Elections and Election Observation

The problem of “stolen elections” is not limited to the USA. In many countries, disputes over election results are causing growing unrest, undermining the legitimacy of democratic processes. This trend risks making elections impossible and escalating into social upheaval or even civil war. It seems that these nations, through global collaboration, could design a blockchain-based voting system that would be more secure and trustworthy than current methods. With the help of AI tools like ChatGPT, in partnership with international organizations, we can explore and create a solution to restore faith in electoral integrity worldwide.

Élection des membres du comité exécutif de l'Association des professeurs de l'université Pédagogique Nationale (APUPN) (Patience Kabamba) Une organisation électorale réussie signifie que les électeurs accomplissent leur tâche de voter avec aisance et facilité, dans un intervalle de temps bien déterminé avec un nombre d'électeurs connu longtemps en avance. Le temps maximum que chaque électeur passe devant l'urne est un élément essentiel pour une meilleure organisation. Il nous a fallu moins de 10 minutes pour nous rendre au bureau de vote et voter. Toutes ces étapes ont été réalisées par la commission électorale indépendante (CEI) de l'APUPN. le MDW exprime sa grande satisfaction pour une organisation qui n'avait rien à envier aux organisations des élections dans les vieilles démocraties.Après avoir déposé mon bulletin dans l'urne, j'ai pensé à M. Denis Kadima Kazadi, qui a organisé les dernières élections congolaises sans fichiers fiables et il les a même dispersées sur trois jours en violation des lois de la CENI. Je me suis dit que M. Kadima devait prendre quelques leçons d'entrainement auprès de notre CEI. Nous travaillons évidemment à des échelles différentes par rapport à la CENI, mais les principes sont les mêmes : la visibilité de fichiers fiables bien avant le vote, l'identification des dates de vote dans tout le pays et la rigueur contre les tentatives de corruption des responsables de la CENI. La deuxième vague de félicitations va à l'heureux gagnant de ce vote interne, le Professeur Jean Collins Musonda. La commission électorale n'a pas encore annoncé les résultats officiels, mais à l'heure de What's App, il est difficile de garder longtemps le secret des votes. Nous attendons cependant les résultats officiels de la CEI.

Election observation missions remain anchored in methodologies designed for 20th-century elections. Short-term missions mainly focus on ensuring the integrity of election-day activities, such as preventing intimidation, vote-buying, and ballot stuffing at polling stations. In contrast, long-term missions are oriented on electoral legislation, procedural issues, and conventional monitoring of mass media coverage during pre-election campaigns. However, in the internet age, election manipulation is increasingly tied to sophisticated means of controlling societies, mainly through dominating information ecosystems and cyberspace manipulations that occur well before election day and beyond official procedures. Constrained by outdated mandates and tools, observer missions are often ill-equipped to detect and address these modern
forms of electoral manipulation. Consequently, they usually fail to recognize digital malpractices, inadvertently legitimizing rigged election outcomes and the authoritarian regimes behind them. There is an apparent urgent need for the approach to election observation to evolve.

Nigeria held presidential election in February 2023. Domestically the election was judged not to be free, fair and transparent it must be stated that there is more work to be done by Nigeria's Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in order to consolidate Nigerian's perception on the election cause every citizen has one or two negative narrations about the election. If credible elections are to become a fact of Nigeria's political life, as promised by the late President Umaru Yar'Adua and his then vice-president, Goodluck Jonathan, INEC and other stakeholders have more roles to play in all sincerity and godliness. This work is an attempt to review empirically the Perception of Nigerians in the 2023 general election in Nigeria. It highlights what Nigerian's take about the general election especially about the loopholes of INEC and other bodies responsible for the conduct of election and also recommends ways of overcoming them.

Vote-selling has detrimental implications for Ghana's democratic process and principles. The study aimed to examine the implications of vote-selling on Ghana's democracy. A qualitative approach and case study design were adopted. The convenience sampling technique was used to select 14 participants for the study. Data was analyzed using thematic analysis. The analysis shows that voters sell their votes because of unfulfilled campaign promises, the readiness of politicians to spend on campaigns, and the voters' willingness to use elections to get their share of the national cake. Vote-selling transactions start with convincing voters, followed by the process of channeling incentives, conveying voters to voting stations, and ending with proof of voting. Also, the findings show, that the inability to select competent leaders, corruption, tyranny, inability to initiate good policies and the inability to hold politicians accountable are the implications of vote-selling on Ghana's democracy. The study concludes that vote buying and selling are a contract where both politicians and voters, that is sellers and buyers profit while ignoring the aftermath consequences of such an action. The study also concludes that vote-selling has detrimental implications for Ghana's democracy. We recommend that NGOs, electoral commissions, civil societies, and non-state actors should spearhead and strengthen democracy by mounting vigorous campaigns to educate the electorates not to accept financial or material benefits before they vote for a particular candidate. Moreover, the consequences of vote-selling and buying should be included in high school curricula to educate Ghanaians on its implications.

The Freedom of Assembly is the freedom to take part in any gatherings that one wishes. Closely
associated with the rights of freedom of speech, expression, and association, it is held to be a key
right in liberal democracy.1 Right to assembly enables individuals to express themselves
collectively and to participate in shaping their society.2 General comment no 37 also confirmed
that the right to assembly is very foundational for system of participation in government
democracy, Human rights, Rule of law and Pluralism and also that the right to assembly is the base
for the realization of other Human rights.3
The right to Assembly has incorporated under different national and international legal system as
one part of human rights. For instance Article 30 of FDRE constitution state that everyone has the
right to assemble and to demonstrate together with others peaceably and unarmed.4 This article
also provided that “Appropriate regulations may be made in the interest of public convenience
relating to the location of open-air meetings and the route of movement of demonstrators or, for
the protection of democratic rights, public morality and peace during such a meeting or
demonstration.”5
International covenant on the civil and Political rights under its article 21 also
recognized this right. Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights, Article 11 of
African charter on Human and peoples` right, Art 20 of Universal Declaration of Human Rights
(UDHR) have clearly recognized the Right to assembly. However it is The General Comment No
37 which has provided the detail of this right; including definition of the rights, scope of the rights,
limitation to the rights, state obligation, what constitute the right to assembly and obligation of
organizers and participant.

The free expression of the political will by its citizens is one of the fundamental pillars of any democracy. If this right is not guaranteed, or if it is violated, its primary premise, that is, the ability to freely choose political leaders, would be severely undermined. No just, sustainable and peaceful society can be built in the absence of this freedom. In many parts of the world, men and women have resolutely fought for and acquired the right to freely choose those who should take decisions on their behalf.
Many Africans today recognize that it is their right to contribute to nation building and to promote the development of a democratic society in their countries. We have seen a sharp increase in commitment by citizens who are determined, sometimes under very challenging conditions, to participate fully in the management of public affairs. Among the principal issues in Cameroon are elections which, according to many voters or those who choose not to vote, take place under unacceptable conditions. It is for this reason that a number of measures have been put in place to ensure the management of elections in Cameroon and also to examine ways in which electoral fraud can be eradicated with a view to improves the electoral process and thus ensure free and fair elections. Electoral process should be conducted in accordance with the law and in a manner that is free, fair, participatory and thus credible. Considering the challenges the country is likely to face in the future, such a process is essential in Cameroon.
Most of the budding democracies of the Third World are still grappling with the problem of determining which election management procedures are best suited to their specific national contexts. The older democracies themselves tend to differ from one form to the other, not only in terms of the electoral systems they have put in place but also as regards the specific election management procedures they have adopted. These variations raise the question of whether the management of elections in a democratic context can be said to be governed by a set of internationally accepted norms and standards.
Despite the differences observed here and there in the practice of conducting elections over the years from one country to the next, the convergence of various democratic traditions can be said to have given rise to what may be considered the norms and standards of election management.

Political participation is sine qua non of women's empowerment. Political participation has various dimensions, such as electoral participation; to participate in election as a voter and electoral representation; to participate in elections as a candidate. The proposed study is limited to the electoral participation of women as voters. This research includes the major findings of the study about the electoral participation of women in the urban and rural areas of NA-29 Peshawar111 constituency in the general elections of 2018. A Chi-square test is performed to check the association between various socio-cultural, economic, educational, and political factors on women's meagre electoral participation

This research paper, titled "Decoding Socio-Cultural Challenges Hindering Women's Engagement in Electoral Processes: A Case Study of NA-29 Peshawar," seeks to delve into the complexities of women's electoral participation within the socio-cultural context of Peshawar. By examining the barriers and enablers shaping women's involvement in electoral activities, this study aims to provide insights that can inform evidence-
based strategies for promoting gender-inclusive democracy. Women have played a critical role in elections as voters, particularly in Pakhtun society. However, a number of obstacles impede them from casting their votes
despite the fact that it is the civic obligation of citizens of Pakistan, irrespective of gender. As voters, women can shape the political landscape by casting their ballots for the candidates or parties that best represent their interests and values. They can use their vote to push for policies and laws that support gender equality, women's rights, and other issues that affect them and their communities. The present study includes the research findings about women's electoral participation in NA-29 Peshawar constituency in the general elections of 2018. The study aims to measure the affects of socio-cultural factor on women's meager electoral participation in the general elections of 2018.

The article tries to shed light on two regional human rights tribunals, i.e., European Court of Human Rights (Strasbourg Court) and African Court of Human Rights (Arusha Court), the future African Court of Justice and Human Rights. The second half of 20 th century is remarked with the steady development of human rights in Africa. One of such development is advanced by the establishment of African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights which has of significant importance in the institutionalization of human rights in Africa. However, while viewed from the perspective of Strasbourg court, the Arusha court is almost weak and ineffective while the former is a crown jewel in protecting and promoting civil and political liberties. In this article, the issues relating to accessibility, efficacy of the decisions of both courts on respective member states and the enforcement mechanisms of the decisions that are rendered will be at the hub of the article. In order to arm young scholars with lucid idea on the area, I will look into different articles, books and practical cases. As an African human rights court is at its embryonic stage, numbers of lessons have to be adopted from the foolproof , advanced and revolutionary court of world.

Due to its comprehensive approach to the so-called “human dimension”, the Organization for Security and Co-Operation in Europe (OSCE) is a unique transatlantic security organization. Based on the Helsinki Final Act of 1975 of the then Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the OSCE has endeavored to address security issues with a multi-faceted strategy combining the politico-military and the economic/environmental dimension with work in its ’human dimension’ (HD). Vested with a transformed and expanded mandate to focus on the wide array of human dimension commitments, the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) has been established as the principle institution within the HD.

In recent time, the method of electoral democracy in Nigeria reflects the form of vote trading where exchange of cash and material goods become prevalent. This undue influence and subversion of electorate vote by political parties and candidates leaves significant gap in election and electoral process which are critical to promoting electoral governance. This study assessed the impact of vote trading on voter's behaviour, and examined the implication of vote trading on electoral governance in Osun State 2018 governorship election in Nigeria.

This research aims to answer the problem of the appropriate sample size in the case of the quick count of the election so that the results obtained are close to the actual results. Although there are practical procedures that are widely used to calculate the sample size in the quick count methodology, in reality, the results obtained often deviate from the actual results, so the issue of precision is always an interesting discussion. The formulation of the problem regarding the size of the sample and how the level of precision of the forecast results are important issue to be discussed. This research method is included in experimental research where the analysis used is the Kruskal-Wallis test. The data used is primary data from the real count results of the regency election Sumedang by consultants and teams. The results showed that there was a significant difference between the seven sample size groups in vote acquisition and the percentage of votes at the polling station (TPS), wh...

Il 10 settembre 2023, nella giornata unica di voto, il partito di Vladimir Putin Russia Unita si è imposto nella quasi totalità delle elezioni locali, comprese quelle tenutesi tra le polemiche nelle oblasti ucraine occupate; in particolare, la rielezione di Sergej Sobjanin come sindaco di Mosca si offre come paradigma del modello elettorale russo, permettendo al contempo qualche considerazione in vista delle presidenziali del 2024. Lo studio punta a ricostruire giuridicamente la normativa inerente la chiamata alle urne nella capitale russa, nella sua evoluzione storica post-caduta dell'URSS ed in un'ottica comparativa interna, evidenziando le differenze di disciplina esistenti tra una città di rilevanza federale (ipso facto un soggetto federale) ed una città espressione invece di autogoverno locale.

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Title: Moscow mayoral elections: legislation, reforms and perspectives
Abstract [En]: On September 10 th 2023, on the single election day, Vladimir Putin's party United Russia won the vast majority of votes in the local elections, including the ones held amidst controversy in the occupied Ukrainian oblasts; more specifically, the re-election of Sergey Sobyanin as mayor of Moscow may be observed as a paradigm of the Russian electoral model, while allowing for some considerations in view of the 2024 presidential elections. The study aims for the legal reconstruction of the electoral legislation in the Russian capital, in its historical evolution after the fall of the USSR, as well as from an internal comparative perspective. Therefore, it highlights the legal differences between a city of federal importance, for its own nature constituent federal subject, and a city that is an expression of local self-government.

Democracy has been the world's predominant form of government in the last five decades, and there has been significant global progress on some of its key elements. However, conducting credible and transparent elections remains an immense challenge in many African countries. For instance, Nigeria's troubled elections are a constant reminder of the country's enduring "do or die" politics, poor electoral management, and endemic impunity. Such hurdles equally thwart attempts to establish democratic standards. This article stresses the necessity for effective legal frameworks that integrate every component of electoral reforms in accordance with best practices. It recommends an empirical application of the hybrid of both participatory democracy and deliberative democracy, through informed, active, and engaged citizenry.

Electoral processes in Nigeria are susceptible to different types of rigging. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) came up with some innovative measures in 2011 and 2015 to reduce rigging including the introduction of permanent voters cards (PVCs) and card readers. This study uses data flow diagrams, as well as sensitivity and scenario analyses to analyze how various factors and variables result in rigging during elections. An overview of data flow diagrams (DFDs) is given to illustrate their effectiveness in describing systems. The electoral processes for 2011 and 2015 are described and compared, and special DFDs are designed to model the two slightly different systems. With the help of these special DFDs, the mathematical relationships that connect these different components of rigging are worked out and these are used to create a template using SaSAT, a sampling and sensitivity analysis tool, that is used in estimating the final results of a hypothetical election ...

The report analyses the historical underpinnings of the UN human rights petitions system (comprised of the Special Procedures communications, Treaty Body communications, and the Human Rights Council’s Confidential Complaint Procedure); assesses the visibility, accessibility, responsiveness, and effectiveness of the current system; and makes recommendations for strengthening this vital protection tool in the future Authors: Marc Limon, Universal Rights Group Other Contributors: Elvira Dominguez-Redondo, University of Middlesex Hilary Power, formerly with the Universal Rights Group Ingela Stahl-Zulu, independent consultant Nathalie Munoz Tord, Universal Rights Group

The Issue of minority rights and state obligations has been a sensitive matter in the international community from time immemorial. Moreover, majority of research papers thereon focus mainly on the theoretical aspects of this issue. However, this paper contains a practical approach to drawing the lines and dimensions of minority rights and the state's obligation, using a hypothetical scenario of a war-torn Republic of Odenisia and minority groups therein.

Transparencia Electoral es un organismo no gubernamental internacional que ha observado procesos electorales desde 2016 en todo el mundo, incluyendo algunos países sudamericanos.  Transparencia Electoral visitó Ecuador en tres ocasiones (primera vuelta de 2017, segunda vuelta de 2021 y 2023).

Constitutionally based democratic system of representative government only works when the worth of honest ballots is not diluted by invalid ballots procured by illegal means. When the election process is corrupted, democracy is jeopardized. This underscores the need to accord enforcement priority and effective prosecution of corruption of the election process. Electoral crime is more grievous and affects the society more than ordinary crime. The victim of an assault is the person assaulted. It may have only a collateral and remote effect on the society. But an act or omission or violence on a person or group of persons with intention to stop them from exercising their electoral rights discourages people from participating in the electoral process. This may lead to apathy towards elections and emergence of the wrong persons as the custodian and managers of the commonwealth. Since the commission of electoral offence has multiple effects; both on the direct victims who may lose their lives or become permanently incapacitated or erosion or demeaning of the corporate political rights, the Electoral Act should not merely provide against it but provide more penal sanctions than the provisions under ordinary statutes. A distinct and bespoken court or commission should also be established to determine cases of electoral crimes.

La Unión Interamericana de Organismos Electorales (UNIORE), creada en 1991 ha observado elecciones supranacionales, nacionales, subnacionales, primarias y referéndums en América Latina. La UNIORE ha visitado Ecuador por 9 ocasiones (2013, 2014, 2017 (dos vueltas), 2018, 2019, 2021 (dos vueltas) y 2023), siendo una de las organizaciones de observación electoral más activas en Ecuador durante la última década.

Desde 1993, la Unión Europea (UE) observa los procesos electorales en todo el mundo, incluyendo países de América del Sur. La UE ha enviado misiones de observación electoral a Ecuador en cuatro ocasiones (2002, 2007, 2008 y 2009) y una misión de expertos electorales en 2021.

Political conflicts are endemic in Nigeria and this is flowing from the context of its historical development, such that, a holistic approach is necessary to identify the factors that fan the embers of any conflict in Nigeria, just as in many other ill-defined federal states with plural identity groups where intergroup conflicts are common, and precipitating factors are most often, the skewed distribution of socio-economic and political resources which breed inequalities amongst culturally and sometimes religiously different groups. In juxtaposition of a structure with such prevailing practices, there will be attendant perception of injustice and marginalization wherein certain groups will construe enemy images of the government and other groups who appear to be favored by it. The study recognizes that such structures differ from place to place, and conflict management should be situated within the conflict environment. It also inform the approach of analysis of the structures and a...

Upon Japan’s ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women in 1985, certain law reforms for gender equality were realized. However, international human rights law has impacted limitedly on the Japanese judiciary. The Women’s Convention has been invoked by parties in a number of cases, but so far has never been positively quoted by the courts. On the other hand, the jurisprudence of individual complaints under the Optional Protocol of the Women’s Convention has developed significantly. This paper introduces the case law of the individual complaint procedure of the Women’s Convention, and identifies its significance in comparison with Japanese jurisprudence. As the jurisprudence of individual complaints under the Women’s Convention is still in the law-making stage, the author encourages the Japanese government to ratify the Optional Protocol so that it can participate in the process of developing this jurisprudence. Keywords: Gender Equ...