Elections and Election Observation

As the holding of “general elections” in the internationally non-recognised Donetsk People’s Republic (DPR) and Lugansk People’s Republic (LPR) ran counter to the Minsk agreements, the international community considered them as illegitimate and did not send any observers to monitor them.

Aiming to fill the void of legitimacy, the “authorities” of the DPR and LPR claimed to have invited 48 and 45 “international observers” respectively from Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iraq, Ireland, Italy, Kongo, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Russia, Serbia, Syria, Turkey, USA and Yemen, as well as from “Abkhazia”, “Palestine” and “South Ossetia”.

We have identified 39 “observers” in the case of the DPR and 43 – in the case of the LPR. Out of the identified individuals, around half of them were politicians and state officials. Other “observers” were predominantly businessmen, students, journalists, and far-right and far-left activists and conspiracy theorists. None of the observers were transparent about the methodology they employed for observing the election processes and, therefore, did not comply with the “Code of Conduct for International Election Observers” endorsed by all relevant international election observation organisations, including ODIHR/OSCE.

The overwhelming majority of non-Russian “international observers” have already been involved in various pro-Kremlin efforts that include, but are not limited to: (1) previous participation in politically biased and/or illegitimate electoral monitoring missions in Russia and elsewhere; (2) legitimisation and justification of Russia’s actions directed at undermining Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity; (3) criticism of the sanctions imposed on Russia in relation to its aggression towards Ukraine; (4) cooperation with the Russian state-controlled instruments of disinformation and propaganda (RT, Sputnik); (5) membership in pro-Kremlin movements, groups and organisations.

“International observers” were highly visible in the media space of the DPR and LPR: more than one-third of all news stories published on the voting day mentioned “international observers”.

“International observers” were invited to the DPR and LPR in order to provide a sense of general legitimacy and normalcy to the “elections” in the eyes of the domestic and Russian audiences.

Aiming to provide legitimacy to the otherwise illegitimate “elections”, the media of the DPR, LPR and Russia disinformed their audiences about the real international perception of the “general elections”, as well as promoting the following five major narratives: (1) the “elections” did not run counter to the Minsk agreements, and, therefore, were legitimate; (2) the “elections” were characterised by a high turnout and active participation; (3) the “elections” took place in a calm and orderly manner; (4) the life in the DPR and LPR is safe and peaceful; and (5) the international community should recognise the “elections”, as well as independence and sovereignty of the DPR and LPR.

Election observation has become a common practice in international
politics and is widely perceived as an instrument to maintain and
safeguard electoral integrity. International and citizen election
observation practices developed in parallel to provide scrutiny of
electoral processes from various perspectives, and both are based
on international obligations, standards, and commitments. This
article analyses whether international and citizen observation is
actually possible and encouraged in states with broadly perceived
electoral integrity that promote election observation in other
countries. The 1990 OSCE’s Copenhagen Document, which all
participating states have committed to, recommends both
international and citizen election observation. International
election observation activities by the OSCE/ODIHR have been
increasingly dedicated to European countries with established
traditions of holding democratic elections. The comparative
analysis offered in this article is based on 200 OSCE/ODIHR reports
on 32 countries, including all EU member states, plus Iceland,
Norway, Switzerland, and Turkey. The comparison shows that 27 of
the 32 countries have, to date, not fully considered or
implemented the OSCE/ODIHR recommendations for accreditation
and legal status of election observers. Only in the cases of Croatia,
Finland, the Netherlands, Norway, and Romania, does OSCE/ODIHR
recognise full compliance with OSCE commitments.

The participation of civil society is essential: In particular, domestic election observer groups play a role in promoting electoral integrity and contribute to deter fraud, instil trust in the overall process, and provide an informed opinion on the electoral framework that can inform the work of other stakeholders – in particular, election administrators, political parties, and the media.

Les électeurs choisissent-ils le parti qui leur correspond le mieux ? Disposer de plus d'informations entraîne-t-il plus d'hésitations avant de voter ? Comment les électeurs belges perçoivent-ils la démocratie ? Lors des dernières élections, plus de quarante pour cent des électeurs ont voté pour un autre parti que celui qu'ils avaient soutenu au scrutin précédent. Comment peut-on interpréter cette observation factuelle ? Qu'est-ce que cela nous apprend sur les réflexions des électeurs et sur l'état de notre système politique ? Décrypter l'électeur offre une vue complète sur les évolutions du paysage électoral belge. Les principaux chiffres et faits du dernier scrutin electoral sont présentés et disséqués. En outre, le livre propose toute une série d'analyses complémentaires sur des sujets comme les attitudes sousjacentes des électeurs, le débat communautaire ou le vote préférentiel. Des différences entre la Wallonie et la Flandre à la confiance des électeurs dans la démocratie : les principaux politologues belges proposent dans cet ouvrage l'une des synthèses les plus détaillées de l'électeur belge jamais publiée.

A low level of real political competition has been a marked characteristic of the 2018 presidential election campaign in the Russian Federation. The low level of political competition has largely been caused by a significant imbalance in resources that the candidates possess. The obvious abuse of administrative resources was a catalyst for this investigation. It is devoted to examining the use of youth organizations and associations supervised by the authorities, mainly the Federal Agency for Youth Affairs (“Rosmolodezh”), in the election campaign for the incumbent president and for simulating civic participation in election monitoring.

This Chapter interrogates the logics and technologies underlying the governance of elections in Africa. It defines elections, their nature and logics. It argues that elections are tools, which integrate electoral processes and systems to deliver on the people's choice of who will govern them. 'Free and fair' presuppose the existence of a 'free and fair' electoral commission, 'free and fair' machineries to run the elections, 'free and fair' systems and procedures for the conduct of those elections. It interrogates the role of stakeholders, before, during and after the elections and argues that elections reflect the independence and sovereignty of any nation. The Chapter presents a 5Vs framework of Volume (how many vote); Velocity (Speed) – the regularity of the elections; Value (the value of the elections as perceived by voters; Veracity (the trustworthiness and authenticity of the systems and outcomes); and Variety (diversity of voters and diversity of political parties). The Chapter argues that the prerequisites to hold free and fair elections include political will from the polity; transparency; a politically educated citizenry capable to act; unity in diversity (there can be many parties and tribes), faith and trust in the electoral systems, political parties and themselves; astute and smart systems and processes and bureaucracy.

ABSTRACT
Election observation is an integral part of an electoral process. Basically, it helps to enhance the transparency and credibility of elections as well as the acceptance of results. More importantly, Non-partisan citizen observers play an important role during elections by raising public confidence in the electoral process, deterring electoral malfeasance, detecting and exposing irregularities, and providing citizens with important information concerning the integrity of elections. Despite the fact that Good Governance has assumed the front burner as an indispensable requisite for social, economic and political developments; it continues to be a source of concern and a big challenge to most countries including Nigeria. This work examines the traditional system of observing elections in Nigeria and its attendant limitations which called for a more acceptable and scientific approach to election observation. This led to the introduction and adoption of a new election observation methodology known as the parallel vote tabulation {PVT} or Quick Count.
The researcher adopted the Survey research methodology in conducting the study on the significance of the PARALLEL VOTE TABULATION (PVT) IN ELECTION OBSERVATION AND DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA. To do this, the researcher used both the primary and secondary sources of data. For primary data, Three hundred and seventy (370) questionnaires were randomly administered to selected respondents. Relevant materials from secondary data sources were also analyzed exploring existing literatures on the subject-matter and obtaining information from books, journals, reports, magazine, newspapers, the internet and other relevant sources. The quantitative analysis is done with the use of simple percentage and Chi-Square in chapter four where the data from questionnaires are analysed. The Systems theory was also adopted as the theoretical framework for the study.
It was discovered that the new PVT scientific methodology using the short message system is quicker and more effective in the process of observing elections. The use of statistics makes the margin of error between its result and those of the electoral body very insignificant and very similar, thus attesting to the accuracy and reliability of the new methodology. The new approach has revolutionized the process of election observation in Nigeria and brought it at par with international standard and best practice. The research finding also shows that although the PVT scientific methodology is a paradigm shift from the traditional election observation methodology, and undoubtedly, very significant in proffering an advanced approach for engendering credible election outcomes, the PVT methodology has its own limitations within the context of election conduct.
Thus, it is recommended that the identified limitations of the PVT methodology and or such inadequacies need be allayed in other to engender for the optimal use of the methodology within all electoral context especially in Nigeria or an entirely advance methodology that assuages these limitations be researched into for a more efficient, effective and credible electoral outcome towards democratic governance.
Keywords: Parallel Vote Tabulation (PVT), Election Observation, Democratic Governance

the BHRC conducted a series of plenary sessions and workshops in Harare and Bulawayo aimed to develop strategies and systematise approaches to human rights monitoring and reporting. In partnership with the John Smith Memorial Trust, the BHRC provided training with a focus on human rights during the electoral processes.

As part of this project, the BHRC also produced the training manual 'Tracking Expression: Monitoring, Reporting and Addressing Human Rights Violations During Elections'. Specifically tailored for Zimbabwe, this is a resource which comprehensively covers human rights law in the context of elections. 

The Manual places emphasis on training lawyers in areas of human rights which are requisite to the creation of an environment most conducive to “free and fair” elections; namely, the rights to freedom of expression, information, association and assembly. Throughout the Manual, examples are provided in order to demonstrate how international norms have been interpreted in actual cases. There is also a template to facilitate networking for elections monitoring within a country specific context, a resource not previously available in Zimbabwe.

The Russian protests, sparked by the 2011 Duma election, have been widely portrayed as a colourful but inconsequential middle-class rebellion, confined to Moscow and organized by an unpopular opposition. In this sweeping new account of the protests, Mischa Gabowitsch challenges these journalistic clichés, showing that they stem from wishful thinking and media bias rather than from accurate empirical analysis. Drawing on a rich body of material, he analyses the biggest wave of demonstrations since the end of the Soviet Union, situating them in the context of protest and social movements across Russia as a whole. He also explores the legacy of the protests in the new era after Ukraine's much larger Maidan protests, the crises in Crimea and the Donbass, and Putin's ultra-conservative turn.

As the first full-length study of the Russian protests, this book will be of great value to students and scholars of Russia and to anyone interested in contemporary social movements and political protest.


Contents
Chapter 1. Introduction: March of Millions
Chapter 2. Putin's Regimes
Chapter 3. Insurgent Observers
Chapter 4. Political and social protest: opposition and grassroots protest before 2011-13
Chapter 5. Political and Social Protest: Opposition and grassroots protestors in the 2011-13 protest wave
Chapter 6. Pussy Riot and Beyond: Art, Religion and Gender Regimes in Russian Protest
Chapter 7. Cognitive spaces of protest
Chapter 8. The transnational dimension
Chapter 9. Conclusion: Protest in Putin's third term


"Benefiting from his exceptional cross-cultural and cross-disciplinary background, Gabowitsch looks at the Russian polity from below. Highly informed by personal observations, interviews and a systematic database of protest events, the book offers a completely new view of the promise and challenges of protest in the context of the authoritarian temptation that has come back to haunt the entire European continent."
Laurent Thévenot, École des hautes études en sciences sociales, Paris

"This book sheds new light on the forces and conditions that have shaped the anti-Putin protests in Moscow and elsewhere, examining in unprecedented detail the events, personalities and ideas that have changed Russian and global politics in recent years. There is little doubt that mass protests will occur in Russia again, though in new and unpredictable forms. This book helps us understand their fateful crescendos."
Alexander Etkind, European University Institute, Florence, author of Internal Colonization: Russia's Imperial Experience

"Gabowitsch's seminal study is of interest to the specialist as well as the general reader. It is a meticulously researched volume that throws light on the diverse protests that swept Russia in the wake of the 2011 Duma election. While they failed to prevent Putin's return to the presidency, the protests may well have heralded potentially momentous social change."
Josephine von Zitzewitz, University of Cambridge

The focus of this M.A. dissertation is on the OSCE election observation in Russia from the 1990s to the present and the debate about OSCE Human Dimension issues between the Russian government and other OSCE participating States and institutions. It seeks to examine the source of the Russian criticism towards the ODIHR and the influence this criticism had on the ODIHR election monitoring activities. The aim is to explore the prospects of this relationship, which is crucial to the future of the OSCE itself. Based on official OSCE and Russian documents, the existing literature and interviews with some 20 experts, diplomats and OSCE officials, the study argues that the disagreement over the OSCE election monitoring, with Russia and some like-minded countries on the one side and the ODIHR supported by other participating States on the other, is essentially political in nature, as it involves the interpretation of fundamental OSCE political agreements. Controversy over interpretation meant that the CIS criticism persisted after several inconclusive attempts at reform carried out within the OSCE and a few technical adjustments made by the Warsaw Office to its own methodology. Nonetheless, after the troubled period of the election-related 'colour revolutions' and the 2007/2008 intensification of disputes with the ODIHR, tensions eased following the 2011 State Duma elections: the Russian government, though not withdrawing allegations of ODIHR double standards, seems to have undertaken a path of compromise based on the status quo. The research results show that Russia’s tolerance of the OSCE election observation activities goes beyond the Human Dimension itself. Moscow, together with several post-Soviet countries that share its views, is still interested in keeping the OSCE alive, as a forum for political dialogue in which it participates on an equal footing with Western States. This is why the status quo remains an acceptable alternative. Thus, provided the ODIHR continues to look for a modus vivendi on an ad hoc basis with Russia, its activity could continue undisturbed in countries that are more willing to make use of its assistance.

The so-called “Republic of South Ossetia” and “Republic of Abkhazia” are breakaway regions of Georgia that are recognised as independent sovereign states only by five UN Member States: Russia (which supports their de facto independence by military, economic and political means), Nauru, Nicaragua, Syria and Venezuela. Other entities that recognise South Ossetia and Abkhazia as independent states are territories occupied by Russian forces (Transnistria, Donetsk People’s Republic and Lugansk People’s Republic), as well as Nagorno-Karabakh.

As the international community overwhelmingly considers any “elections” in these regions as illegitimate, no established election monitoring organisation would send its mission to observe “elections” in either South Ossetia or Abkhazia.

In order to give international legitimacy to the “elections”, the “authorities” of South Ossetia and Abkhazia organised their own “international monitoring”. The people they invited to observe the “elections” can be divided into three groups: (1) official representatives of the countries that recognise their sovereignty and independence, (2) representatives of the pseudo-states largely controlled by Russia, and (3) foreign individuals known for their previous involvement in various pro-Kremlin efforts and coming mostly from far-right parties, organisations and movements.

These pro-Kremlin efforts include but are not limited to: (1) previous participation in politically biased and/or illegitimate electoral monitoring missions in Russia and elsewhere; (2) legitimisation and justification of Russia’s actions aimed at undermining the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine; (3) cooperation with pro-Kremlin propaganda resources; (4) criticism of the European sanctions imposed on Russia in relation to its aggression towards Ukraine; and (5) membership in Western pro-Kremlin organisations, movements and groups.

The presence of “foreign observers” in South Ossetia and Abkhazia was underpinned not by the actual need to observe the “elections”, but rather by the intent to mimic legitimate international election monitoring in order to create an impression that South Ossetia and Abkhazia were legitimate independent states. Hence, the activities of “foreign observers” in South Ossetia and Abkhazia had nothing to do with the established principles and/or practices of international electoral observation.

The Auditing firm, BDO, engaged by the Malawi's electoral commission to ascertain the correctness of the 2019 election results being transmitted to the National Tally Centre before announcement,  observed the following anomalies, among others:
1. Election forms were not all signed by POs and monitors.
2. A number of Form 66 were not clear.
3. A Significant number of Form 66 were over scribbled, as a result, most of Form 66 became a mess and therefore needed to be replaced by duplicate forms, manually prepared forms, which were completed at the constituency tally centres. Some of the forms were excessively tippexed by POs who used tippex to do their corrections. Auditors made sure that all the figures were tallied and used the logbooks as the source documents to validate tippexed entries. In some instances, the replacement forms were signed off by all parties involved.

The Parallel Vote Tabulation is no doubt changing the election observation narrative in Nigeria’s electoral processes as it seeks to provide a scientific, timely and more systematic approach, with
precision, to the election day observation processes, hence, enhancing the transparency and
credibility of elections as well as the acceptance of results. Broadly, non-partisan citizen observers
play an important role during elections by raising public confidence in the electoral process,
deterring electoral malfeasance, detecting, and exposing irregularities, and providing citizens with
important information concerning the integrity of elections. For this study, the researcher adopted
the Ex post facto research design to underscore the nexus between Election Observation
Methodologies and Democracy in Nigeria with 44 respondents were selected, through purposive and
snowballing techniques, across critical stakeholders in election administration in Nigeria. Secondary
data sources were also analysed exploring existing literatures on the subject-matter. The qualitative
data were analysed using transcription/thematic analysis method including, data transcriptions,
annotation, data coding, analysis, and interpretation. The method of analysis is descriptive. A
correlation analysis was also conducted to establish the strength of relationship between credible
electoral outcomes and good governance in Nigeria. The Systems, Liberal-Democratic and
Structural-Functionalist theories were adopted as the theoretical framework for the study. The study
established from its major findings that the PVT has its own limitations; however, those limitations
have in no measure delimited its capability to statistically verify Election Day results as announced
by the INEC. It also established that a credible electoral process and outcome is a step towards good
governance, thus, the performance of a democracy is dependent on the ability of citizens to participate
actively in policy decisions, the budgetary processes, hold government to account, a responsive
government and in an atmosphere where the fundamental rights of the citizens are well protected.
Thus, it is recommended that beyond elections, the very important step for good governance to be
entrenched is for accountability mechanism which ensures that the mandate of the people is protected
within apposite legal frameworks, institutions of government are responsive to the demands of the
citizens and an active agency of the citizens to hold government to account is put in place.

The Russian organisation National Social Monitoring (NSM) coordinated by Roman Kolomoytsev invited 10 international experts to attend the regional elections in several Russian oblasts during the so-called single voting day. They were not officially accredited by Russia’s Central Election Commission (CEC) as election observers, but the Russian media and individual members of the CEC often referred to them as observers.

Neither the CEC nor the NSM published a full list of the invited international experts; however, using OSINT methods we have identified 9 out of 10 international experts from Belgium, France, Germany, Italy and Spain. Among them there were political activists and politicians (including one Member of the European Parliament), lawyers, businessmen, an academic and a former diplomat.

The majority of the invited international experts have a history of participating in various pro-Kremlin efforts such as (1) taking part in the politically biased election observation missions in Russia and Ukraine, (2) attempting to legitimise the illegitimate electoral processes in Transnistria and Crimea, (3) illegally visiting Russia-annexed Crimea and justifying the annexation of this Ukraine’s republic, and (4) regularly providing pro-Kremlin comments to the Russian state-controlled media.

The analysis of Russian media reports on the Russian elections on the single voting day and profiles of the international experts suggests that they were invited to Russia for two main reasons: (1) to boost the legitimacy of the elections with the Russian audience as the main addressee, and (2) to promote the allegedly positive image of Russia on the international stage.

The success of a peacebuilding process depends on many variables ranging from social and economic issues to the fostering of truth and reconciliation initiatives. However, for the past two decades the buzzword in peacebuilding has been " democracy, " and within international democracy assistance, few instruments have been as well-funded or had such a clearly visible impact as election observation. This article focuses on the unique relationship between elections, democracy, and post-conflict peacebuilding. More specifically, it reassesses the importance of credible elections to post-conflict peacebuilding and the multi-faceted ways in which international election observation missions (IEOMs) can support a nascent peace process. This article examines IEOMs on both a strategic level (why democracy and elections are important to peacebuilding) and on an operational level (the benefits and challenges experienced at ground level). It is contended that IEOMs are an essential element to peacebuilding, but that their promise can only be fully realised if several policy shortcomings are addressed, not least the necessity to acknowledge a distinction between IEOMs conducted in post-conflict environments and those conducted under more peaceful conditions. More fundamentally, it is paramount that IEOMs are recognised as only one element of wider post-conflict democracy assistance. Indeed, unless a broad definition of democracy is embraced, the potential of credible elections as a prime contributor to post-conflict peacebuilding will be critically undermined.

Face ao ciclo eleitoral que se avizinha em Moçambique, às incidências acontecidas nas eleições no país nas últimas duas décadas, e à aparente eclosão de nova guerra interna no país, recupero passos da minha biografia profissional, ligados a processos de democratização em países provenientes de regimes autoritários e, em dois dos casos, de guerras civis.
Haverá alguma especificidade dos antropólogos na participação em projectos de democratização?

Samuel P. Huntington maintains in The Third Wave that democratization has been prevailing since Carnation Revolution in Portugal in 1974. The trend finally reached the former Soviet bloc, first bringing about Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia in 1989 and the collapse of Berlin Wall. After the emerging civil liberty and democratic movement in the former Soviet bloc in the 1990s, people’s power finally turned over the rule of authoritative governments in Georgia 2003 and Ukraine 2004. The role of exit poll was significant in Rose Revolution whereas in Ukraine such poll is constitutionally prohibited; however, Warren Mitofsky was clandestinely consulted by a head researcher of social survey in Ukraine. Democracy is statistically related with economic development. Although as Carothers pointed out that transitional process from the former one-party dictatorial polity to multiparty democratic society, the initiation of democratic elections should be preserved in the former Soviet bloc for the sake of Rule of Law and civic liberty. Contrary to the ratification of United Nations human rights treaties, the former Soviet bloc countries should develop democratic society, especially electoral democracy first of all.

ranging from social and economic issues to the fostering of truth and reconciliation initiatives. However, for the past two decades the buzzword in peacebuilding has been “democracy,” and within international democracy assistance, few instruments have been as well-funded or had such a clearly visible impact as election observation. This article focuses on the unique relationship between elections, democracy, and post-conflict peacebuilding. More specifically, it reassesses the importance of credible elections to post-conflict peacebuilding and the multi-faceted ways in which international election observation missions (IEOMs) can support a nascent peace process. This article examines IEOMs on both a strategic level (why democracy and elections are important to peacebuilding) and on an operational level (the benefits and challenges experienced at ground level). It is contended that IEOMs are an essential element to peacebuilding, but that their promise can only be fully realised if s...

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ:
International election observation has become a valuable means of supporting African democratic polity. Notably, EU observer missions adopting a professional approach are meant to shield against political pressures from partisan stakeholder interests. However, this growing professionalism did not necessarily lead to less biased observation results. Available evidence suggests that in crucial cases, the origin and orientation of the bias changed from 'diplomatic' to 'technocratic'. The latter can be as least as damaging to the declared aims of election observation as the former. Two outstanding examples, the observation of transitional elections in Nigeria and Madagascar, will serve to illustrate this hypothesis and its consequences for the necessary reorientation of election observation methodology. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 
RÉSUMÉ:    [ L' observation des élections au Nigeria et à Madagascar: partialité diplomatique versus biais technocratique ] - L'observation électorale internationale est devenue un précieux moyens de soutenir des régime démocratique africain. Notamment, les missions d'observation de l'UE, en adoptant une approche professionnelle, sont censés de protéger contre les pressions politiques et des parties prenantes partisanes. Cependant, ce professionnalisme croissant n'a pas nécessairement conduit à des résultats d'observation moins biaisés. Les données disponibles suggèrent que dans des cas cruciaux, l'origine et l'orientation de l’observation biaisée a changé de la partialité « diplomatique » à la partialité « technocratique ». Cette dernier peut être au moins aussi nuisible à l'objectif déclaré de l'observation des élections que l'ancien. Deux exemples remarquables, l'observation des élections de transition au Nigeria et Madagascar, serviront pour fonder cette hypothèse et montre des conséquences pour la réorientation nécessaire de la méthodologie de l'observation des élections. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 
CARTOON on international election obsververs at the 2002 election. - Credit:  Aimé Razafy, Madagascar Tribune, 2. Dec. 2002

" This report offers an in-dept analysis of the role of international election observation missions in during the political upheavals in Kyrgyzstan in 2005. It presents the work of three leading, young academics from Kyrgyzstan. The report forms part of the 'NUPI Network for Election Observation and Exchange'. This is project that is supported by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The starting point for the assessments presented here is the realisation that international election observer missions played a central part in the events ...

The booklet "Politically biased election observation—a threat to the integrity of international institutions" contains EPDE reports by Anton Shekhovtsov on politically biased election observation missions to the presidential election and the regional elections in Russia, the illegitimate presidential election in Crimea, the elections in Cambodia and Zimbabwe and the illegitimate “general elections” in the Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics, which all took place in 2018.

The elections were very passive and hardly visible to the public. Despite the absence of any significant violations and obstacles at the electoral phases of registration of nomination groups, collecting of signatures and election campaigning, the stages that followed, including early voting, counting of the votes and the tabulation of voting results in higher commissions, were marred by numerous manipulations, active use of administrative resources and lack of transparency.

On “Single Voting Day” of 10 September 2017, elections of various levels will take place in Russia. The heads of the regions (governors) will be elected, as well as the deputies of regional legislative bodies and members of the State Duma in single-mandate constituencies.  On the occasion of these elections, EPDE publishes a series of “Golos” reports. Please see the first report of this series, dealing with the existing “municipal filter” practice which is accompanied by widespread “administrative pressure” on municipal deputies and the use of public resources, helping to ensure collection of signatures in favor of certain administrative candidates.

The success of any election depends on whether it was free and fair both to the candidates and the voters. Due to media coverage of national elections locally, regionally and globally, subtle psychological cues have become popular and are being used in student Representative Council (SRC) elections to harness voter preferences. This study focused on investigating the relationship between subtle psychological cues and voter preferences among university of Zimbabwe students. More so, the study was focused on four operationally defined subtle psychological cues namely Ballot order effects, Hallo effects, Negativity bias and Push polls on whether they would influence the participant’s voter preference. The study takes the form of an experimental research design and is based on a sample of 80 purposefully selected participants. In addition, primary data was gathered using 4 ballot papers with a Likert scale and was analysed using Statistical Package for Social Studies (SPSS) version 23. Descriptive statistics, T-tests for independent samples, Chi-square tests and Pearson correlation were computed to establish the degree of the relationship between the variables in question. Results show that of the four subtle psychological cues under investigation, negativity bias and hallo effects were predominantly popular due to the American presidential debates such as that of Richard Nixon against Kennedy and Barack Obama against Hilary Clinton. In addition the results show no statistically significant group differences on how gender, ethnicity and year of study affected voter preferences. Ultimately, there were three positive correlations for the experiments Ballot order effects, Hallo effects and Negativity bias. However, contrary to the reviewed literature there was a negative correlation between Push polls and voter preferences. The conclusion was that there is statistically significant relationship between subtle psychological cues and voter preferences and hence have the potential to increase or decrease the votes a candidate obtains. Therefore, the University can closely monitor SRC elections and make sure the students do not abuse psychological cues such as negativity bias and push polls as they have the potential of ruining the student’s reputations. Also the organization can add to its current SRC election policies the strategies that were implemented in this study to hold other factors at a constant such as using butterfly ballot paper ordering to help make the free and fair.

The paper critically addresses some of the existing theoretical gaps within constructivist norm research and proposes an analytical framework for capturing and analysing non-linear variation in states’ normative positioning. The study then examines the various stances Russia has been selectively adopting in the process of its internalisation, contestation and revision of the international election observation norm throughout 2000–2012. The analysis reveals that until recently Russia had been primarily adopting a ‘reformist’ rather than ‘revolutionary’ stance, – only episodically questioning the norm’s legitimacy and avoiding open violations –, and stresses the importance of non-material constraints on normative revisionism.

EPDE's member from Azerbaijan Election Monitoring and Democracy Studies Center (EMDS) has conducted long- and short-term observation of all stages of the 11 April 2018 Presidential Election.
On Election Day, EMDS recorded widespread, serious election violations that undermined voting and counting processes. This included voting without registration in 47% of polling stations, ballot-box stuffing in 53% of polling stations, and multiple voting in 53% of polling stations.  Only 8% of polling stations were free of major violations. The organization also received reports of pressure and harassment towards observers and journalists who were raising concerns about violations or attempting to monitor the counting process.

Between 1989 and 2013, the African Union (AU) observed 423 elections in Africa. However, these election observation missions were inconsistent at best in terms of approach, methodology, framework and status. The first, which was in Namibia in 1989, was deployed within the framework of the United Nations (UN) statute in terms of which the UN invited the AU. The subsequent election observation missions have to date been deployed either as diplomatic or mediation missions or a combination of diplomatic and independent technical missions. This article shows that the election observation journey of the AU has passed through several stages and regimes. While we recognise the challenges, we also point towards improvement, and identify the missing links that the AU needs to complete to become a truly independent actor in its election observation missions.

Diplomacy provides a unique insight into the socio-political circumstances of individual countries. Through their reports, analyses, and interpretations, diplomats shape a modicum of knowledge about the state in which they operate. Based on Yugoslav and Polish archival materials and memorial literature, the following contribution explores how diplomats from both countries contributed to the knowledge about Yugoslavia and Poland in the first years after World War II. The article takes into account the factors that influenced the production of knowledge in diplomacy and answers the question of whether the Yugoslav and Polish political decision-makers applied the newly acquired knowledge and how. The first post-war elections in both countries serve as a case study: they allowed diplomats to gain an insight into the operations of the local political elites; shed light on the attitude of the population towards the new authorities, and answered the question of how far the communists were willing to go in their struggle for power.

On May 3, 2018, the Promo-LEX Observation Mission (OM) launched its second monitoring report on the new local elections to be held on May 20, 2018. In the report, the OM reveals several issues, related to the activities of electoral bodies, financing of electoral campaigns, as well as to the use of administrative resources by electoral contenders, or for their benefit.  Additionally, incitement to hatred and discrimination was a common practice over the monitored period.

The Promo-LEX Observation Mission (OM) of the new local elections of 20 May 2018 is a project carried out by Promo-LEX Association under the Civic Coalition for Free and Fair Elections. Report No 1 is an interim report, the general purpose of which is to ensure the overall improvement of the electoral process in progress. According to Promo-LEX OM estimates, the potential election candidates spend at least MDL 478,890 for election activities before their registration.

This report offers an in-dept analysis of the role of international election observation missions in during the political upheavals in Kyrgyzstan in 2005. It presents the work of three leading, young academics from Kyrgyzstan. The report forms part of the ‘NUPI Network for Election Observation and Exchange’. This is project that is supported by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The starting point for the assessments presented here is the realisation that international election observer missions played a central part in the events that eventually lead to the toppling of President Askar Akaev’s administration in march 2005. Kyrgyzstan is also a case that highlights the immense challenges that face election observation missions in non consolidated democracies of the former Soviet Union. Many of these countries, Kyrgyzstan included, have developed traditions of deep-seated and sophisticated manipulation of election procedures. Given these preconditions, the three articles aim to assess from differing perspectives how election observation was conducted in the country in 2005.

This report seeks to highlight the role of international observer missions of the 9 November 2005 parliamentary election in Azerbaijan. It also presents in-depth assessments of the pre- and post-election situation in the country. The six articles that are presented in the volume have been produced by leading scholars or development practitioners in Azerbaijan.The report forms part of the ‘Network for Election Observation and Exchange’. This is project that is supported by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

In recent years, one of the most striking trends to emerge in international relations has been the rapid rise in the use of electoral processes to legitimize governments. This development has rested on a belief that democratic governance, provided through periodic and credible elections, offers the most effective mechanism for managing political and social tensions without recourse to violence. The viewpoint has been consistently endorsed by the international community, with former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan declaring that ‘there are many good reasons for promoting democracy, not least – in the eyes of the United Nations – is that, when sustained over time, it is a highly effective means of preventing conflict, both within and between states.’  Indeed, the belief that democracy and elections are key drivers of peaceful governance has prompted an unprecedented promotion of democracy across the world as a specific means of conflict prevention.