Centralisation

Dans ce travail ,nous allons traiter les généralités sur  l’organisation administrative, qui seront précisés dans la suite de l’étude, et nous procéderons à l’analyse empirique l’étude sera présentée en deux parties :
En premier partie , nous avons choisi de présenter  l’organisation administrative  cette première partie de travail nous a permis  de présenter le cadre théorique , les définitions  et généralités d’organisation administrative, ses fondements, ainsi que la distinction entre différents types d’administrations publique .
La deuxième partie ,du travail a été dédiée cas pratique .Nous avons commencé la partie par l’évolution  d’organisation administratives en niveau organisationnel, managériale et numérique, ensuite nous avons présenté  le questionnaire qui a pour objet de  mesure  la satisfaction aux citoyens, ses résultats et analyses .

Ce chapitre a pour objectif de montrer comment un système de contrôle de gestion peut être construit pour une entreprise multinationale (FMN, ci-après). Bien que les grands principes du contrôle de gestion trouvent à s’appliquer à toutes sortes de situations, l’internationalisation de l’entreprise et de ses opérations apporte des éléments de complexification et de singularité que ce chapitre tentera d’éclairer. Le chapitre est divisé en deux parties: la première partie présentera les principaux enjeux de l’internationalisation, et la deuxième esquissera leur intégration dans la construction d’un système de contrôle de gestion international.

The argument  of this article is that three dimensions of the future tasks of the farmers movement in Punjab now that are of key importance are: international, national and those related internally to Punjab. Internationally, the key task is of resisting global capitalism, nationally, it is against the centralisation of economic and political power, and internally within Punjab, it is for fighting for ecological and social egalitarianism...
To achieve the fulfilment of tasks identified for Punjab, it is of central importance that the government that comes into power in 2022 is committed to these tasks.

The Covid-19 pandemic is the worst human health crisis since the 1918 flu epidemic and the worst economic crisis since the 1929-33 Great Depression. The economic crisis caused by Covid-19 is, however, likely to be even more catastrophic than that triggered by the Great Depression because the latter was confined mainly to the advanced capitalist economies while the current crisis is truly global, even if it is uneven in its regional severity (Singh 2020). Further, this economic crisis, unlike the 1929-33 Great Depression, is occurring in a period of global climate crisis creating an existential crisis for planet earth. The Paris Climate Change Accord of 2015 incorporating a consensus that has emerged among the international climate scientists stipulates that if the average global temperature rise is not kept below 1.5 degree centigrade by 2030 in comparison with the average global temperature before the start of the industrial age, the planet earth will face irreversible and catastrophic changes. Right now, in 2020, there is a window of opportunity of only 10 years left to avoid that catastrophe (Singh 2019).
Any policy response that can be visualised in Punjab has to keep this global scenario of climate crisis and economic crisis in mind and the limitations that a state government has within India’s federal capitalist economy. These limitations can be partially overcome by stretching the policy discourse that is usually associated with what a state government can do to include what other civil society institutions can do, and partially by utilising the full potential of what a state government can do within federal limits. A political environment within India as a whole has to be created in which Punjab has a crucial role to play despite its small size and relatively low bargaining power in India’s parliamentary politics to encourage state governments to be bold in their efforts to break the stranglehold of central/federal power. An institutionalised centralisation has been increasing right from the framing of India’s constitution but becoming so overwhelming more recently that not to confront the central powers has become normalised. Due to this stifling normalisation, it happens too often that the state governments stop too soon before stretching to the limit their capacity to take initiative and action in policy formulation and implementation.

L'indagine storica sugli episodi di ribellione collettiva al potere costituito rivela un complicato intreccio di fattori, interessi e motivazioni. Più che rappresentare l'improvvisa e irrazionale esplosione dei bisogni, i tumulti si configurano come una manifestazione estrema del processo di costruzione dell'identità e della coscienza politica dei gruppi e delle comunità, come una modalità straordinaria di confronto/scontro con il potere e per il potere. La rivolta beneventana del 1566 è un fenomeno pluridimensionale, che si presta a diversi livelli di analisi, coinvolgendo il piano politico, religioso e socio-economico. Lo studio di questa vicenda rivela un microcosmo nel quale si sviluppano dinamiche complesse, che riflettono precarie relazioni interstatuali e sperimentano il diritto di resistere all'autorità. Nell'universo cittadino dell'enclave pontificia di Benevento, l'accentramento della monarchia papale si scontra con i tentativi di "negoziazione" della comunità, in cui interessi corporativi, logiche fazionarie e brame di preminenza delle élites locali si intrecciano con latenti aspirazioni annessionistiche al confinante Regno di Napoli. Il presente lavoro si propone come un case-study, che, ricostruendo un episodio territorialmente circoscritto ma profondamente connesso con gli eventi internazionali e la temperie politica di quei decenni, esamina importanti documenti in gran parte inediti, al fine di offrire un tassello per l'ardua ricomposizione del mosaico raffigurante il duttile e multiforme processo di strutturazione delle entità statali nell'età moderna.

'Rules for Maldivian Trading Ships', the translated document that forms the first part of the paper is a twelve-page manual on the rules that were to be followed by Maldivian oceangoing ships while on their yearly trading trip to “the continent” (kara). Kara referred primarily to the island of Ceylon (Sri Lanka), the foreign place that Maldivian traders found most convenient to reach . This trade originated in most of the major islands of the Maldives in the past, including Minicoy (Maliku), but was vital for the communities living in the atolls located at the southern end of the archipelago. The second part of the paper includes the translation of a personal account of an old Maldivian trader about his experiences in and around Gali (Galle, Sri Lanka), the description of conditions in the harbor and the towns in Ceylon and the friendships he established there with local people.

At first glance, there does not seem to be a direct relationship between the farm laws and Hindutva. The relationship works through several mediations. We look at these mediations below in arriving at the concrete relationship between the farm laws and Hindutva. In an attempt to tease out these mediations, we approach this subject in the following order: first, we consider at the changing facets of Indian capitalism from 1947 onwards; second, we study how nationalism and centralisation occupy key pivotal positions in these changing facets; and third, we investigate how nationalism and centralisation are critically placed in relation to the Hindutva vision of India, and how the agrarian strategy behind these laws is linked with the latest Hindutva view of Indian capitalism and its link with the Hindutva transformation of India.

Tikri held up pictures of political prisoners who were in the jails of India. Today [Dec 10 2021], despite their victory over the Modi government, farmers are still occupying the protest site and demanding the release of political prisoners. Their powerful action demonstrates that the farmers are making connections between various struggles.

Ondertitel: Een historisch en exegetisch onderzoek naar de verhouding van Deuteronomium en de reformatie van koning Josia (2 Kon. 22-23).
(Summery in English included)

Geschiedenis van de uitleg, met speciale aandacht voor de 19e eeuw (W.M.L. de Wette en J. Wellhausen).

Diss. Rijksuniversiteit Leiden, 30 juni 1988.

Within the framework of the overwhelming majority of modern theories, the state is considered as a specialized and centralized institution for governing a society, to what its right to exercise coercive authority – legitimized violence is often added as the state’s critical characteristic feature.  Contrari-wise, my approach stems from the presumption that the state should be perceived not as a specific set of political institutions only but, first and foremost, as a type of society to which this set of insti-tutions is adequate.  Following this approach leads to the necessity of paying special attention to coming to the fore of the non-kin, territorial relations in state society – the point often evicted from many contemporary definitions of the state due to the wide-spread vision of it as merely a specific form of political organization.  I also argue that political centralization cannot be regarded as a fea-ture specific for the state, as it is applicable to many non-state forms of societies.  In the meantime, the feature typical for the state only, is specialization resulting in administrators’ professionalization, that is, in the formation of bureaucracy, related directly to the non-kin social ties coming into promi-nence.  As for the right to coerce, it should not be made the central point of the state concept because it is a dependent variable itself: the specificity of monopoly of the legitimate violence in state society is precisely that it is exercised through and by bureaucrats who operate within bureaucratic institu-tions.

"The advent to power of the Second (Oba) dynasty in the early 13th century signified considerable increase of centripetal tendencies in the Benin society. However, the centuries of its rule did not result in the socio-political homogenization: communities (and chiefdoms) with political institutions of their own continued to exist within the country. The preservation of this situation for the whole space of the Oba Benin history proves that “multilayer-ness” was an essential feature of her socio-political structure and not an expression of a cer-tain “transitional character” of the society. The same should be said about the familial-territorial community as the groundwork of the society: it existed in this capacity till the occupation of Benin by the British in 1897. The community was its socio-cultural focus. The Benin society was the center of the whole Uni-verse for the Bini, so the community turned out the Universal “core of the core” for them.
Communities preserved all the initial specific features of their internal organization. Though the central authority’s potential of influencing the communities increased, it did not intervene in their internal affairs and reminded of itself only when the interests of the whole country (associated with those of the political center) were infringed. Communalists paid tribute, were enlisted to corvée labor and military service. There are no grounds for arguing the communalist’s personal attaching to the land.
The supreme power over communities was exercised by all-Benin titled chiefs through local chiefs which did not transform into officials but remained chiefs with all the mecha-nisms of obtaining and exercising power, rights, privileges, obligations attributed to their status. The inseparability of the authority from the people is also testified by the fact that the idea of reciprocal service exchanges as the basis of social relations dominated in the com-munity. Such an orientation of political culture corresponded completely to the general men-tal and behavioral paradigm, Weltanschauung of the Bini. As the basic socio-political institution the community fastened together all the levels of the hierarchical socio-political structure. Ties and relations characteristic of the familial-territorial community, found forms and contents similar to themselves on qualitatively other, supracommunal levels of the society’s being, including the highest, all-Benin one."

'Rules for Maldivian Trading Ships', the translated document that forms the first  part of the paper is a twelve-page manual published by the Royal House on the rules that were to be followed by Maldivian oceangoing ships while on their yearly trading trip to “the continent” (kara). Kara referred  primarily to the island of Ceylon (Sri Lanka), the foreign  place that Maldivian traders found most convenient to reach. This trade originated in most major islands of the archipelago in the past, including Minicoy (Maliku), but was vital for the communities living in the atolls located at the southern end of the chain. The second part of the paper includes the translation of a personal account by an old Maldivian trader about his experiences in and around Gali (Galle, Sri Lanka), the description of conditions in the harbour and an inland town in Ceylon, as well as the friendships he established there with local people.

In this study, we intend to present, using a socio-historical approach, the political and administrative aspects of the interwar Romanian society and state, as it has been investigated, from the perspective of monographic methodology, by the Sociological School of Bucharest, headed by Professor Dimitrie Gusti. The article aims at highlighting the existing legislative conflict between the traditional local government organization in the “old” Counties of Făgăraş and Vrancea, for example, and the modern administrative codes, adopted after 1864, by the “new” centralized Romanian state. Furthermore, we also highlight the negative perception of the population in the Romanian villages of Bessarabia and Transylvania (who lived under the tsarist and Austro-Hungarian rule until World War I) on the deficient administrative functioning of the interwar Romanian state. Although various projects of administrative reform attempted to correct these shortcomings, within the interwar period studied, excessive bureaucratization of the state and poor salaries of the public servants remained constant elements of the Romanian administrative political life.

Since the late 1970’s, the Chinese government has been gradually changing its traditional policy for providing higher education and has begun to emphasize the comprehensiveness of the universities. Interdisciplinary cooperation and the synergization of resources are being promoted, and institutional autonomy is gradually increasing. Schools and faculties have been restored in universities, and new research institutions, research schools, research centers and the like have been established. From a unitary three-level model— university/department/ teaching and research group—before the reform, the organizational structures of the universities have developed a new organizational structure that is more flexible and more open. This more adaptable structure is intended to meet the developmental demands of modern universities with close links being created between their work and regional economic and social development. China has moved from a very centralized educational system in which the main decisions were taken by the central government to a decentralized educational system. This reform is also taking place within the institutions of higher education, and their internal organizational structure has also become more decentralized.

Agricultural market reforms recently enacted by the National Democratic Alliance government reflect the Bharatiya Janata Party’s determination to introduce agrobusinesses into agriculture and push further its agenda of centralisation of economic power and decision-making. The opposition to the reforms by farmers, many state governments, and regional political formations poses the most formidable challenge, so far, to this government. The contesting claims have missed the dimension of the damaging ecological  implications of these reforms.

This article recovers the life and works of Des McConaghy (1931-2017), pioneer of expenditure-based planning for urban regeneration in the United Kingdom. Drawing on his experiences in Craigavon New Town, as director of the Shelter Neighbourhood Action Project in Liverpool, special advisor in the Department of the Environment and director of the Area Information Service, he developed an incisive critique of over-centralisation in the UK state, and proposed a novel form of two-tier fiscal programming, embedded in a local-central political framework, to drive forward concerted whole-of-government activity in targeted areas, restoring transparency and accountability to urban renewal.

La Inspección en los centros educativos se realiza a través del servicio de Inspección Educativa dependiente de las comunidades autónomas, las cuales tienen plenas competencias en materia de control, supervisión, asesoramiento y evaluación. No obstante, las distintas leyes de Educación que han regido nuestro sistema educativo, recogen la existencia de una Alta Inspección en Educación, un servicio, dependiente del Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte y cuyas competencias están explicitas en nuestra actual ley educativa. En este artículo recogemos un estudio exploratorio sobre la situación actual de la Alta Inspección en España mediante entrevistas con informantes-clave, cuya finalidad es conocer el procedimiento de acceso para desempeñar las funciones que tiene encomendada la Alta Inspección, sus competencias reales y su coordinación con la Inspección educativa autonómica. Los resultados muestran que las competencias de control de este servicio son reducidas, además de comprobar que sus funciones se limitan a informar al Ministerio sobre elementos de las normativas autonómicas que pueden contravenir la normativa básica, la toma de decisiones acerca de la homologación y expedición de títulos, amén de otras competencias estatales no trasferidas. Concluimos que la Alta Inspección es un servicio que desarrolla numerosas funciones relacionadas con la información o comprobación, que en la actualidad, salvo excepciones, no están ejerciendo esos puestos personal inspector y que es un servicio desconocido para muchos, además de tener una denominación que genera confusión.

El objetivo de este texto es hacer una revisión crítica sobre la centralización
de los procesos electorales, tanto federales como locales, para lo cual se
analizarán tres hechos importantes que contribuyeron a la construcción del
sistema electoral mexicano (La ley electoral de 1946, la Reforma de 1996 y la
de 2007). Entendemos por centralismo en los procesos electorales: el paso de
las facultades y obligaciones en materia electoral que originalmente estaban
contenidas en los municipios o los Estados, y que con las distintas reformas
pasaron a manos de alguno de los poderes de la federación u organismos
autónomos del Estado. De ello se derivan dos etapas: primero, un conflicto
entre la federación y las fuerzas locales; y, segundo, el conflicto entre caciques
locales y partidos políticos.

This paper analyses the impact of the Banking Union on European bank credit risk. Specifically, we investigate the effect that the establishment of the Single Supervisory Mechanism has had on the credit risk of the banks it supervises in comparison to financial institutions that are still supervised by National Supervisory Authorities. We analyse a sample of 746 European banks over the period 2011–2018, by means of a difference-in-differences methodology. We provide empirical evidence that Single Supervisory Mechanism supervised banks reduced credit risk exposure compared to banks supervised by National Supervisory Authorities, suggesting that the Banking Union has successfully reduced the riskiness of the European banking sector. Our results passed a battery of robustness tests that support the reliability of our analysis. Our contribution sheds light on the benefits of centralised versus decentralised supervision, on the effectiveness of the current supervisory system in Europe, and on its impact on European bank risk.

A strengthened and coherent ecosocialist perspective that links local actions to global overviews, decentralised control to centralised coordination, and small initiatives to large projects is historically
necessary now as a theoretical and practical alternative
to save humanity from the environmental disaster that is emerging
as a result of capital’s profit-driven exploitation of nature.

Abstracts English, Deutsch, Italiano:
South Tyrol and Trentino, parts of Austria until 1919, are empowered – within the Italian constitution – of their own autonomous legislation and administration. An international Agreement from 1946 created the basis for this autonomy and for the protection of the ethnic minorities. The purpose of this book is to present in an exhaustive way, the autonomy of the Region, called Trentino-Alto Adige Südtirol, and provide an overview that weaves legal issues with political ones, in the light of historical events, and, as available, reproducing original documents, and citations images. The analysis focuses on the constitutional issues that are enshrined in the Statute of Autonomy and hundreds of implementing rules. The pillars of this autonomy are the Region of Trentino Alto Adige and the Autonomous Provinces of Trento and Bolzano, which interact in a three-pole system.
In the Region of Trentino-Sout Tyrol are living together since centuries three linguistic groups: the Italian, German and Ladin. The preservation of linguistic and cultural diversity of language groups has always been a challenge for any democracy and its values of freedom and peace, but also represents a test case for the future of Europe, whose cultural richness is not formed from the merger and the levelling of different cultures in the "melting pot" on the American model, but the humanistic tradition and the richness and diversity of different cultures living in Europe.
Increasingly people from all over Europe, particularly Eastern European countries, but also of several other countries in the world, using our model of autonomy as a basis for their own ethnic problems. The fact that our autonomy could be an incentive to resolving the many ethnic problems in Europe or the world, is a source of pride.----
Abstract deutsch:
Zweck dieses Buches ist es, in übersichtlicher Form die Grundzüge der Autonomie von Trentino-Südtirol darzustellen, einen Überblick über Recht und Politik zu bieten und durch die Wiedergabe von Originaldokumenten, Zitaten und Bildern auszuleuchten. Im Mittelpunkt der Analyse liegen die verfassungsrechtlichen Aspekte, die Im Autonomiestatut und in Hunderten von Durchführungsbestimmungen verankert sind. Die Träger dieser Autonomie sind die Region Trentino Südtirol und die Autonomen Provinzen Bozen und Trient, die in einem dreipoligen System zusammenwirken.
Die geschichtlichen Ereignisse wurden bereits in einer Reihe von bedeutenden Werken untersucht und sollen deshalb hier nur in geraffter Form zusammengefasst werden, um zum Verständnis der heutigen Lage beizutragen. Dabei ist es mir ein besonderes Anliegen, eine Gesamtschau zu bieten, die alle Landesteile des ehemaligen Tirols umfasst.
Im Gebiet der Region Trentino-Südtirol leben seit Jahrhunderten drei Sprachgruppen: Italiener, Deutsche und Ladiner. Die Vielfalt an Sprachen und Kulturen stellt eine Herausforderung für jede freiheitliche Demokratie und für die Sicherung des Friedens dar. Sie ist gleichzeitig aber auch ein Prüfstein für die Zukunft Europas, dessen kultureller Reichtum ja nicht im Schmelzriegel-System der amerikanischen Einwanderung liegt, sondern auf den Schätzen verschiedenartiger Kulturen und der humanistischen Tradition aufbaut.
Immer häufiger fordern Interessierte aus ganz Europa, besonders aus dem Osten, aber auch aus anderen Ländern der Welt unser Autonomiemodell als Unterlage zum Studium der eigenen Volksgruppenprobleme an. Das ist auch der Grund für die Drucklegung dieser Studie durch den Regionalrat Trentino-Südtirol in italienischer, deutscher und englischer Sprache, sowie erstmals als Publikation der Region auch in ladinisch, um diese alte Sprache und Kultur aufzuwerten.
Wenn unsere Autonomie einen Anstoß - und mehr kann es nicht sein - zur Lösung der vielfältigen Volksgruppenprobleme in Europa oder anderswo auf der Welt bieten kann, so sind wir dafür dankbar.----
Sintesi italiana:
Il libro costituisce un’approfondita analisi dell’autonomia speciale del Trentino Alto Adige, dei suoi aspetti giuridici e politici, con particolare attenzione all’ancoraggio internazionale e all’assetto costituzionale che riveste nel contesto delle regioni in Italia. Esso illustra, oltre allo Statuto stesso anche gli aspetti più importanti definiti dalle norme di attuazione.
In molti paesi del mondo i problemi irrisolti che interessano i gruppi etnici costituiscono un terreno fertile su cui si sviluppano costantemente conflitti che purtroppo assai spesso degenerano in guerre. Dalla caduta del muro di Berlino, anche i paesi dell’Europa orientale si sono orientati verso la ricerca di soluzioni atte a risolvere i molteplici e diversi problemi delle minoranze e sempre più frequente si è fatta la richiesta, da parte di politologi e di rappresentanti del mondo sociale, di poter analizzare il nostro modello autonomistico come base su cui sviluppare delle soluzioni per i propri conflitti etnici.
A fronte di questo interesse per le risposte che il Trentino-Alto Adige (Trentino-Südtirol) ha saputo dare al problema della convivenza, è però importante che non vada ad affievolirsi nella nostra gente l’interesse per l’autonomia e per le sue radici storiche. E’ importante in modo particolare che i giovani possano conoscere le conquiste raggiunte in materia di autonomia amministrativa e legislativa, al fine di partecipare più consapevolmente e attivamente alla vita democratica.
Per questa ragione l’Ufficio di Presidenza del Consiglio regionale già da qualche tempo era alla ricerca di uno strumento in grado di offrire una visione globale della vita autonomistica del Trentino-Alto Adige. Serviva una trattazione complessiva, scientifica, ma al contempo anche non dispersiva dell’autonomia e della tutela delle minoranze del Trentino-Alto Adige; un’illustrazione della comune storia pluricentenaria e delle basi politiche e giuridiche dell’autonomia, in cui tutte le componenti che l’hanno forgiata potessero essere esaminate congiuntamente.
La presente opera arricchita da riferimenti storici e da descrizioni degli sviluppi politici, costituisce un prezioso manuale per chi desidera conoscere la nostra esperienza autonomistica ma anche per chi, per motivi professionali, vuole approfondire le sue conoscenze giuridico-politiche. Con precise informazioni su questioni di fondo o su aspetti specifici che vengono qui proposti nella comune riflessione, quest’ opera assurge a un prezioso compendio non solo per il cittadino ma anche per il politico ed amministratore del bene comune, un’opera di consultazione per quelli che vorranno collaborare con competenza alla creazione della Regione europea del Tirolo..---
Keywords:
Südtirol Paket, Pariser Vertrag, UNO Resolutionen, Autonomie, Minderheitenschutz, Trentino-Südtirol, Alto Adige Südtirol, Tirol, Autonomiestatut, Durchführungsbestimmungen, Region Trentino Südtirol, Autonome Provinzen Trient und Bozen, Südtirol, Tirol, Sprachgruppen, sprachlichen Minderheiten, Schutz der deutschen Sprache, Ladinisch, Sprachliche Vielfalt, Ethnischer Proporzethnische, Zusammenleben.---
Autonomy, Protection of minorities, Trentino-Alto Adige, South Tyrol, Statute of Autonomy, Implementation rules, Region Trentino Alto Adige, Autonomous provinces of Trento and Bolzano, South Tyrol, Package, Tyrol, Language groups, language minorities, Use of the German language, Ladin, Preservation of linguistic diversity, Ethnic proportion, Coexistence.---
Pacchetto, Accordo di Parigi, Risoluzioni ONU, Autonomia, Tutela minoranze, Trentino-Alto Adige, Statuto di autonomia, Norme di attuazione, Regione Trentino Alto Adige, Province autonome di Trento e di Bolzano, Südtirol, Tirolo, gruppi linguistici, minoranze linguistiche, uso lingua tedesca, ladino, Salvaguardia delle molteplicità linguistiche, Proporzionale etnica, convivenza.

The state is usually considered to be a centralized and specialized coercive institution for governing a society. Contrariwise, our approach stems from the presumption that the state should be studied as a type of society for which this institution is adequate. This leads to the necessity of paying special attention to the coming to the fore of the non-kin relations in state society. Political centralization cannot be regarded as a feature specific to the state, as it is applicable to many non-state forms of societies. In the meantime, the feature typical only for the state is specialization resulting in administrators’ professionalization, that is, in the formation of bureaucracy which is related directly to the non-kin social ties coming into prominence. As for the right to coerce, it is a dependent variable: the legitimate violence in states is exercised through and by bureaucrats who operate within bureaucratic institutions.

Los intentos seculares por superar las dicotomías entre centro y  periferia en España se han reiterado con la imposición de ‘trágalas’ centralizadores asociados a golpes de estados, fórmulas caudillistas y ausencias de libertades democráticas. El centralismo español ha sido débil por su incapacidad de aunar voluntades y violento por la fuerza bruta empleada para imponer su voluntad. El separatismo y la disgregación territorial han sido alternativas periféricas a los programas de homogeneización centralizadora, especialmente tras la pérdida de España de su condición de país colonial y con su descenso a la ‘segunda división’ en la liga de las naciones influyentes tras el desastre de 1898.

El presente artículo pretende matizar la visión historiográfica que ha
vinculado la historia de la Década Moderada (1843-54) en España con el
centralismo. Con este objetivo, y asumiendo la voluntad de las elites dirigentes moderadas de aplicar un sistema político centralizado, el texto analizará la representación de los intereses territoriales en el Congreso de los Diputados. A partir sobre todo de los casos catalán y gallego se demostrará la existencia de espacios políticos descentralizados que cuestionaron la efectividad de la concentración del poder.

This article wants to provide nuances to the historiographical vision
which has linked the history of the Spanish Moderate Decade (1843-54) with centralism. With this aim, and accepting the will of the moderate ruling elites to apply a centralised political system, the text will analyse the representation of territorial’s interests within the Parliament. Mainly from the Catalan and Galician cases it will also prove the existence of decentralised political spaces, which will challenge the effectiveness of the power’s concentration

DISTRIBUTION OF SOCIAL POWER IN YUGOSLAV SOCIETY (1945-1990)


Summary

This paper consists of three parts. Title of the first part is Power Groups and Social Power Monopoly. In this part are discussed about general prescription of social power and about strucutre and distribution of social power in Yugoslav society and about main types of Social power. Title of the second part is Party State Apparatus and Society. In this part are discussed political parties as organization formed for winning a state government. In this part is accented that the aim of power party (KP/LK) made political monopoly and informal oligarchic structure of social power after the Second World War. Title of the third Part is The Problem of Distribution of Social Power. The main conclusion of this part is that there is non-egalitarian distribution of social power in Yugoslav society. Dominant position in hierarchy of social power owned elites consisted of economical and political functionaries that ruled managerial roles in all segments of social life.

Key Words: Social Power, Political Power, Political Parties, Distribution of Social Power, Centralisation, Decentralisation

In 2014 the push for devolution became a major political issue. Scotland remains in the UK, but only after last minute bargaining devolved further powers to Holyrood. This has encouraged calls for more devolution of powers to Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and for the formation of an English parliament. George Osborne’s Autumn Statement proves that Westminster is listening. Meanwhile, MPs and local governments want more powers entrusted to local authorities. Manchester is following Bristol‘s lead in appointing a mayor.

The UK is not alone in this trend. Emboldened by the experience in Scotland, Catalonia held an independence vote of its own, even if unrecognised by the government in Madrid. Legal or not, that vote may also boost efforts in the Basque Country, Bavaria and Flanders.

While these votes may prove unsuccessful, the tension surrounding them will linger. The issues depend on the contextual consequences of the increasing trend towards devolution. There are two forces operating in two different directions: on the one hand, city/regional small nations are demanding Independence from their referential nation-states, while on the other hand, nation-states themselves are re-centralising or decentralising their structures and powers.

Over the coming months, this Special Series will focus on the diverse angles to this debate by identifying and emphasising certain innovative and thought provoking case studies for the purpose of comparison.

Posts will cover topics like the re-scaling of nation-states, constitutional change, the right to decide, independence movements, the federal EU hypothesis, the Europe of Regions approach, democratic participation and civic nationalism in relation to city-regions.

For more information or if you are an academic who wishes to contribute, please contact Dr Igor Calzada at Oxford Future of Cities – COMPAS. igor.calzada@compas.ox.ac.uk

The current Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) government’s agrarian agenda of supporting entry of big agro-business corporations (especially those close to the ruling party) in Indian agriculture and weakening further the already weakened structure of federal devolution of economic and political power in India has been in the making but it came out most clearly in the three ordinances the central government brought on 5 June 2020 in the name of agricultural marketing reforms.

I analyse in this article 'After Delhi violence, AAP weakens its potential in Punjab' the consequences of AAP's 'soft Hindutva' politiics for AAP in Punjab, the original base for its rise in national politics. The widely shared public perception that Delhi’s AAP government did not do what it could to stop the violence against the Muslim minority in North East Delhi, has dented its image as an anti-BJP political force. It is even being perceived as a team B of BJP in the way it has been seen to be pursuing what has come to be known as soft Hindutva. This has done perhaps an irreparable damage to AAP in Punjab even though the Punjab unit of the AAP has tried to project a stronger anti-BJP stance by condemning the Delhi violence against the Muslim minority....In view of AAP’s past record of authoritarian control from Delhi leading to factional infighting in Punjab and its recent soft Hindutva projection, pinning hopes again on hitching Punjab’s economic, political and cultural future to a Delhi-centric party such as AAP is likely to result in either tragedy or farce...history is calling for the rise of a genuine regional party in Punjab which represents the aspirations of all Punjabis. Such a regional party must grapple with a troubled economy, uncertain political future, environmental devastation, social turmoil and cultural degradation that is the current reality of today’s Punjab.

Despite China’s regulatory initiatives to promote its research accountability, it still needs to prove itself as a trusted player in life science research. In addition, in contrast to its huge investment, China is losing the race in delivering quality application of stem cells. The trial implementation of the 2015 ministerial regulations seemed to offer hope in ending this dual ‘lost-in-translation’. Yet skepticism remains. By examining China’s regulatory trajectory in the last 15 years, this paper illustrates that it is a post hoc pragmatic policy rationale and a soft centralization regulatory approach that have hampered China’s governance. To improve China’s governance of accountability, policy-makers