Working Paper 285/10. Barcelona: Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials
The aim of this article is to test whether between 1977 and 2008 has been an increase in internal democracy in the main Spanish political parties, focusing on the process of selecting the party leader. Our research question is whether parties have fostered equality in the process to select the party leader, favouring representative or direct mechanisms of intraparty democracy. We also test the hypothesis that the degree of equality in the selection rules and procedures affects the degree of political competition amongst candidates for party leadership. The results show that Spanish parties have strengthened their representation mechanisms for the leadership selection. Conversely, we didn’t find empirical relation between the selection rules and the degree of competition.
Research Interests:
Reference: Baras, A., Barberà, O., Rodríguez-Teruel, J., Barrio, A. (2010) “Representation within Political Parties: Spanish party delegates’ opinions on intra-party democracy', Paper presented to the XVII International Sociology... more
Reference:
Baras, A., Barberà, O., Rodríguez-Teruel, J., Barrio, A. (2010) “Representation within Political Parties: Spanish party delegates’ opinions on intra-party democracy', Paper presented to the XVII International Sociology Association World Congress. Gotheborg, 11-17 July 2010
The existence of a new phenomenon has been pointed out by party politics scholars: the gradual implementation of new mechanisms of intra-party decision-making more participatory and thus, more democratic. This phenomenon has been linked to party elite’s reactions to a general trend: party membership decline. Spain is a deviant case in both the party membership decline, and with the introduction of more participatory and democratic decision-making mechanisms. That is why the aim of this paper is, on the one hand, to check whether support for intra-party democracy can be found in Spanish party middle elites (party delegates), and, on the other, to explore the determinants of the support for intra-party democracy amongst party delegates. The results of our paper show that support for intra-party democracy is quite widespread in Spanish party delegates. We also detect emprirical evidence of the impact generated in the support for intra-party democracy by ideology, involvement in intra-party experiences and degree of pragmatism.
Baras, A., Barberà, O., Rodríguez-Teruel, J., Barrio, A. (2010) “Representation within Political Parties: Spanish party delegates’ opinions on intra-party democracy', Paper presented to the XVII International Sociology Association World Congress. Gotheborg, 11-17 July 2010
The existence of a new phenomenon has been pointed out by party politics scholars: the gradual implementation of new mechanisms of intra-party decision-making more participatory and thus, more democratic. This phenomenon has been linked to party elite’s reactions to a general trend: party membership decline. Spain is a deviant case in both the party membership decline, and with the introduction of more participatory and democratic decision-making mechanisms. That is why the aim of this paper is, on the one hand, to check whether support for intra-party democracy can be found in Spanish party middle elites (party delegates), and, on the other, to explore the determinants of the support for intra-party democracy amongst party delegates. The results of our paper show that support for intra-party democracy is quite widespread in Spanish party delegates. We also detect emprirical evidence of the impact generated in the support for intra-party democracy by ideology, involvement in intra-party experiences and degree of pragmatism.
Research Interests:
Reference: Barberà, O., Barrio, A. Rodríguez, J. (2009) “Los Partidos de Ámbito No Estatal en Aragón: El Partido Aragonés y la Chunta Aragonesista” Papers – Revista de Sociología, 92: 171-195 The aim of this article is to describe the... more
Reference:
Barberà, O., Barrio, A. Rodríguez, J. (2009) “Los Partidos de Ámbito No Estatal en Aragón: El Partido Aragonés y la Chunta Aragonesista” Papers – Revista de Sociología, 92: 171-195
The aim of this article is to describe the political and organizational evolution of the two main non state wide parties in Aragon: the Partido Aragonés (PAR) and the Chunta Aragonesista (CHA). The article focuses on the importance that the environmental changes, especially at the electoral arena, have had on the evolution of both parties. And also points out the similarities of their trajectories, deeply marked by a significant initial growth and steady electoral erosion once the representation threshold is achieved.
Barberà, O., Barrio, A. Rodríguez, J. (2009) “Los Partidos de Ámbito No Estatal en Aragón: El Partido Aragonés y la Chunta Aragonesista” Papers – Revista de Sociología, 92: 171-195
The aim of this article is to describe the political and organizational evolution of the two main non state wide parties in Aragon: the Partido Aragonés (PAR) and the Chunta Aragonesista (CHA). The article focuses on the importance that the environmental changes, especially at the electoral arena, have had on the evolution of both parties. And also points out the similarities of their trajectories, deeply marked by a significant initial growth and steady electoral erosion once the representation threshold is achieved.
Research Interests:
Reference: Botella, J.; Rodríguez, J.; Barberà, O.; Barrio, A (2010)“A new political elite in western europe? Regional prime ministers in ECPR General Conference, Potsdam 10-12 September 2009 Spain, France and United Kingdom... more
Reference:
Botella, J.; Rodríguez, J.; Barberà, O.; Barrio, A (2010)“A new political elite in western europe? Regional prime ministers in ECPR General Conference, Potsdam 10-12 September 2009 Spain, France and United Kingdom (1978-2008)",
Botella, J.; Rodríguez, J.; Barberà, O.; Barrio, A (2010) “A new political elite in Western Europe? Regional prime ministers in new decentralized countries”, French Politics, 8 (1): 42-61.
This article aims to observe the effects of decentralisation on the political careers of the regional elite in Spain, France and the United Kingdom. We address the main career pathways of these elites, and we test whether the type of decentralisation and the duration of decentralisation make a difference to their careers. The results show different career pathways, and outline the eventual emergence of a new cursus honorum in which local and national career paths are dissociating. Institutional structure and time make a difference. In France, regional presidents tend to follow a traditional career path, whereas in Spain we find new territorial careers. The consolidation of regional institutions seems to favour the differentiation of political careers.
Botella, J.; Rodríguez, J.; Barberà, O.; Barrio, A (2010)“A new political elite in western europe? Regional prime ministers in ECPR General Conference, Potsdam 10-12 September 2009 Spain, France and United Kingdom (1978-2008)",
Botella, J.; Rodríguez, J.; Barberà, O.; Barrio, A (2010) “A new political elite in Western Europe? Regional prime ministers in new decentralized countries”, French Politics, 8 (1): 42-61.
This article aims to observe the effects of decentralisation on the political careers of the regional elite in Spain, France and the United Kingdom. We address the main career pathways of these elites, and we test whether the type of decentralisation and the duration of decentralisation make a difference to their careers. The results show different career pathways, and outline the eventual emergence of a new cursus honorum in which local and national career paths are dissociating. Institutional structure and time make a difference. In France, regional presidents tend to follow a traditional career path, whereas in Spain we find new territorial careers. The consolidation of regional institutions seems to favour the differentiation of political careers.
Research Interests:
References: Rodríguez, J., A. Barrio y O. Barberà (2010) “Ministerial stability in regional cabinets: Turnover and Duration of the Spanish political elite (1980-2010)” Paper presented to the 82nd National Conference Canadian Political... more
References:
Rodríguez, J., A. Barrio y O. Barberà (2010) “Ministerial stability in regional cabinets: Turnover and Duration of the Spanish political elite (1980-2010)” Paper presented to the 82nd National Conference Canadian Political Science Association. (CPSA), Montreal 1-3 June 2010.
Rodríguez, J., A. Barrio y O. Barberà, (2010) “Ministerial stability in regional cabinets: Turnover and Duration of the Spanish political elite (1980-2010)” Paper presented to the 9th Politicologenetmaal, Leuven, 27-28 May 2010.
This paper has two aims: the first purpose is to measure the degree of ministerial turnout in Spain’s regional executives; the second is to elucidate why some Spanish regional ministers stay longer in power than others. In this sense, we would like to test the impact of some institutional factors on ministerial turnout: a) the type of government (majority vs. minority); b) the number of parties in government (onesingle vs. multiparty); c) the parliamentary and executive presence of Non State Wide Parties; d) the “multilevel congruence” in government (homogeneity same party in national and regional executive- vs heterogeneity); e) the institutional design and, specifically, the differences between some regional powers (regions with early dissolution powers vs. without early dissolution powers). Our main hypothesis is that regional political settings that foster cabinet stability at the national level may also favour ministerial stability at the regional one. To test our hypothesis, we have collected data from the whole regional executives that have taken place in Spain from 1980 to 2009. In almost thirty years there have been 122 legislative mandates in the 17 Spanish regions, and more than 1200 regional cabinet posts.
Rodríguez, J., A. Barrio y O. Barberà (2010) “Ministerial stability in regional cabinets: Turnover and Duration of the Spanish political elite (1980-2010)” Paper presented to the 82nd National Conference Canadian Political Science Association. (CPSA), Montreal 1-3 June 2010.
Rodríguez, J., A. Barrio y O. Barberà, (2010) “Ministerial stability in regional cabinets: Turnover and Duration of the Spanish political elite (1980-2010)” Paper presented to the 9th Politicologenetmaal, Leuven, 27-28 May 2010.
This paper has two aims: the first purpose is to measure the degree of ministerial turnout in Spain’s regional executives; the second is to elucidate why some Spanish regional ministers stay longer in power than others. In this sense, we would like to test the impact of some institutional factors on ministerial turnout: a) the type of government (majority vs. minority); b) the number of parties in government (onesingle vs. multiparty); c) the parliamentary and executive presence of Non State Wide Parties; d) the “multilevel congruence” in government (homogeneity same party in national and regional executive- vs heterogeneity); e) the institutional design and, specifically, the differences between some regional powers (regions with early dissolution powers vs. without early dissolution powers). Our main hypothesis is that regional political settings that foster cabinet stability at the national level may also favour ministerial stability at the regional one. To test our hypothesis, we have collected data from the whole regional executives that have taken place in Spain from 1980 to 2009. In almost thirty years there have been 122 legislative mandates in the 17 Spanish regions, and more than 1200 regional cabinet posts.
Research Interests:
Reference: Barberà, O., Barrio, A., Rodríguez, J. (2009) “Cambios políticos y evolución de los partidos en Cataluña (1995-2007)” Working Paper, 277. Barcelona : Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials. The main purpose of this paper is... more
Reference:
Barberà, O., Barrio, A., Rodríguez, J. (2009) “Cambios políticos y evolución de los partidos en Cataluña (1995-2007)” Working Paper, 277. Barcelona : Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials.
The main purpose of this paper is to contribute to showing the influence that factors linked to political competition or the internal life of parties can have on the evolution of two of the main dimensions of party change: party legitimacy and party organisational strength. To accomplish this, we have analysed the case of the Catalan parties (PSC, CDC, UDC, ERC, ICV, PP) over a relatively short period of time (1995-2007), yet one that has been characterised by intense political and institutional change. Specifically, the goal is to reveal to what extent changes in government, institutional reforms or changes in leadership have affected the legitimacy and organisational strength of the different Catalan parties, and in what way. To better show their evolution in comparative terms, these transformations have been analysed on two different levels: for each party individually and for the parties as a whole. The results show a gradual erosion of party legitimacy since the late 1990s, which for the time being has not translated into a decline in the parties’ organisational strength.
Barberà, O., Barrio, A., Rodríguez, J. (2009) “Cambios políticos y evolución de los partidos en Cataluña (1995-2007)” Working Paper, 277. Barcelona : Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials.
The main purpose of this paper is to contribute to showing the influence that factors linked to political competition or the internal life of parties can have on the evolution of two of the main dimensions of party change: party legitimacy and party organisational strength. To accomplish this, we have analysed the case of the Catalan parties (PSC, CDC, UDC, ERC, ICV, PP) over a relatively short period of time (1995-2007), yet one that has been characterised by intense political and institutional change. Specifically, the goal is to reveal to what extent changes in government, institutional reforms or changes in leadership have affected the legitimacy and organisational strength of the different Catalan parties, and in what way. To better show their evolution in comparative terms, these transformations have been analysed on two different levels: for each party individually and for the parties as a whole. The results show a gradual erosion of party legitimacy since the late 1990s, which for the time being has not translated into a decline in the parties’ organisational strength.
Research Interests:
Reference: Baras, M., Barberà, O., Barrio, A. (2008): “Mas allá de la ley de May: Disparidades curvilíneas y conflicto intrapartidista. El caso de Cataluña”, Working Paper 267/2008 Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials The aim of... more
Reference:
Baras, M., Barberà, O., Barrio, A. (2008): “Mas allá de la ley de May: Disparidades curvilíneas y conflicto intrapartidista. El caso de Cataluña”, Working Paper 267/2008 Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials
The aim of this paper is to review the roles that activists and voters play in intra-party politics. The paper will try to test the Law of Curvilinear Disparity in the Catalan case. This is the very first time that the Law is tested in a subnational party system with several and strong regionalist parties. The Catalan case is important for the existence of a multi-dimensional political system not only based in the classic left-right dimension but on central-periphery cleavage. Our work will try to demonstrate how the interactions between these two dimensions produce new dynamics affecting the political competition and, also the relationships between leaders, activists and voters. The evidences from our case will allow us to doubt that these dynamics can always be explained by downsian models like May’s Law.
Baras, M., Barberà, O., Barrio, A. (2008): “Mas allá de la ley de May: Disparidades curvilíneas y conflicto intrapartidista. El caso de Cataluña”, Working Paper 267/2008 Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials
The aim of this paper is to review the roles that activists and voters play in intra-party politics. The paper will try to test the Law of Curvilinear Disparity in the Catalan case. This is the very first time that the Law is tested in a subnational party system with several and strong regionalist parties. The Catalan case is important for the existence of a multi-dimensional political system not only based in the classic left-right dimension but on central-periphery cleavage. Our work will try to demonstrate how the interactions between these two dimensions produce new dynamics affecting the political competition and, also the relationships between leaders, activists and voters. The evidences from our case will allow us to doubt that these dynamics can always be explained by downsian models like May’s Law.
Research Interests:
Reference: Verge,T., Barberà, O. (2009) “Descentralización y estrategias organizativas: las relaciones especiales entre partidos de ámbito estatal (PAE) y partidos de ámbito no estatal (PANE) en España” Working Paper, 281. Barcelona :... more
Reference:
Verge,T., Barberà, O. (2009) “Descentralización y estrategias organizativas: las relaciones especiales entre partidos de ámbito estatal (PAE) y partidos de ámbito no estatal (PANE) en España” Working Paper, 281. Barcelona : Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials.
The aim of this article is to develop an analytical framework to examine and, eventually, classify the special relationships between the State-Wide Parties (SWP) and the Non State-Wide Parties (NSWP). Special relationships are established when parties agree to co-operate not only in the electoral arena but also in organisational aspects. This analytical framework, based on the concepts of vertical integration and autonomy, is applied to the Spanish case in order to understand the relationships of the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) with the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC); the Partido Popular (PP) with the Unión del Pueblo Navarro (UPN); and the Izquierda Unida (IU) with Iniciativa per Catalunya Verds (ICV).
Verge,T., Barberà, O. (2009) “Descentralización y estrategias organizativas: las relaciones especiales entre partidos de ámbito estatal (PAE) y partidos de ámbito no estatal (PANE) en España” Working Paper, 281. Barcelona : Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials.
The aim of this article is to develop an analytical framework to examine and, eventually, classify the special relationships between the State-Wide Parties (SWP) and the Non State-Wide Parties (NSWP). Special relationships are established when parties agree to co-operate not only in the electoral arena but also in organisational aspects. This analytical framework, based on the concepts of vertical integration and autonomy, is applied to the Spanish case in order to understand the relationships of the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) with the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC); the Partido Popular (PP) with the Unión del Pueblo Navarro (UPN); and the Izquierda Unida (IU) with Iniciativa per Catalunya Verds (ICV).
Research Interests:
Reference: Barberà, O. (2009) “Los orígenes de la Unión del Pueblo Navarro”. Papers – Revista de Sociología, 92 The main purpose of this article is to contribute to the understanding of the origins and the first organizational changes... more
Reference:
Barberà, O. (2009) “Los orígenes de la Unión del Pueblo Navarro”. Papers – Revista de Sociología, 92
The main purpose of this article is to contribute to the understanding of the origins and the first organizational changes made by the Unión del Pueblo Navarro (UPN). In this sense, the article tries to establish whether the UPN is closer to the electoral-professional party model emerged in Europe's third wave of democratization, or to the mass party model that traditionally has characterized most regionalist parties. The conclusions shows how the important role of party leadership, the quick access to the institutions and the fragile party strength during the firsts years set the UPN closer to the electoral-professional party model.
Barberà, O. (2009) “Los orígenes de la Unión del Pueblo Navarro”. Papers – Revista de Sociología, 92
The main purpose of this article is to contribute to the understanding of the origins and the first organizational changes made by the Unión del Pueblo Navarro (UPN). In this sense, the article tries to establish whether the UPN is closer to the electoral-professional party model emerged in Europe's third wave of democratization, or to the mass party model that traditionally has characterized most regionalist parties. The conclusions shows how the important role of party leadership, the quick access to the institutions and the fragile party strength during the firsts years set the UPN closer to the electoral-professional party model.
Reference: Rodríguez, J.; Barrio, A., Baras,M.; Barberà, O. (2010) “Las respuestas estratégicas de los partidos de ámbito estatal a los desafíos de la competición multinivel: la política de alianzas del PP y el PSOE en las Comunidades... more
Reference:
Rodríguez, J.; Barrio, A., Baras,M.; Barberà, O. (2010) “Las respuestas estratégicas de los partidos de ámbito estatal a los desafíos de la competición multinivel: la política de alianzas del PP y el PSOE en las Comunidades Autónomas de España (1980-2008)”, Working Paper, 284. Barcelona : Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials.
The aim of this work is analyzing the electoral strategies and alliance of PP and PSOE in the different Autonomic Communities in order to demonstrate that a same party can adopt simultaneously different party responses. This behaviour according to the theory adopted here is due that each community presents different attitudes in front of the competences, above all those that have important parties whose field is not national.
Rodríguez, J.; Barrio, A., Baras,M.; Barberà, O. (2010) “Las respuestas estratégicas de los partidos de ámbito estatal a los desafíos de la competición multinivel: la política de alianzas del PP y el PSOE en las Comunidades Autónomas de España (1980-2008)”, Working Paper, 284. Barcelona : Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials.
The aim of this work is analyzing the electoral strategies and alliance of PP and PSOE in the different Autonomic Communities in order to demonstrate that a same party can adopt simultaneously different party responses. This behaviour according to the theory adopted here is due that each community presents different attitudes in front of the competences, above all those that have important parties whose field is not national.
Research Interests:
Reference Barberà, O., (2009) “Alianzas políticas y cambio organizativo en los partidos políticos: el impacto de CiU en Unió Democràtica de Catalunya” Revista Española de Ciencia Política, 21 The aim of this article is to improve the... more
Reference
Barberà, O., (2009) “Alianzas políticas y cambio organizativo en los partidos políticos: el impacto de CiU en Unió Democràtica de
Catalunya” Revista Española de Ciencia Política, 21
The aim of this article is to improve the knowledge on the effects that party alliances can have on the organizational evolution of political parties. Providing that this kind of agreements between parties tend to be short-lived, this study uses a deviant case, that of Convergència i Unió (CiU). This allows us to revisit and develop several hypotheses on the effects of party alliances on their members. Then, these hypotheses are tested, using process tracing methods on Unió Democràtica de Catalunya (UDC), the minor party of CiU. The results show the impact of CiU’s on the organizational evolution of UDC during five periods of its history (1978-1980; 1980- 1982; 1982-1986; 1986-1993 y 1993-2003), confirming, as well, the validity of the hypotheses.
Barberà, O., (2009) “Alianzas políticas y cambio organizativo en los partidos políticos: el impacto de CiU en Unió Democràtica de
Catalunya” Revista Española de Ciencia Política, 21
The aim of this article is to improve the knowledge on the effects that party alliances can have on the organizational evolution of political parties. Providing that this kind of agreements between parties tend to be short-lived, this study uses a deviant case, that of Convergència i Unió (CiU). This allows us to revisit and develop several hypotheses on the effects of party alliances on their members. Then, these hypotheses are tested, using process tracing methods on Unió Democràtica de Catalunya (UDC), the minor party of CiU. The results show the impact of CiU’s on the organizational evolution of UDC during five periods of its history (1978-1980; 1980- 1982; 1982-1986; 1986-1993 y 1993-2003), confirming, as well, the validity of the hypotheses.
Research Interests:
Reference: Barrio, A., Barberà, O. (2010): “La stabilité des dirigeants de parti en Espagne (1977-2008)”, Pôle Sud, 33: 159-187. The aim of this article is to show the degree of stability of the Spanish party leaders, and to... more
Reference:
Barrio, A., Barberà, O. (2010): “La stabilité des dirigeants de parti en Espagne (1977-2008)”, Pôle Sud, 33: 159-187.
The aim of this article is to show the degree of stability of the Spanish party leaders, and to tentatively identify the role played by several factors such as the party access to the (national or regional) government, the presence of the party leader party into the government, the internal cohesion or the party culture. To do this, the paper focus its analysis on the Spanish party leaders who belong to political parties that have achieved a constant presence at Spain’s Lower Chamber (Congreso de los Diputados) from 1977 to 2010. The results (national or regional) highlight the close relationship between the presence of the leader into the government and the duration of his/her tenure. However, the results also show that the presence of the party in the government is not associated with a longer tenure than if the party is in the parliamentary opposition.
Barrio, A., Barberà, O. (2010): “La stabilité des dirigeants de parti en Espagne (1977-2008)”, Pôle Sud, 33: 159-187.
The aim of this article is to show the degree of stability of the Spanish party leaders, and to tentatively identify the role played by several factors such as the party access to the (national or regional) government, the presence of the party leader party into the government, the internal cohesion or the party culture. To do this, the paper focus its analysis on the Spanish party leaders who belong to political parties that have achieved a constant presence at Spain’s Lower Chamber (Congreso de los Diputados) from 1977 to 2010. The results (national or regional) highlight the close relationship between the presence of the leader into the government and the duration of his/her tenure. However, the results also show that the presence of the party in the government is not associated with a longer tenure than if the party is in the parliamentary opposition.
This paper have two aims. First, to measure the degree of ministerial turnout in regional executives and to compare it to the national level. Second, to explain why some regional ministers stay longer in power than other. In this sense we... more
This paper have two aims. First, to measure the degree of ministerial turnout in regional executives and to compare it to the national level. Second, to explain why some regional ministers stay longer in power than other. In this sense we aim to test the impact of institutional factors on ministerial turnout: type of government; number of parties in cabinet; parliamentary and executive presence of non state wide parties; “multilevel congruence” in government; and the institutional design and, specifically, the differences in early dissolution powers. Our main hypothesis is that regional political settings that foster cabinet stability also favour ministerial stability. To test our hypothesis, we have collected data from the whole regional executives that have taken place in Spain from 1980 to 2011. In almost thirty years there have been 122 legislative mandates in the 17 Spanish regions, and more than 1200 regional cabinet posts. This data will allow us to use explanatory inference to test our hypothesis.
Party regulation in new democracies in general, and in the Spanish political system in particular, has not been a matter of concern until very recently. In order to fill this gap, this article explores the way political parties have been... more
Party regulation in new democracies in general, and in the Spanish political system in particular, has not been a matter of concern until very recently. In order to fill this gap, this article explores the way political parties have been regulated not only in the Constitution, but also in the main laws regulating party foundation, organisation, dissolution and, not least, funding: namely, the 1978 and 2002 Political Party Laws as well as the 1985 and 2007 Party Funding Laws. The empirical part explores the impact such regulation has had on the Spanish party system as well as on the life of its party organisations.
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This article explores how multi-dimensional competition party systems shape the intraparty opinion structure in political parties. The aim is to extend and test May’s law of ideological curvilinear disparity to multi-dimensional settings.... more
This article explores how multi-dimensional competition party systems shape the intraparty opinion structure in political parties. The aim is to extend and test May’s law of ideological curvilinear disparity to multi-dimensional settings. The data are based on the case of Catalonia, a party system characterized by the relevant presence of non-state wide parties, where political competition is based on two main dimensions: the left right axis and the subjective national identity one. The paper shows that while the Catalan parties do fit with May’s law in the left-right axis, this is not the case in the national identity one. In addition, it further illustrates how the interaction between both axes affects party competition and internal opinion differences between leaders, activists and voters. The results attest the complexity of the intraparty opinion structures in multidimensional competition systems.
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The book shows how young party activists in Catalonia are. It contains the results of a large survey upon members of all party youth associations in Catalonia (JSC, JNC, UJ, JERC, JI, NNGG) that we carried out in place in 2000. With more... more
The book shows how young party activists in Catalonia are. It contains the results of a large survey upon members of all party youth associations in Catalonia (JSC, JNC, UJ, JERC, JI, NNGG) that we carried out in place in 2000. With more than 500 requested people, our survey design the profile of young member activists in Catalonia in several dimensions (social and cultural profile, ideological identification and political opinions about own association and other parties) Also we compare the profile of these members to older party activists and to young catalan citizens (less than 30 years). The results shows party differents but also generation similarities, suggesting interesting inferences about the role and personality of young political party members in Catalonia.
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Our main hypothesis suggests that intense party system instability, measured by political scandals, institutional changes, substantial variations in the coalitional power of some parties or changes in government (like the one that has... more
Our main hypothesis suggests that intense party system instability, measured by political scandals, institutional changes, substantial variations in the coalitional power of some parties or changes in government (like the one that has characterized Catalan politics since the mid 1990’s) is related with the rising of party dealignement and, therefore, with the weakening of the organisational strength of the main political parties (individually and as a whole). This chapter is devoted to check the concomitances between the changes in the Catalan party system (section 2) and the variations on the party legitimacy (section 3) and organisational strength (section 4) of the Catalan parties. This should allow us to preliminary test and, eventually, refine the hypothesis (conclusions).
As this chapter illustrates, the selection of party leaders in Spain has not changed substantially since it was first implemented with the restoration of democracy. Formally, leadership selection is essentially made through delegates in... more
As this chapter illustrates, the selection of party leaders in Spain has not changed substantially since it was first implemented with the restoration of democracy. Formally, leadership selection is essentially made through delegates in party congresses. None of the analyzed parties has ever held (open or closed) primaries to select the party leader. Unlike other countries this has not prompted intra-party competition: generally speaking, the incumbent party leaders are rarely challenged, and party contests are still atypical even when the incumbent resigns. Furthermore, these procedures have not favoured the promotion of women as party leaders. Party primaries, intra-party contests and women’s promotion can be found in Spain, but they have mainly occurred in minor or regionalist parties (like UPyD, ERC or ICV), at the regional level, and mostly for the selection of the party’s top candidate.
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Este trabajo se ordena en cinco partes. El apartado segundo y tercero presentan, de forma esquemática, los principios clave del actual sistema de financiación de los partidos políticos españoles, y realizan un análisis de sus fortalezas y... more
Este trabajo se ordena en cinco partes. El apartado segundo y tercero presentan, de forma esquemática, los principios clave del actual sistema de financiación de los partidos políticos españoles, y realizan un análisis de sus fortalezas y debilidades. La finalidad de esta evaluación es identificar los riesgos y amenazas que a nuestro entender debería afrontar una futura reforma del sistema de financiación. El cuarto apartado analiza los problemas sobre financiación de partidos y las soluciones desarrolladas en Estados Unidos, Canadá, Alemania y Gran Bretaña. De estos cuatro casos de estudio se extraen diferentes prácticas y alternativas, a veces opuestas o contradictorias, pero que, sin duda, indican posibles orientaciones de reforma en el caso español. El apartado final avanza un decálogo de medidas más o menos concretas que fundamentarían una propuesta de reforma del sistema de financiación en España, a partir de los principios planteados en este trabajo.
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Este trabajo trata de ofrecer una visión panorámica de la trayectoria de los PANE en las Comunidades Autónomas de régimen común durante la transición política. Así mismo, también pretende contribuir al creciente debate sobre los orígenes... more
Este trabajo trata de ofrecer una visión panorámica de la trayectoria de los PANE en las Comunidades Autónomas de régimen común durante la transición política. Así mismo, también pretende contribuir al creciente debate sobre los orígenes de estos partidos tratando de identificar, en la segunda parte, algunas de las razones por las cuales llegaron a obtener representación en sus respectivas comunidades.
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The chapter belongs to:
M. Baras (2004): Els militants dels partits polítics a Catalunya. Perfils socials i percepcions polítiques. Barcelona: Institut de Ciència Polítiques i Socials.
M. Baras (2004): Els militants dels partits polítics a Catalunya. Perfils socials i percepcions polítiques. Barcelona: Institut de Ciència Polítiques i Socials.
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We present some empirical results of a large survey upon members of all party youth organizations in Catalonia (JSC, JNC, UJ, JERC, JI, NNGG) that took place in 2000. The results shows that young members in Catalan youth party... more
We present some empirical results of a large survey upon members of all party youth organizations in Catalonia (JSC, JNC, UJ, JERC, JI, NNGG) that took place in 2000. The results shows that young members in Catalan youth party organizations are socially homogeneous, with quite differences by organization ideology. Social profile of this young members is nearer to the rest of party political elite than to the rest of the young population.
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Political parties are the key players of the Spanish political system. Their dom- inant role also makes them the most poorly rated political institutions. Unlike other countries, three main features distinguish the Spanish party system:... more
Political parties are the key players of the Spanish political system. Their dom- inant role also makes them the most poorly rated political institutions. Unlike other countries, three main features distinguish the Spanish party system: its historical discontinuity, its organizational weaknesses and the relevance of the regional parties. The first section of the chapter summarizes the conditions and criteria to become a party member as well as the rights and obligations. The focus then shifts to com- ment the evolution of party membership figures from the restoration of democracy onwards. The last section describes the main empirical findings of the last wave of party congress delegate surveys.
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This article analyses to what extent traditional mainstream Catalan regionalist parties and groups have adapted their discourses and collective performances in what might be seen as a 'populist drift' from regionalism to secessionism.... more
This article analyses to what extent traditional mainstream Catalan regionalist parties and groups have adapted their discourses and collective performances in what might be seen as a 'populist drift' from regionalism to secessionism. This strategic move has been favoured by increasing party competition among these actors and would respond to the grievances reinforced by a context of austerity policies , political corruption, and a long institutional conflict on the centre–periphery. Our contribution is twofold. First, we show how parties and movements may combine regionalist and populist arguments in order to adapt their language, stressing the will of the Catalan people and its opposition against the Spanish political elites. Second, we explore how secessionist parties and groups have innovated their mobilization repertoires in order to fit with this populist-oriented discourse, employing mass mobilization, referenda simulations, and a populist political style in the institutions. Overall, Catalan secessionism presents a peculiar case where mainstream ruling parties adopt populist rhetoric and new mobilization practices to maintain power in adverse times.
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The aim of this article is to assess the linkages between the Spanish new parties with groups and civil society. After outlining a short framework on the new linkages between parties and external groups in times of social and political... more
The aim of this article is to assess the linkages between the Spanish new parties with groups and civil society. After outlining a short framework on the new linkages between parties and external groups in times of social and political unrest and discussing the case selection, it briefly introduces the classic patterns of interaction between Spain's mainstream parties, the PP and the PSOE and the main interest groups since the late 1970s. Then, the paper analyses the emerging links of two new parties, Ciudadanos and Podemos, in order to provide a general assessment of the main differences between their linkages and the ones of the traditional parties, and to discuss its possible implications in times of economic hardship. The results do not show strong evidence supporting the idea of a transformation in Spanish party-group linkages: new parties tend to have weaker formal links with external groups, and prioritize their collaboration with new external groups such as identity or youth groups rather than with classic interest groups.
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After a stunning breakthrough in the 2014 European election, Podemos became the third largest parliamentary party in Spain in the 2016 general election and achieved representation in all regions. This article examines how Podemos has... more
After a stunning breakthrough in the 2014 European election, Podemos became the third largest parliamentary party in Spain in the 2016 general election and achieved representation in all regions. This article examines how Podemos has adapted to the opportunities and dilemmas posed by Spain's multi-level setting in several ways: its formation in early 2014 and its evolution since; its ideological principles and policy menu; its organisation; and its political strategies and electoral alliances. The hypotheses test the effects of adaptation to multi-level competition on the party electorate. The findings indicate the positive effect of support for more decentralisation on the likelihood of voting for Podemos, but also how this effect is territorially differentiated and could affect the party's cohesion and internal debate.
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The central question of this paper (in progress) is why ministerial careers are longer than others. More precisely: What is the likelihood that a ministerial career will end at any point in time since the first minister’s appointment,... more
The central question of this paper (in progress) is why ministerial careers are longer than others. More precisely: What is the likelihood that a ministerial career will end at any point in time since the first minister’s appointment, given how long he has lasted thus far? In this paper, our concern deals with the impact of political factors linked to the party system, the regional institutions and the cabinet features.
This paper has two aims: the first purpose is to measure the degree of ministerial turnover in Spain’s regional executives; the second is to elucidate why some Spanish regional ministers stay longer in power than others. In this sense, we... more
This paper has two aims: the first purpose is to measure the degree of ministerial turnover in Spain’s regional executives; the second is to elucidate why some Spanish regional ministers stay longer in power than others. In this sense, we would like to test the impact of some institutional factors on ministerial turnover: a) the type of government (majority vs. minority); b) the number of parties in government (one-single vs. multiparty); c) the parliamentary and executive presence of Non State Wide Parties; d) the “multilevel congruence” in government (homogeneity -same party in national and regional executive- vs heterogeneity); e) the institutional design and, specifically, the differences between some regional powers (regions with early dissolution powers vs. without early dissolution powers). Our main hypothesis is that regional political settings that foster cabinet stability at the national level may also favour ministerial stability at the regional one. To test our hypothesis, we have collected data from the whole regional executives that have taken place in Spain from 1980 to 2009. In almost thirty years there have been 122 legislative mandates in the 17 Spanish regions, and more than 1200 regional cabinet posts.
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Party regulation in new democracies in general, and in the Spanish political system in particular, has not been a matter of concern until very recently. In order to fill this gap, this article explores the way political parties have been... more
Party regulation in new democracies in general, and in the Spanish political system in particular, has not been a matter of concern until very recently. In order to fill this gap, this article explores the way political parties have been regulated not only in the Constitution, but also in the main laws regulating party foundation, organisation, dissolution and, not least, funding: namely, the 1978 and 2002 Political Party Laws as well as the 1985 and 2007 Party Funding Laws. The empirical part explores the impact such regulation has had on the Spanish party system as well as on the life of its party organisations.
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El objetivo de este trabajo es conocer los efectos de la descentralización política en la élite política regional. Nos preguntamos si se está produciendo una bifurcación respecto a la élite nacional, de tal modo que se manifi este un... more
El objetivo de este trabajo es conocer los efectos de la descentralización política en la élite política regional. Nos preguntamos si se está produciendo una bifurcación respecto a la élite nacional, de tal modo que se manifi este un predominio de carreras locales o regionales frente a carreras nacionales. Para ello, realizamos una descripción de las carreras políticas de los jefes de gobiernos regionales de España, Francia y Reino Unido y establecemos una comparación entre los tres países y entre períodos de tiempo. Los datos apuntan la existencia de modelos de carrera diversos, en los que las trayectorias local y nacional tienden a disociarse, creando cursus honorum distintos del tradicional. El caso español es donde mejor se observa la aparición de carreras territoriales asociadas a las nuevas instituciones regionales.
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This article explores how the shape of the intraparty opinion structure in political parties in multidimensional competition party systems, in order to test the law of the curvilinear disparity in these settings. We study the case of... more
This article explores how the shape of the intraparty opinion structure in political parties in multidimensional competition party systems, in order to test the law of the curvilinear disparity in these settings. We study the case of Catalonia, with a sub-party system characterized by the relevant presence of non-state wide parties, where political competition is based in two main cleavages (left-right and national identity). The data point out how interactions between both axes generate new dynamics of competition that at last affects the relations between leaders, activists and voters. The results show the limits of May’s law to interpret the structure of the intraparty opinion in multidimensional competition systems.
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This article aims to observe the effects of decentralisation on the political careers of the regional elite in Spain, France and the United Kingdom. We address the main career pathways of these elites, and we test whether the type of... more
This article aims to observe the effects of decentralisation on the political careers of the regional elite in Spain, France and the United Kingdom. We address the main career pathways of these elites, and we test whether the type of decentralisation and the duration of decentralisation make a difference to their careers. The results show different career pathways, and outline the eventual emergence of a new cursus honorum in which local and national career paths are dissociating. Institutional structure and time make a difference. In France, regional presidents tend to follow a traditional career path, whereas in Spain we find new territorial careers. The consolidation of regional institutions seems to favour the differentiation of political careers.
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Podemos: Is a maverick leftist party mutating into the standard bearer of devolution? blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2017/02/20/podemos-is-a-maverick-leftist-party-mutating-into-the-standard-bearer-of-devolution/ Pablo Iglesias reasserted his... more
Podemos: Is a maverick leftist party mutating into the standard bearer of devolution? blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2017/02/20/podemos-is-a-maverick-leftist-party-mutating-into-the-standard-bearer-of-devolution/ Pablo Iglesias reasserted his leadership over Podemos in a vote in early February, following a period of tension within the party between Iglesias and Iñigo Errejón. Juan Rodríguez-Teruel, Astrid Barrio and Oscar Barberà track the party's development, writing that the schism between Iglesias and Errejón reflects just one of the fault-lines over Podemos' development. They highlight the role of new organisations in the Spanish regions and suggest that much of Podemos' future will depend on whether it can maintain this regional support while strengthening its own left vote across the country.
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So far, the party institutionalization literature has not properly analysed the challenges posed by the multi-level nature of many Western democracies to new parties’ institutionalization processes. The aim of this article is to introduce... more
So far, the party institutionalization literature has not properly analysed the challenges posed by the multi-level nature of many Western democracies to new parties’ institutionalization processes. The aim of this article is to introduce a theoretical framework combining both internal (e.g. party origins, party branch autonomy) and external factors (e.g. cross-level contamination, electoral threshold) to better understand this phenomenon. We hypothesize that through the formative stage and cross-level contamination the party institutionalization processes at the national and regional level will be aligned. They will also be stronger in those regions with better electoral performance and higher levels of branch autonomy. These expectations are then illustrated through the comparative analysis of the origins of the Podemos and Ciudadanos parties and their early evolution in Spain. The main results point out that national and regional institutionalization processes are evolving in the same direction, although not at the same pace. They also suggest that the electoral threshold and the autonomy of the regional branch might also be shaping the way both parties are developing in different regions.
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The aim of this article is to assess the linkages between the Spanish new parties with groups and civil society. After outlining a short framework on the new linkages between parties and external groups in times of social and political... more
The aim of this article is to assess the linkages between the Spanish new parties
with groups and civil society. After outlining a short framework on the new linkages
between parties and external groups in times of social and political unrest and
discussing the case selection, it briefly introduces the classic patterns of interaction
between Spain’s mainstream parties, the PP and the PSOE and the main interest
groups since the late 1970s. Then, the paper analyses the emerging links of two
new parties, Ciudadanos and Podemos, in order to provide a general assessment
of the main differences between their linkages and the ones of the traditional
parties, and to discuss its possible implications in times of economic hardship. The
results do not show strong evidence supporting the idea of a transformation in
Spanish party-group linkages: new parties tend to have weaker formal links with
external groups, and prioritize their collaboration with new external groups such
as identity or youth groups rather than with classic interest groups
with groups and civil society. After outlining a short framework on the new linkages
between parties and external groups in times of social and political unrest and
discussing the case selection, it briefly introduces the classic patterns of interaction
between Spain’s mainstream parties, the PP and the PSOE and the main interest
groups since the late 1970s. Then, the paper analyses the emerging links of two
new parties, Ciudadanos and Podemos, in order to provide a general assessment
of the main differences between their linkages and the ones of the traditional
parties, and to discuss its possible implications in times of economic hardship. The
results do not show strong evidence supporting the idea of a transformation in
Spanish party-group linkages: new parties tend to have weaker formal links with
external groups, and prioritize their collaboration with new external groups such
as identity or youth groups rather than with classic interest groups