Chukchi

Введение
I. Чукотские сказания
1. Материалы, собранные В. Г. Богоразом
2. Сказания о героях
3. Эпос о Кунлéлю
4. Предания об оленеводах
5. В поиках похищенной сестры
6. Предания о храбрых женщинах
7. Исторические предания
II. Предания азиатских эскимосов
III. Фольклор эскимосов Западной Аляски
IV. Корякские предания
V. Керекские предания
VI. Эвенские предания
VII. Юкагирские предания
VIII. Чуванские предания
IX. Русские нижнеколымские предания
X. Таймырские предания
XI. Прочие фольклорные материалы народов Северо-Восточной Сибири
Список сокращений
Библиография

Монография посвящена рассмотрению жанровой системы, типов интонирования в чукотском музыкальном фольклоре. Впервые в музыкальной науке анализируются уникальные типы интонирования, связанные с песенным, танцевально-кинематическим, обрядовым и эпическим искусством чукчей. Рассмотрена система чукотских звуковых орудий и фоноинструментов. Исследование основано на полевых материалах автора, собранных в местах проживания чукчей в Чукотском и Камчатском автономных округах, Республике Саха (Якутия) в 1980-2000 гг. Издание снабжено иллюстрированным материалом и нотными образцами.

A number of different languages in outside of the Indo-European family were analyzed based on how difficult it would be for a native English speaker to learn them. They were then rated on a purely impressionistic 1-6 scale of easiest to most difficult. Extensive phonological, morphological, syntactic and even semantic analysis was done for many of these tongues to highlight areas of difficulty for English learners. Very long: 101 pages.

This thesis describes the analysis of Chukchi’s life and their tradition through the expression of Russian jokes about the Chukchi on the internet. The thesis focuses on the content, area of presentation and also verbalization. The hypothesis of this research shows that the Russian people’s view about the Chukchi, which appears on the internet, reflects racial prejudice against the Chukchi by teasing their illiteracy and underdeveloped culture. One important reason is because Chukchi usually settle in the northeast area of Russia, which is the area that lacks of civilization. Besides, their simple culture and conservative tradition makes Russian people think that they are still behind.
      This research is learnt and analyzed for both “content” and “presentation” of those jokes from 30 different online resources in total, sorted by the content that referred to the Russian mockery of Chukchi’s life, characteristics, habits and educational level. The Russian jokes about Chukchi mention only one side of view which is likely to show how ignorant, pretentious and uneducated the Chukchi is. This partiality has been spread widely to the next generation until today even though nowadays Chukchi has already been educated, improved and developed their way of life. Irrespective of that, most Russian people still think that the Chukchi is always far from civilization according to what they have perceived from the internet these days."

The Siberian Northeast shows striking parallels between the cosmologies of hunters and reindeer
herders. What may this tell us about the transformation from hunting to pastoralism? This article
argues for a structural identity between hunting and sacrifice, and for the domestication of the
reindeer as the result of hunters’ efforts to use sacrifice to control the accidental variables of the
hunt. Hunters can practise their ethos of ‘trust’ with prey only through highly controlled ritual
enactments. We describe two: the famous bear festival of the Amur Gulf region and the consecrated
reindeer of the Eveny. Both express the same overall logic by which sacrifice functions as an ideal
hunt. The animal is involved in a relation not of domination but of trust, while also undergoing a
process of taming. We therefore suggest that the reindeer’s domestication may be based not only
on ecological or economic adaptations, but also on cosmology.

This chapter presents typical properties of the antipassive, addresses its cross-linguistic distribution, and discusses main existing analyses. ''Antipassives" are constructions in which the logical object of a transitive (two-place) predicate is not realized as a direct object, but instead appears as a non-core argument or left unexpressed (but presupposed). The morphological realization of the antipassive is more varied than is usually assumed; in particular, pseudo noun incorporation, true noun incorporation, and bi-absolutive constructions can instantiate the antipassive. The antipassive and the passive are not mutually exclusive; a number of examples in this chapter provide empirical evidence in support of antipassive/passive compatibility. The antipassive is not limited to ergative languages, although it may be more noticeable under ergative configuration.
Lexicalist approaches contend that antipassive predicates are specified independently of transitive predicates and enter syntax with case-licensing properties. Existing syntactic analyses of the antipassive converge on the notion that the object is licensed differently in the antipassive than it is in transitive clauses, but diverge with respect to the details of the licensing. Under one family of analyses, the internal argument of a two-place verb is saturated by a nominal element, preventing the verb from assigning structural case to its logical object. Under a second family of analyses, the logical object in the antipassive is licensed inside the verb phrase, and the object of regular transitive verbs is licensed in a higher position in the structure. Recurrent properties of the antipassive include the imperfective interpretation and the backgrounding of the logical object. However common, these properties are not universally associated with the antipassive and cannot be used to define it.

This article presents the pragmatics of reindeer herding by Chukchi and Koryak people in northern Kamchatka, Russia, to convey a sense of the importance of herding as a symbolic resource. A detailed description of brief visits to a reindeer herd in Kamchatka uncovers the power of reindeer as a symbol for indigenous people and indigenous culture in this area. I use a first-person, subjective ethnography and include some of the challenges I met in the field and my attempts to overcome them. The title quotes a reindeer herder impressing upon me the importance of his work for his people.

Reindeer are connected to human beings in a totalizing manner. Reindeer are simultaneously index, icon, and symbol of human social organization, economic activity, spiritual practice, material culture—in short, “our culture,” as I was told by many people in Kamchatka.

In 1878–1879, the Swedish polar expedition under Adolf Nordenskiöld on board the Vega wintered off the arctic shore of the Chukchi Peninsula in Northeast Russia. One of many outcomes of that journey was a massive ethnographic collection of almost 1,000 objects acquired among the local Chukchi people now housed at the Etnografiska museet in Stockholm. It is the largest historical collection of its kind in Western Europe and the fourth largest from this part of the world. This paper tells the story of a pilot project aimed to explore the history of the Vega Chukchi collection over its 140-year life at various museums and to virtually ‘reunite‘ via an online database with the descendants of Indigenous people who once interacted with the Vega crew. Reconnecting historical museum collections with Indigenous experts and communities of origin is an increasingly popular path to move objects from museum drawers and to start their new life as a source of heritage knowledge, cultural pride, public education, and community empowerment. As our pilot effort revealed, it may open the way to connect major Chukchi collections in other museums via shared electronic access under the new vision of reciprocal networks (alliances), to include heritage professionals, home communities and other interested audiences.

This paper is devoted to S- and P-argument noun incorporation in a Chukchi variety spoken in Amguema (Far-Eastern Chukotka). The paper is based on my fieldwork in Chukotka as well as on the text corpus collected by other HSE and MSU linguists. Special attention is paid to the constraints on incorporation and the possibility of 'promotion' of another participant to Absolutive position 'vacated' by incorporation.

In this paper up to twenty-eight new loanword etymologies are described as Yup’ik borrowings into the Yukaghir languages and dialects of far northeastern Siberia, with phonological and semantic considerations for each suggestion. These findings add some new insights into the historical phonology of such ancient borrowings, and provide clear etymologies for a number of isolated Yukaghir words. The chronology of the borrowings is also considered, and various factors point at different borrowing layers continuously from very ancient times until modern days. It is argued that these Eskimo borrowings are invariably of the Yup’ik variety (instead of Inuit variety), and that Yup’ik language(s)
was spoken in much earlier times around the Kolyma River where Yukaghir is currently still spoken, and then in particular closeness to the Tundra Yukaghirs.

The semantic categorization of the borrowings place most as elementary phenomena, actions and perceptions, and if not actually describing a real genetic language relationship, this at least suggests very intense linguistic contacts for Yup’ik and Yukaghir under bi- or multi-lingual conditions likely with tribal marriage and where code-switching was the norm for generations.

[Draft paper version]

This is an English translation of the first three sections of Menovshchikov's _Sirenik Eskimo Language_ (1964), the only significant full-length scholarly work providing a linguistic description of the now extinct Sirenik Eskimo language. This work is likely to remain the only substantial scholarly resource for linguistic information about the Sirenik Eskimo language. It is now over half a century old, until now it has only been available in Russian, and it is not easily accessible or readily available to most interested readers and researchers. Therefore, it is my hope that this English translation will make Menovshchikov’s preciously valuable work on the Sirenik Eskimo language available and accessible to scholars and researchers of Eskimo-Aleut languages and peoples, Paleo-Siberian languages and peoples, and related linguistic and anthropological areas of study.
The current draft contains a translation of the first three sections of Menovshchikov's work: his introduction and the sections on phonology and features of the lexicon.

This is the first ethnography of the Russian North that focuses on post-Soviet relations of domination between an indigenous minority and a non-indigenous majority in an urban setting. Patty Gray charts the political transformation in Chukotka in the 1990s as its administration sought to represent itself as 'democratic' while becoming ever more repressive, especially toward the indigenous population. The 'predicament' refers to how the nascent indigenous movement was prepared to address Soviet-style domination, and instead was confronted with this 'new Russian' style.

The National Museums of World Culture (Statens museer för världskultur, or SMVK) in Sweden were founded in 1999 by merging four, formerly independent museums in two cities. The Arctic collections at the National Museums of World Culture in Sweden currently comprise close to 20,000 inventory numbers.

This thesis is devoted to constructionist and force-dynamic analysis of argument structure constructions involving noun incorporation in Amguema Chukchi. I argue that the restrictions on the possibility and syntax of NI constructions can be explained without syntactic relations and semantic roles. Instead, the semantic maps, diachronic development pathways and order of participants in a causal structure is employed.
Supplementary typological study on the basis of 38 languages is conducted to collect evidence on the semantic map and development pathways.

What would the story of Abraham's near-sacrifice of Isaac look like through the value magnitude of Chukchi sacrifice, and vice versa? Drawing on the Dumontian idea that a dominant value contains its contrary within, I show that what counts as the dominant value in each of the two sacrificial traditions is so deeply co-implicated that trickery (Chukchi) becomes the shadow of faith (Abraham), and vice versa. At certain moments, one dominant value or the other is captured by its own shadow and flips into its contrary. This reversibility takes place against a " paramount value " shared by both traditions: the necessary hierarchical distance between humanity and divinity. All of this allows us to reconsider Abraham's trial in a manner that is precisely contrary to most prevailing interpretations—namely, as an act in which God is put on trial by Abraham.

In this paper, I introduce Chukchi and Koryak vocabularies that P.S. Pallas described in Linguarum totius orbis vocabularia comparativa: Koryak, Kolyma dialect, Tigil dialect, Karaga in the Karaga Island, and Chukchi. Each vocabulary in Pallas is analyzed based on published dictionaries and grammars in those languages.

This article describes the musical instruments and sound tools belonging to the archaic stage of development of Chukchi musical culture. This is the first time in musicology that an
historical approach has been applied to Chukchi musical instruments. The study’s methodology
relies on Yu.I. Sheikin’s regional and historical typology of musical folklore and on the classification of musical instruments created by E. von Hornbostel and K. Sachs. Its content is based on
the authors’ field research and on published sources.
Chukchi archaic phono-instruments are connected with economic activities (hunting, pastoral
farming etc.) and with various rituals. They played an important role as tools for signaling during
sea animal hunting, reindeer herding, and also imitated the voices of animals and birds during
rituals. In modern culture, many archaic sound tools have lost their ritual purposes and have
been preserved only as children’s toys. The article describes many idiophones, free aerophones,
whistles, tweeters, and flutes made of bone. There is also some information about early membranophones and chordophones.
The material presented opens up the prospect of investigating musical instruments from a new
point of view — as material evidence of the evolution of Chukchi musical culture (in a continuum
of four stages: folklore-archaic, tradition, professionalization, innovation).
Аннотация. В статье описываются фоноинструменты, относящиеся к архаичному этапу развития музыкальной культуры чукчей. Данный подход применен к рассмотрению фоноинструментария чукчей впервые в музыковедческой науке. Методологическими основами исследования являются регионально-историческая типология музыкального фольклора Ю. И. Шейкина, органологическая систематика музыкальных инструментов Э. М. фон Хорнбостеля и К. Закса. Статья основана на полевых материалах авторов и опубликованных источниках. Архаичные фоноинструменты чукчей по функции связаны с промыслово-хозяйственной деятельностью и обрядами. Они играли роль сигнальных звуковых орудий в охотничьих промыслах, пастьбе оленей, имитировали голоса животных и птиц в обрядах. В настоящее время многие архаичные звуковые орудия утратили обрядовое назначение и сохранились в культуре как детские игрушки. В статье описаны идиофоны, свободные аэрофоны, свистки и пищалки, сосудные флейты из кости, приведены данные по инструментам-предшественникам мембранофонов и хордофонов. Материалы статьи открывают перспективу рассмотрения музыкальных и фоноинструментов чукчей с точки зрения эволюции музыкальной культуры этого народа, в последовательности этапов фольклорной архаики, традиции, профессионализации, инновации.

В  статье описываются фоноинструменты, относящиеся к  архаич-ному этапу развития музыкальной культуры чукчей. Данный подход применен к рассмотрению фоноинструментария чукчей впервые в музыковедческой науке. Методологическими основами исследования являются регионально-историческая типология
музыкального фольклора Ю. И. Шейкина, органологическая систематика музыкальных инструментов Э. М. фон Хорнбостеля и К. Закса. Статья основана на полевых мате-риалах авторов и опубликованных источниках.
Архаичные фоноинструменты чукчей по функции связаны с  промыслово-хозяйственной деятельностью и  обрядами. Они играли роль сигнальных звуковых орудий в охотничьих промыслах, пастьбе оленей, имитировали голоса животных и птиц в обрядах. В настоящее время многие архаичные звуковые орудия утратили обрядовое на-значение и сохранились в культуре как детские игрушки. В статье описаны идиофоны, свободные аэрофоны, свистки и пищалки, сосудные флейты из кости, приведены данные по инструментам-предшественникам мембранофонов и хордофонов.
Материалы статьи открывают перспективу рассмотрения музыкальных и фоно-инструментов чукчей с точки зрения эволюции музыкальной культуры этого народа,
в последовательности этапов фольклорной архаики, традиции, профессионализации, инновации. Статья снабжена рисунками фоноинструментов.

В статье исследуется ассортимент товаров, используемых в обмене между русскими и зарубежными торговцами и коренными жителями Чукотки в контексте значения товаров для человека и в плане отражения культурного и социального взаимодействия участников торговли. Проведена предварительная типологизация предметов обмена между американскими и русскими торговцами и коренными жителями Чукотки. Проанализирован процесс включения отдельных промышленных товаров в культуру и хозяйство коренных народов Чукотки и трансформации в процессе развития торговых отношений значимых предметов традиционной культуры в товары. Делается вывод, что  применение экономико-этнографического подхода к исследованию вещного пространства торговли позволяет выявить влияние мировоззренческих установок на экономическое поведение собственников товаров в процессе торговли и  мотивацию в принятии решения о покупке или продаже того или иного товара.

Yarzutkina A. Items trade world: economic and ethnographic aspect (concerning the question of the relationship of native population of Chukotka with American and Russian merchants in the late XIX - first quarter of the XX century)
The perspectives of studying the items trade world in the context of the value of goods for people and in terms of reflecting the cultural and social interaction of the trading parties are outlined. A preliminary typology of items that were exchanged between American and Russian merchants and native population of  Chukotka  was conducted. The questions  of  certain industrial goods integration  into the culture and housekeeping  of the native population of Chukotka and transformation of significant items of traditional culture into commodities in the process of trade relations development are designated.

A trade business organisation cannot function according to pre-set rules: each businessman
sets his own parameters. Studying numerous sources on trade on the Chukotski peninsular
nevertheless allows us to make some generalisations. Management structures differed
depending on the trading seasons.
Summer’s trade workflow started with preparing or hiring a schooner and
purchasing industrial goods for exchange, which were then prepared, packed, loaded and
shipped to the Chukotski peninsular. On arrival, they were exchanged with natives or used
to replenish supply stores, after which the schooners returned to Nome or Seattle with
craft products to be sold. This process was repeated several times a year - working
exclusively during the short period the Arctic was navigable - and was undertaken by private traders, whalers and trade company representatives who maintained trading posts
on the Chukotski peninsular. In summer, exchanges occurred directly from the schooner,
which served as a floating trade store sailing between settlements.
Winter business was based on trade, hunting and commerce through trading posts.
Schooners’ crews turned their vessels into temporary trading posts, serving as home, trade
point and fur storage. Over this eight-month winter period, furs, walrus bones and fur
clothes were collected from the natives. An extra stock of furs came from hunting. Winter
allowed the American traders to study the market needs of the native population to better
supply them, establishing a friendly connection with locals and widening their territorial
knowledge. Traders travelled between Chukchi and Inuit settlements with cargoes of
goods, visiting reindeer breeders’ nomadic camps, exchanging industrial goods and hunting.
They assimilated themselves into native cultures, gradually adopting local ways of life.
Many stationary traders married local women and, with their help, involved new relatives in
the trading process.

In 1878–1879, a Swedish crew led by Adolf (Nils
Adolf Eric) Nordenskiöld (1832–1901) navigated
the Vega along the Arctic shoreline of the Eurasian
continent from Norway to the Bering Strait, becoming
known as the “Vega Expedition,” it was a model
scholarly venture of its time, with an extensive research
program in hydrography, meteorology, geology, botany,
and zoology conducted by a team of trained scientists.
In 2019, the two authors - both Arctic/North American ethnology curators at their respective national museums, NMNH, and the Swedish National Museums of World Cultures/Statens museer för världskultur - agreed to revisit the Vega Chukchi collection and to research its history since 1880.

The interaction of 19th-century Russian missionaries with three indigenous groups, the Chukchi and Altaians in Siberia and the Dena'ina Indians in Alaska, resulted in widely different outcomes. The Chukchi disregarded the missionary message, the Dena'ina embraced Christianity, and the Altaians responded by selectively borrowing from Orthodox religion. Znamenski―in the first work of its kind in English―argues that the relationships between indigenous shamanism and Orthodox missionaries in Siberia and Alaska were essentially a dialogue about spiritual, political, and ideological power, and challenges both the widespread conviction that Christian missionaries always acted as agents of colonial oppression among tribal peoples and the notion that native peoples maintained their pristine traditional cultures despite years of interaction with Western society.

Znamenski asserts that Russian missionary policy toward indigenous peoples was, at best, ambivalent and cannot be described as either Russification or a broad tolerance of native cultures. After two broad introductory chapters, he deals with each indigenous people in a separate section, illustrating the ways in which native Siberians and Alaskans acted as active players, welcoming, adopting, rejecting, or reinterpreting elements of Christianity depending upon surrounding circumstances and individual cultural stances.

Preface
Introduction
Indigenous Landscapes
Missionary Landscapes in Siberia and Alaska
Russian Orthodoxy Becomes a Native Faith: Dena'ina Encounters with Orthodox Missionaries, 1844-1917
"Unresponsive Natives": The Chukchi Dialogue with the Russian Mission, 1840s-1917
Dialogues about Spirit and Power: Altaian Natives and Russian Orthodox Mission, 1830-1917
Conclusion
Glossary
Bibliography
Index

In the 1920s – 1940s the indigenous peoples of Chukotka, the northeastern extremity of Asia, were subjugated by the Soviet Union. This article takes a transcultural look at this process and seeks to explore what interactions shaped the region in pre- and early Soviet periods and what was exchanged through these interactions at different times. The cultural flows under study include those of material objects, diseases, language, institutions and ideas. A great deal of attention has been paid to the reception of exchange in indigenous communities, which was reconstructed based on memories and literary works of indigenous people of Eskimo, Chukchi and Even origin. The article aims to incorporate the case of Chukotka, which was subject to “socialist colonization”, into international cultural and social discourse and seeks to test transcultural methodology in a non-capitalist context.

Основанная на анализе архивных материалов, данных печатной периодики и кинохроники, статья задается целью введения в научный оборот информации о советском этнографическом фильме «У берегов Чукотского моря» режиссера Г.И. Смирнитского, как визуально-антропологического документа.

In the article, an example of the classic documentary film «At the coast of the Chukchi Sea», the pioneer of the Soviet visual anthropology, Grigory Smirnitsky, examines the film image of the culture of the Chukchi.

Предисловие
Введение
Хронология событий
События военно-политической истории Чукотки

Глава I. Социальная структура и военная организация
1. Социальная структура кочевых чукчей
2. Социальная и военная организация приморских жителей
3. Система командования
4. Сбор войск
5. Численность войск
6. Воспитание и тренировка
7. Военная специализация

Глава II. Вооружение, снаряжение, средства передвижения
1. Защитное вооружение
1.1. Доспехи
1.2. Кольчуга
1.3. Шлемы
1.4. Наручи
1.5. Поножи
1.6. Щит
2. Наступательное оружие
2.1.1. Луки
2.1.2. Налучье
2.1.3. Стрелы
2.1.4. Колчан
2.1.5. Стрельба из лука
2.1.6. Лук с двойной натяжкой
2.2. Праща
2.3. Копья
2.4. Пальма
2.5. Ножи
3. Неспециализированное и случайное оружие
3.1. Аркан
3.2. Копьеметалка
3.3. Дротики
3.4. Гарпун
3.5. Бола
3.6. Топор
3.7. Палица
3.8. Молоток
3.9. Кистень
3.10 Камни
3.11. Посох
3.12. Прут
4. Огнестрельное оружие
5. Комплекс вооружения
6. Одеяние
6.1. Одежда для боевых действий     
    6.2. Головные уборы
7. Средства передвижения на войне
7.1. Нарты
7.2. Снегоступы, лыжи, подковы                   
7.3. Преодоление водных препятствий

Глава III. Ведение войны
1. Война и мир
1.1. Причины войны
1.2. Начало войны
1.3. Мир
1.4. Союзы
2. Ведения боевых действий
2.1. Разведка
2.2. Поход
2.3. Набег со стойбищем
2.4. Набег одних мужчин
2.5. Грабительские налеты
2.6. Нападения на поселение врагов
2.7. Столкновения из-за кровной мести или прочих причин
3. Битва
3.1. Засады
3.2. Военные хитрости
3.3. Тактика
3.4. Техника боя
3.5. Поединок
3.6. Финал боя
4. Судьбы врагов
4.1. Убитые
4.2. Пленные, рабы
4.3. Пытки 
      5. Использование собак в военных целях

Глава IV. Осада и оборона
1. Оборона и осада у оленных чукчей
2. Осада и оборона у оседлых чукчей и азиатских эскимосов

Глава V. Война на море
Глава VI. Культовая сторона войны
1. Мировоззрение
2. Прием галлюциногенов
3. Военная магия
4. Обряды и жертвоприношения
5. Татуировка и раскраска
Заключение
Приложение I. Некоторые аспекты военного дела казаков Восточной Сибири в середине XVII - первой половине XVIII в.
1. Состав, организация и комплектование казачьего войска
2. Жалование
3. Сбор ясака
4. Поход
5. Численность походных отрядов
6. Вооружение
7. Тактика полевого боя

Приложение II. Этнографические материалы XVIII в.
1. Распросные речи анадырских служилых от 14 марта 1710 г.
2. Показания якутского казака Попова и других от 2 сентября 1711 г.
3. Из рапорта Д. И. Павлуцкого в Тобольскую канцелярию (1732 г.)
4. С. П. Крашенинников. О чюкчах
5. Я. И. Линденау. Описание о чукоцкой земли, где оная имеетца
6. «Известие» Второй камчатской экспедиции на вопросы генерал-майора Х. Киндермана (1750 г.)
7. «Показание о чюкоцкой земле» казака Б. Кузнецкого (1756 г.)
8. П. С. Паллас. Особые известия о Чукотском носе и соседних островах
9. Описание народов Якутского ведомства 1769 г.
10. Ф. А. Полунин. Чукчи
11. И. Ф. Гакман. Чукчи
12. К. Г. Мерк. Описание обычаев и образа жизни чукчей
13. М. Соур. Описание народа чукчей
14. И. Копец. О народах, известных под именем чукчей
15. Чукчи (1806 г.)
Список сокращений
Список использованной литературы
Contents

This paper represents a study of Chukchi verb-verb compounds (their semantics and constraints on their formation). We suggest that Chukchi verb-verb compounds represent a previously typologically unstudied type of construction - verb-to-verb incorporation, formally distinct from verb root serialization.

Название «алюторцы» произошло от слова алуталъын [alutаlʔən] «житель села Олюторка», а их самоназвание — нымылъын [nəməlʔən] «житель селе- ния; оседлый», из-за которого этот народ иногда называли нымыланами. Большинство носителей алюторского языка живет в Олюторском, Карагин- ском и Тигильском районах Камчатского края (на территории бывшего Ко- рякского автономного округа), точнее в с. Вывенка, частично в п. Тиличики, с. Хаилино в Олюторском районе, п. Ильпырь, с. Тымлат, п. Оссора, с. Кара- га в Карагинском районе на восточном побережье полуострова Камчатка, а также в с. Лесная и п. Палана в Тигильском районе на западном побережье полуострова. Кроме того, на восточном побережье раньше находились алю- торские села Ветвей, Олюторка, Култушино, Анапка, Кичига, а на западном – Села Рекинники, Подкагерное.

Алюторский язык долгое время считали диалектом корякского языка, и поэтому точное число алюторцев, а также число носителей данного языка не документировано. Кроме того, сами алюторцы часто называют себя ко- ряками, нымыланами или чукчами. По моей оценке, сейчас насчитывается около 200 человек, владеющих алюторским языком, при этом большинство людей моложе 50 лет алюторским языком не владеет.

Алюторский язык относится к чукотско-камчатской языковой семье па- леоазиатских языков. Кроме алюторского, к этой семье относятся чукот- ский, корякский, ительменский и керекский языки. Из этих языков чукот- ский, корякский и ительменский языки имеют письменность на основе рус- ской графики. В этой книге я использовала корякскую письменность, по мере необходимости приспосабливая ее к нуждам алюторского языка. Ко- рякский и алюторский языки очень близки, а многие алюторские дети учат корякский язык в школе, поэтому корякская письменность привычна для алюторцев. Кроме того, благодаря этому книгу смогут читать и коряки.

Отличий от корякской орфографии всего одно: в некоторых словах ко- рякскому звуку гʼ [ʕ] соответствует алюторский ъ [ʔ], как например в словах кор. аногʼан [anoʕan] и ал. ануъан [anuʔan] «весна», кор. гʼуемтэвʼилгʼын [ʕujemtewilʕən] и ал. гʼуямтавʼилъын [ʕujamtawilʔən] «человек»; после мяг- кого л он пишется ь, например кор. лёвыльгʼын [ljovəljʕən] и ал. лювыльын [ljuvəljʔən] «грудной ребенок».

Если в алюторском тексте встречаются русские слова, они отмечаются квадратными скобками [ ] и пишутся согласно русской орфографии.

Материалы, использованные в этой работе, были собраны мной в хо- де полевых исследований в поселках Палана, Оссора, Тиличики, а также с. Тымлат, Ильпырь и Хаилино в 2000-2005 годах.

Тексты были записаны от прекрасных знатоков алюторского языка Та- тьяны Николаевны и Савелия Васильевича Голиковых, Марии Никифоров- ны Чечулиной, Матрены Павловны Ивнако, Марии Иннокентьевны Прит- чиной, Дарии Павловны Уваровой и Абрама Абрамовича Улея. Неоценимую помощь в работе мне оказали Лидия Иннокентьевна Чечулина (алюторское имя Ӄывнютаӈав), Сергей Иннокентьевич Чечулин (Киткитав), Егор Инно- кентьевич Чечулин (Кыъусъын), Варвара Егоровна Яганова (Нутаӈавʼыт) и Владимир Михайлович Нутаюлгин (Нутаюлгын).

This paper presents twelve different string figures or short sequences of figures
that were collected in 1909 at the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition by Ethel
and Kathleen Haddon. The informant for all figures was Nahout (or Bahout), a
man from Chukotka Peninsula, Northeastern Siberia. Although there is no
decisive proof, Nahout appears to be of Chukchi origin. The collection of fig-
ures belongs to the Alaskan and Northeastern Siberian string figure tradition.
One of the figures has (as far as is known) not been recorded elsewhere, but it
is a variant of a figure that occurs regularly in the Arctic region. One short
series of figures was probably recorded before at the westernmost tip of Alas-
ka. The limited information available suggests that Nahout chose a particular
construction technique based on particular characteristics of the string config-
uration.