Political Rights

In this study, the linkages between political dynamics and foreign direct investment inwards to 118 developed and developing countries over the 2002-2017 period were analysed by the System GMM Panel Model to avoid the potential endogeneity problem. Findings indicate that the most vital positive determinant of FDI inwards is trade liberalization or trade openness. Also, there is no statistically significant relationship between countries' democratization and freedom level and FDI inwards. However, terrorism hinders FDI directly, especially in developed countries. Therefore, the decision of foreign investors might mainly depend on economic dynamics, which are related to them and host countries rather than politics.

"Aporias of democracy" investigates into the thorny question of how a "communitarian" society with highly developed democratic rights like the Swiss society copes with the political integration of immigrants. By analyzing sources and discources by government bodies, political parties, trade unions and the "new right" anti-migrant movements from the 1950s to the 2000s, it can be shown that an increase in political citizenship rights (Marshall) for the already-citizens often came at the cost of restricting the access and participation rights for immigrants.

El derecho a la libre determinación en materia política de los pueblos originarios de México, aun cuando se encuentra reconocido en el artículo 2 de la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos (2020), debe judicializarse para su ejercicio. En el Derecho constitucional de las entidades federativas de México, si bien es cierto se les reconocen derechos colectivos, no existen leyes de desarrollo constitucional que refieran a los procedimientos a seguir, en caso de que la Asamblea comunitaria de un municipio de mayoría indígena decida elegir a  sus autoridades municipales conforme a sus sistemas normativos propios. Ese vacío procesal del sistema electoral mexicano impacta en el ejercicio del derecho colectivo que tienen los pueblos originarios de decidir su destino en materia electoral municipal respetando las reglas constitucionales. Para demostrar lo anterior se hace un análisis del contexto político y jurídico del municipio indígena de Oxchuc-Chiapas, que impulsó la judicialización de ese derecho colectivo y culminó con la celebración de elecciones bajo sistemas normativos propios el 21 de abril del 2019.

This article analyzes one of the most important tensions between the protection of political rights – of both popularly elected officials and their constituents - and the disciplinary functions of some administrative authorities. This tension is deepened insofar as national constitutional norms and international treaties also protect the functions of disciplinary authorities with a view to enabling the prosecution and punishment of corruption. The objective is to preserve public resources which necessary, among other purposes, to the satisfaction of Economic, Social, Cultural and Environmental Rights. The research proposes that, within the framework of the Inter-American System for the Protection of Human Rights, this tension can be overcome through a formula of mutual deference that can be applied in all States. The deference must exist on behalf of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in what concerns the States and on the part of the internal disciplinary authorities in what concerns the standards established by the Inter-American Court. The article also indicates the necessary conditions for mutual deference to occur and warns about the dangers of the Inter-American Court maintaining a textual and austere interpretation of Article 23 of the American Convention on Human Rights.

The present work focuses on the underlying seminal causes of the Annihilation of Jewish Greeks in Bulgarian occupied Northern Greece, in particular the regions of Eastern Macedonia (the cities of Kavala, Serres and Drama) and Thrace (the cities of Alexandroupolis, Komotini and Xanthi), along with the Annihilation of their brethren of the cities of Didimoteixo, Nea Orestiada and Soufli of the Evros Prefecture of Thrace occupied by the Germans 70 years ago.  A definition of the Holocaust is given that broadens the term beyond its peak point that of the actual assassination of Jews by the Germans and some of their allies.  The definition includes all past historical events and practices that fermented the path to destruction of the European and North African Jewry during the World War II as well as the now and current state practices.  Starting milestones are the Preliminary Peace Treaty at San Stefano and the Peace Treaty at Berlin both of the year 1878, even though seeds of the later calamity were sowed much earlier:  The sum total of seemingly unrelated historic events led inexorably to the final act of the tragedy.  The root causes of the complicity of the Bulgarian governments of the time in the deportation of the Jewish inhabitants of the “New” Bulgarian territories are analyzed and, given the documentary and archival evidence presented, conclusions are reached.  Also, the nation states that were created in the wake of the First World War and the ensuing Peace Treaties are shown to be fraught with all those ingredients that fertilize the national psyche to accept as legitimate racist and exclusive policies along with anti-Semitic and prejudicial ones.  The distinction of Racial Anti–
Semitism versus the millennia old Religious one is emphasized.  Memory is an inseparable part of the Holocaust and, as such, it is both a means of Remembrance and a link with the past as well as instructive and educative for all generations and acts as a shield against Holocaust denial, revisionism and/or whitewashing of the past.

Chile es uno de los cinco países a nivel global que otorga el derecho a voto en elecciones nacionales a personas inmigrantes no nacionalizadas (Finn, 2020), participando un 20% de ellas en las últimas elecciones presidenciales el año 2017 (SERVEL, 2021). Este estudio comparativo trata de responder cuáles son los factores que inciden negativamente en ejercer este derecho y cuáles son los desafíos de la política pública para promover su participación electoral, utilizando metodologías mixtas como el análisis documental, la realización de entrevistas semiestructuradas a actores políticos, sociales y académicos y el análisis descriptivo de datos secundarios. Se descubre que la perspectiva asimilacionista del Estado, la desigualdad de derechos en general y la subjetividad, contradicciones y desigualdad de derechos políticos de los inmigrantes afectan en el ejercicio del voto, lo que se agudiza de acuerdo a diversas dimensiones de estos colectivos desde una mirada interseccional. A partir de estos hallazgos se recomiendan tres líneas de acción en política pública en distintos niveles para fomentar su participación, las cuales pueden ser relevantes dado el proceso constituyente que está aconteciendo en país: primero, que Chile reconozca el derecho a migrar y se constituya como un Estado intercultural, segundo, que amplíe los derechos políticos de las personas migrantes desde una perspectiva plurinacional que supere el concepto de ciudadanía tradicional, siendo estos derechos políticos claros, inclusivos y enmarcados en el trato igualitario y no discriminatorio, y por último, la creación de una política de fomento al voto migrante desde una perspectiva intercultural.

The European Court of Human Rights has occasionally made use of the language familiar from discussions of a “militant democracy” or a “democracy capable of defending itself” and scholars have used the term when discussing the Strasbourg jurisprudence. This paper suggests that it is more appropriate to concentrate on the requirements of a deliberative and participatory democratic society, rather than the theme of militant democracy. This paper examines the Strasbourg jurisprudence that may fall under this heading, and finishes by highlighting considerations the ECtHR should keep to the forefront when dealing with these cases.

Quale l'approccio della Repubblica italiana verso gli stranieri?
Raccolta degli atti della giornata organizzata presso la Camera dei deputati con l'aggiunta di un mio saggio sul concetto di "cittadinanza costituzionale" intesa come titolarità di ogni diritto e dovere costituzionale in capo a chi è presente a qualunque titolo sul territorio

Human rights have made mass murder and genocide more, rather than less, likely.

A previous version of this paper appears as chapter 3 of my Patriotic Elaborations: Essays in Practical Philosophy (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2009).

For a large segment of the urban poor in Kampala, Uganda, street vending has long served as a key livelihood strategy in the absence of formal employment opportunities and a public social safety net. This article explores the effects of de-democratisation on the rights of street vendors in Kampala, describing how changes to local government institutions and processes have forced vendors to adopt new strategies to assert their rights in an environment of closed political space. It argues that for street vendors in the city, economic and social rights are fundamentally rooted in political rights. As de-democratisation has robbed them of their political rights, it has also robbed them of their ability to assert their right to engage in their economic activities, leaving them increasingly vulnerable and marginalised. Barring a fundamental change in the city's political landscape, the hardships that vendors face appear to have no end in sight.

The understanding and application of shai’ah, an increasing demand of Muslim masses, is an issue that requires a special attention by contemporary Muslim scholars. Concerns over the uncritical implementation of shari’ah is not limited to quarters opposed to Islam, but is shared, for completely different reasons, by many Muslim scholars and jurists throughout the world.  Concerns over any uncritical implementation of shari’ah include the lack of clear delineation between the moral and the legal in Islamic law. What parts of shari’ah are moral, and hence fall within the realm of education and voluntary compliance, and what parts are legal, and can therefore be enforced by society? The question of delineating the legal and moral also relate to the issue of state intrusion into individual privacy, and to what extent can the state police individual morality? Also of concern is the question of due process, rules of evidence, and individual privacy. To what extent can the court rely on circumstantial evidence to convict a person of a crime he or she has not voluntarily confessed? And more importantly, how implementation of shari’ah relate to a multi-religious societies, in which people of different religion live side by side, and are subject to same legal jurisdictions.

Ante la fiebre reeleccionista en la región, analizar la situación actual de la prohibición o permisión de la reelección presidencial en los 5 países centroamericanos es fundamental para determinar hasta qué punto significa una reafirmación de la «supremacía constitucional» y de la «supremacía convencional», o simplemente es un acomodamiento de la legalidad a intereses estrictamente político-partidistas con un grave déficit de legitimidad democrática.
Este libro es una obra colectiva que, a partir de los casos de Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala y del estándar interamericano, busca cuestionar, desde una perspectiva constitucional e internacional, la legitimidad de la reelección presidencial que se ha desarrollado en los últimos años. No existe un derecho absoluto a la reelección, sería la tesis principal de esta obra, sobre todo porque los efectos de perpetuación del poder son nocivos para la pluralidad del régimen político.

Este libro se basa en el amicus curiae presentado ante la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos para ilustrar a este tribunal sobre las garantías judiciales en los procesos de impeachment. Es un tema de interés para países de América Latina como Brasil, Perú, Uruguay, Honduras, entre otros, y trasciende hasta EE. UU. y Corea. En estos países se discute actualmente sobre el catálogo de garantías judiciales y el grado de intervención del poder judicial en los procesos de impeachmenty de juicio político.

Aquí no solo se analiza hasta dónde deben intervenir los tribunales nacionales en los procesos de impeachment sino que se plantea un problema previo: hasta dónde debe intervenir la Corte Interamericana en la definición de esos límites y de esas garantías judiciales, y hasta qué punto la función consultiva del tribunal interamericano es el mecanismo idóneo para realizar esa intervención. También se fijan posiciones respecto de dos problemas: por una parte, la viabilidad de elevar una consulta por la vía consultiva y el grado de intervención del tribunal interamericano en esos casos, y por otra parte, las garantías judiciales para los procesos de impeachment con énfasis en las sentencias del Supremo Tribunal Federal de Brasil.

The luxury-versus-necessity controversy is primarily concerned with the importance of civil and political rights vis-à-vis economic and social rights. The viewpoint of political leaders of many developing and newly industrialized countries, especially China,
Singapore, Hong Kong, Malaysia and Indonesia is that civil and political rights are luxuries that only rich nations can afford. The United Nations, transnational civil society and the Western advanced countries oppose this viewpoint on normative and empirical grounds. While this controversy is far from over, new challenges of “evidence” and “marketization” are emerging. The first calls for a narrative on the history of civil and political rights in the West in the comparative context of the Industrial Revolution and the East Asian Miracle and China’s economic growth. The effects of the recent financial crisis and insulation of China from the Arab Spring further deepen this challenge. The marketization challenge looks at this controversy from the social exclusion angle. It argues that the basic needs covered by the minimum human rights agenda are becoming luxuries in a real sense for those who do not have the power to purchase these needs from the market.

The present work focuses on the underlying seminal causes of the Annihilation of Jewish Greeks in Bulgarian occupied Northern Greece, in particular the regions of Eastern Macedonia (the cities of Kavala, Serres and Drama) and Thrace (the cities of Alexandroupolis, Komotini and Xanthi), along with the Annihilation of their brethren of the cities of Didimoteixo, Nea Orestiada and Soufli of the Evros Prefecture of Thrace occupied by the Germans 70 years ago.  A definition of the Holocaust is given that broadens the term beyond its peak point that of the actual assassination of Jews by the Germans and some of their allies.  The definition includes all past historical events and practices that fermented the path to destruction of the European and North African Jewry during the World War II as well as the now and current state practices.  Starting milestones are the Preliminary Peace Treaty at San Stefano and the Peace Treaty at Berlin both of the year 1878.  The root causes of the complicity of the Bulgarian governments of the time in the deportation of the Jewish inhabitants of the “New” Bulgarian territories are analyzed and, given the documentary and archival evidence presented, conclusions are reached.  Also, the nation states that were created in the wake of the First World War and the ensuing Peace Treaties are shown to be fraught with all those ingredients that fertilize the national psyche to accept as legitimate racist and exclusive policies along with anti-Semitic and prejudicial ones.  The distinction of Racial Anti–Semitism versus the millennia old Religious one is emphasized.  Memory is an inseparable part of the Holocaust and, as such, it is both a means of remembrance and link with the past as well as instructive and educative for all generations and as a shield against Holocaust denial, revisionism and/or whitewashing of the past.

Author accepted version can be seen at: https://www.gdblunt.com/publications

This article is premised on the idea that global poverty is the foreseeable and avoidable by-product of the international system. This position is held by many cosmopolitans, but rarely do they deal with the consequences of this claim. This paper will examine the idea of a right to resistance in the face of global poverty. It will argue that a right to resistance is a necessary component of the political conception of human rights. It will also be argued that it is latent in some major documents and declarations to the point that it can be considered an emerging practice.

The rest of the article can be found by following the link: http://muse.jhu.edu/article/676705

One of important mechanisms considered effective to protect civil and political rights of the citizens in Indonesia is constitutional review. This mechanism was created after the constitutional reform by establishing the new Constitutional Court in 2003 as an independent and separate court from the Supreme Court. This article examines the development of human rights guaranteed in the Indonesian Constitution. It also provides a critical analysis of the Constitutional Court's role in protecting civil and political rights in Indonesia through its landmark decisions on five categories, namely: (1) freedom of assembly and association; (2) freedom of opinion, speech and expression; (3) freedom of religion; (4) right to life; and (5) due process of law. This research was conducted based on qualitative research methodology. It used a non-doctrinal approach by researching the socio-political impacts of the Constitutional Court's decisions. Although there are still inconsistencies in its decisions, the research concludes that the Constitutional Court has taken a step forward for a better protection of civil and political rights in Indonesia that never existed prior to the reform.

Keywords: civil and political rights, constitutional court, human rights, Indonesia

---
Abstrak

Salah satu mekanisme yang dianggap efektif untuk melindungi hak sipil dan politik warga negara di Indonesia adalah pengujian konstitusional. Mekanisme ini dibentuk pasca reformasi konstitusi dengan mendirikan Mahkamah Konstitusi pada 2003 sebagai peradilan yang independen dan terpisah dari Mahkamah Agung. Artikel ini menganalisa perkembangan hak asasi manusia yang dijamin di dalam UUD 1945. Selain itu, artikel ini juga memberikan analisa kritis terhadap peran Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam perlindungan hak sipil dan politik di Indonesia melalui putusan-putusan pentingnya (landmark decisions) pada lima kategori, yaitu: (1) kebebasan untuk bekumpul dan berserikat; (2) kebebasan berpendapat, berbicara, dan berekspresi; (3) kebebasan beragama; (4) hak untuk hidup; dan (5) proses peradilan yang adil. Penelitian ini dilakukan berdasarkan pada metodologi penelitian kualitatif dan menggunakan pendekatan non-doktrinal dengan meneliti dampak sosio-politik dari putusan-putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi. Meskipun masih terdapat inkonsistensi di dalam putusannya, penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa Mahkamah Konstitusi telah memberikan kontribusi satu langkah ke depan yang lebih baik terhadap perlindungan hak sipil dan politik di Indonesia yang tidak pernah terjadi sebelum era reformasi.

Kata Kunci: hak asasi manusia, hak sipil dan politik, mahkamah konstitusi, Indonesia

Between 1750 and 1830 the Dutch state developed from an oligarchic republic into an enlightened autocratic monarchy via a brief experiment with representative democracy. During this period, there was an ongoing debate about the right to petition. Political actors and opinion-makers addressed the questions to what and to whom this right extended, and what it meant to have such a right. While theorists of the different types of government had sharply contrasting views on the place of the people in the political process, ideas about petitioning, which throughout the period under discussion remained the principal instrument for popular involvement in politics, stayed remarkably stable. Through an investigation of the debate on the right to petition in the crucial transitional phase from the Dutch Republic to the Kingdom of the Netherlands, this article contributes to bridging the divide between petition research of the early modern period and that of the modern era.

Since 1989 in Hungary there have been organised six national referenda related to twelve questions. Based on the content of the questions raised, one can draw a line of evolution in the history of the institution. In 1989 and in 1990 the questions were closely connected to the big political issues of the transition and democracy-building: the timing and procedure of the election of the head of the state and symbolic questions related to the state-socialist period. The 1997 referendum regarded the NATO membership, while the 2003 referendum the EU accession – therefore this period was in close connection with the country's main strategic aims. The 2004 and 2008 referenda were about core political questions – therefore functioned as instruments of outsourced daily political debate between government and opposition. Moreover, during this period sixteen questions were set on the National Assembly's agenda based on succesful popular initiatives. Since 2010 the legislative and the executive power's approach to the classic tools of direct democracy has radically transformed. The Government started to use frequently the so called 'national consultation' in important legislative issues, including the constitution-drafting process. This tool has neither constitutional foundations nor legislative background in the Hungarian legal order. Moreover, it lacks the possible benefits of direct democracy and bears the typical weaknesses of it. Besides, based on the new Fundamental Law of Hungary (2011) and the new Act on Electoral Procedure (2013) the possibility of a successful national referendum has been greatly restricted: there is prescribed as a necessary condition for validity the participation of the majority of the voters in the referendum. This condition was barely reached twice in the preceding decades. Furthermore, the institution of popular initiative is not part of the legal system anymore. The latest events related to direct democracy bear more worrisome developments. The Government initiated a referendum which adressed the European Union related to its competence to decide on settlement of migrants in Hungary – a question which is obviously excluded from the possible topics of national referenda based on the constitutional background and European law. The National Election Committee authenticated the question and its decision was surprisingly upholded by the Curia (the Supreme Court of Hungary). The seventh national referendum in the history of the democratic Hungary (on October 2, 2016) will symbolize a new stage in the line evolution of national referenda, the institution itself becoming an instrument of populist governmental politics. All in all, these tendencies are demonstrating that the classic tools of direct democracy are loosing their relevance in practice while populist instruments are used more frequently. That is why it is of key importance to identify precisely the set of constitutional requiremets related to the genuine exercise of direct democracy and to separate other populist political instruments from these. The aim of the paper is to contribute to the contemporary debate related to this challenge.

Ang tunay na pagmamahal sa Bayan ay hindi makikita sa pagsamba sa mga rebulto o monumento ng inyong mga huwad ding mga “bayani” o pagluhod sa inyong mga simbolo o sagisag.

Ang tunay na pag-ibig at pagmamahal sa Bayan ay nasa Kalooban at pagsasabuhay ng mga mabubuti at mararangal na mga bagay at pagsasagawa ng mga Kabutihang-Loob sa Kapwa-Tao, sa Bayan, sa lipunan at sa buong Daigdig.

Hindi maaaring ikahon ang nasyonalismo, patriotismo at pagmamahal sa Bayan sa simple at mekanikal na pagsamba lamang sa mga bandera o mga sagisag o anumang simbolo, sapagkat maaaring masunog ang mga bandera, mawasak ang mga rebulto at maagnas ang mga monumento — ngunit kung naroon ang pag-ibig sa Bayan sa bawat isang mamamayang Pilipino — iyon ang tunay na kaluluwa ng Bansa. Iyon ang tunay na Pag-Ibig sa Bayan at sa Kapwa!

Hindi iyon kailanman mawawasak, maaagnas, masusunog o mawawala!

Ang tunay na Kalayaan o Pag-Ibig sa Bayan ay wala sa labas o sa mga materyal na mga bagay, sapagkat ang mga bagay na yaon sa pag-agos at pagdaloy ng panahon ay lumilipas at naglalaho.

Ang tunay na Kalayaan o Pag-Ibig sa Bayan ay nasa Loob, nasa Diwa, nasa Mabuting Kalooban ng bawat isang mamamayang Pilipino!

Kalabisan nang sabihin, ngunit hindi ito kailanman maglalaho at kailanman ay hindi mawawa o mawawasak!!!!

TULOY ANG HIMAGSIKAN!

#MAYPAGASA!!!

The human right to democracy is often justified instrumentally: democratic rights are human rights because they contribute to the preservation of basic human rights. In this article, this approach is put to test with regard to the right to vote, which is fundamental to democracy and is recognized by human rights law. The question is whether there is evidence to conclude that the right to vote serves the required instrumental purposes?

The answer will depend on how the human right to vote is understood, which in turn depends on how it is interpreted by the relevant human right bodies. The answer also depends on the empirical evidence available. This paper shows that the human right to vote is not vindicated by instrumental considerations and explains why this follows from both empirical and conceptual reasons. The conclusion is that instrumental considerations are unable to fully account for the norms currently recognised by human rights law.

O capítulo tem por finalidade apresentar, de forma sintética, os aspectos mais importantes da relação entre o princípio da igualdade e os direitos políticos atribuídos ao cidadão na ordem jurídico-constitucional brasileira.
Deste relato sobressaem dois elementos fundamentais. O primeiro é a posição do princípio da igualdade como alicerce do sistema político estatuído na Constituição de 1988 e, conseguintemente, como fundamento nuclear da cidadania.
O segundo é a constatação de que a experiência constitucional registrada no período pós-ditatorial tem evidenciado um desvio declarado e sistemático do princípio isonômico, a operar em favor de um regime político tendencialmente restritivo e, por isso mesmo, menos democrático do que seria de se esperar.

La démocratie est-elle une valeur universelle que le droit international peut promouvoir ? La démocratie ne peut être exportée internationalement ou imposée par la force; elle doit se consolider à l'intérieur d'un État. Les droits politiques internationaux, comme le droit à des élections libres, à la liberté d'expression et d'association politique, sont à même de consacrer de nouveaux modèles de démocratie en garantissant l'égalité politique dans l'exercice du contrôle populaire.
Cet ouvrage est destiné à toute personne travaillant à la promotion de la démocratie. Il synthétise l'ensemble des documents internationaux relatifs à la démocratie et propose une notion de la démocratie en droit international. Il est un guide pour l'analyse de la jurisprudence des organes internationaux des droits de l'homme sur les droits politiques.

2012.
This hungarian langauge essay analyses the paradoxical regulation of voting rights and representation of members of the cultural and of the political nation under the emerging regime of the new constitution, and contrasts it with the perspective of constitutional patriotism. http://fundamentum.hu/atirt-alapjogok/cikk/az-alkotmanyos-patriotizmustol-nemzeti-es-etnikai-kisebbsegek-parlamenti-kepvis
Quote: “A magyar politikai nemzet olyan képződménnyé válik, ahol az etnikai elemmel átitatott alkotmányos nemzetfogalom alá nem tartozó, de államalkotóként deklarált nemzeti és etnikai kisebbségek külön, kedvezményes mandátumokat érhetnek el az Országgyűlésben, míg a többségi kulturális nemzet tagjaival közjogi kapcsolatot létesítő szabályozás csak »félszavazatot« garantál az utóbbiaknak az országgyűlési választásokon.”

Nation States have three defining characteristics: government of a territory, rapport with a group of people and ownership of a sovereign power. All three of these characteristics are undergoing changes. Several developments involve a redefinition of the " State " and produce numerous contradictions, which can only be solved if we consider the historicity of both the phenomenal essence and the conceptual essence of the State. We need to rethink and reconceptualise the State within the context of the new tendencies and transformations delineated by globalisation.

The European Court of Human Rights' conception of democracy rather thick, inclusive – Increasing number of complaints of violations of Article 3 of the First Protocol – Requirements of this provision that have to be complied with still thin – Limitation clauses of Article 11 to be interpreted strictly – Court's response to Islamic political parties and movements – Requirements with respect to the governance and politics of the States Parties should become stricter – Level of tolerance of religion in the public domain ought to increase – Need for more guidance from the Court not just an academic discussion

Objavljivanjem svog trećeg izvještaja o stanju ljudskih prava u Bosni i Hercegovini za 2014. godinu, Centar za ljudska prava Univerziteta u Sarajevu je uspio održati uspostavljenju dinamiku trogodišnjeg izdavanja izvještaja.

Izvještaj nudi pregled stanja ljudskih prava u dvije ključne oblasti: (1) građanska i politička prava, te (2) ekonomska i socijalna prava. Veoma je značajno da su ove dvije oblasti po prvi put objedinjene u našem izvještavanju o stanju ljudskih prava. Analizirane su ključne promjene koje su se desile u ovim oblastima, kako kroz odgovarajuće dopune i izmjene domaćeg zakonskog okvira, tako i zahvaljujući domaćoj i međunarodnoj sudskoj praksi koja se sve češće poziva na međunarodne standarde ljudskih prava na čije poštivanje se Bosna i Hercegovina obavezala u proteklom periodu.

This paper analyses a newly collected time-series database measuring the dimensions of violent political conflict in Egypt. Attention is focused on the interaction between politically motivated attacks by Islamists and the counter-insurgency measures used by the Egyptian government. The intensity of security force activities responds immediately to all kinds of Islamist violence, regardless of the target of the attack. However, there are significant asymmetries in the way that the different forms of Islamist violence respond to the different security force activities.

This article theorizes the historical non-relation between cultural studies and economic rights discourse, tracing it to ideal typical distinctions between economy and culture in early cultural studies; Karl Marx’s influence on Left thought generally via his critique of bourgeois rights; and Foucauldian governmentalist treatments of rights as neoliberal technologies of control and treatments of economy as having no agency of its own but rather as an effect of governmentality. It then introduces a case-study conjuncturalhistory of American economic rights as a history of present American citizenship and politics in order to demonstrate the historically contingent articulations of individual freedom, government, and economic relations, which are not easily explained by the Marxist or Foucauldian vocabularies. The conjunctural history suggests one might return to economic security, if not rights, not as an argument for liberal or even civic republican politics, but for a serious engagement with the (economic and other) preconditions of any political agency. It provides cultural studies research with a new perspective for attention to radical democracy and critiques of neoliberal capitalist policies without surrendering the utility of rights to (neo)liberalism.
"

In a time of contentious politics, it becomes conspicuous that studies of populism and of constituent power rarely mention one another. This is true despite the fact that "the people" are regularly asserted as the preferred political subject for populism and constituent power alike, pitting them against elites and even the constitution. But if opponents of populism are right that its appeal to the people's will is normatively suspect, how do we ensure that their willas the foundation of modern politics-is not undercut completely? I claim that the theory of constituent power can solve this dilemma through a comparison with populism that assesses their respective positions on political subjectivity and identity, political temporality, political will, and the appropriate kind of rule. Critics are wrong to depict either approach as intrinsically cynical and unprincipled. However, comparing their ontological assumptions confirms that constituent power offers a theoretically rich and complex frame for contentious politics, one that is superior to and reinforces concerns about populism, especially the kind of authoritarian populism-and its democratic masquerade-that is dominant today.