- European University Institute - Dept. of Social and Political Sciences
Badia Fiesolana, Via dei Roccettini 9, I-50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) - Italy
- Central European University, Nationalism Studies, AlumnusEl Colegio de México, Centro de Estudios Internacionales, Alumnus, and 5 moreadd
- Nationalism, National imaginaries, Nationalism And State Building, Ethnicity and Nationalism, Social Imaginaries, Migration, Ethnicity and Citizenship, and 45 moreNationalism & Conflict, Mexican nationalism, Latin American Studies, Mestizaje, Cultural Nationalism, Latin American politics, Theories of Nationalism, Nations and nationalism, Banal nationalism, Visual propaganda, Commemoration and Memory, Postage Stamps and National Identity, Political communication, Migration Studies, History of Nationalism and Nation-Building, Postage Stamps, Eastern European Studies, Process Tracing, Postal History, Stereotypes, Political Science, Bicentenario de Independencia, Ethnic and Racial Studies, Postage Stamp Design, History of Ideas, Realism (Political Science), History of Nationalism, Messianism, Identity politics, Political Theory, Comparative Politics, Political Sociology, National Identity, Citizenship, Citizenship and Identity, Belonging and Citizenship, Linguistic rights of minorities, National Imaginary, Migration, Citizenship Theory, Citizenship, Identity And Social Movements, Immigration Status & Nationality, Naciónalismo Y Otredad, Philately, and Stampsedit
- Currently: Visiting Professor, Division of International Studies, CIDE, Mexico City; Lecturer, Div. of Graduate Studi... moreCurrently: Visiting Professor, Division of International Studies, CIDE, Mexico City; Lecturer, Div. of Graduate Studies, Faculty of Social and Political Studies, UNAM.
Formerly: Assistant Professor, Dep. of Social Sciences, Universidad de Monterrey (UDEM), Monterrey, Mexico; Lecturer, Dep. of International Relations, Iberoamerican University (UIA) Mexico City.
PhD+MRes in Social and Political Sciences, European University Institute (EUI), Florence, Italy.
MA in Nationalism Studies, Central European University (CEU), Budapest, Hungary.
BA in International Affairs, El Colegio de México (ColMex), Mexico City.
Academic focus: comparative studies (Latin America / Europe) of nationalist/ethnic conflicts; migration and identity politics; creation and diffusion of national imaginaries; qualitative methods.edit - Rainer Bauböck (EUI), Mauricio Tenorio-Trillo (U. of Chicago), Bert Hoffman (GIGA), Anton Pelinka (CEU), Fernando Escalante (ColMex)edit
In many cases, changes in the of official status of a given language(s) have involved intense public debates and even strong political reactions: this is one of the most contested arenas regarding both nationalism and minority rights.... more
In many cases, changes in the of official status of a given language(s) have involved intense public debates and even strong political reactions: this is one of the most contested arenas regarding both nationalism and minority rights. However, Mexico in 2002-2008 went from having a single de facto national language (Spanish) to recognize almost 70 "national languages", and granting specific rights for their speakers (e.g. public education) - this, without creating any political rift, opposition or in fact, almost no public debate.
I claim that such "non-case" of conflict regarding language recognition can be explained by the official nationalist doctrine of "mestizaje" that, at the same time segregated and diminished indigenous peoples, paradoxically also facilitated the recognition of key identity characteristics as inherent parts of the modern Mexican nation as a whole. Even more strikingly, such treatment led to the recognition of some verifiable foreign indigenous languages as "national" ones.
For that, I study Congressional debates and bills leading to the approval in 2002 of the General Law of Linguistic Rights of the Indigenous Peoples, as well as other official documents.
I claim that such "non-case" of conflict regarding language recognition can be explained by the official nationalist doctrine of "mestizaje" that, at the same time segregated and diminished indigenous peoples, paradoxically also facilitated the recognition of key identity characteristics as inherent parts of the modern Mexican nation as a whole. Even more strikingly, such treatment led to the recognition of some verifiable foreign indigenous languages as "national" ones.
For that, I study Congressional debates and bills leading to the approval in 2002 of the General Law of Linguistic Rights of the Indigenous Peoples, as well as other official documents.
Research Interests:
European radical right parties (RRPs) have recently experienced strong electoral success and have strengthened their positions within the European Parliament. While their Eurosceptic positions are well documented in the literature, the... more
European radical right parties (RRPs) have recently experienced strong electoral success and have strengthened their positions within the European Parliament. While their Eurosceptic positions are well documented in the literature, the fact that most RRPs refer not only to their nations but to Europe in general, as a collective, in order to ground their nationalist visions remains understudied. We investigate this issue by analyzing the discourses of MEPs from 24 radical right parties in the 8 th legislature of the European Parliament (2014-2019). Relying on a vast corpus (36,413 speeches) and using quantitative text analysis, this research sheds light on the various notions of Europe that are used by radical right MEPs. We find evidence of three visions of Europe: as a civilization; as an ethno-religious community; and as a liberal society. The use and preferences for each visions vary according to ideological positions, strategies and national contexts.
Research Interests:
“Nation” and “nationalism” are terms in constant use in both academic literature and political discourse. Nevertheless, the debate on the nature and characteristics of nations and on types of nationalism continues to the present day. The... more
“Nation” and “nationalism” are terms in constant use in both academic literature and political discourse. Nevertheless, the debate on the nature and characteristics of nations and on types of nationalism continues to the present day. The author suggests that nationalism’s importance and pervasiveness can be explained by distilling three traditions of political thinking –realism, romanticism and messianism, along with notions of popular sovereignty. As a result, nationalism becomes an extremely useful and adaptable political instrument that diverse political actors can use to gain support and legitimacy in pursuing their objectives and interests.
Research Interests:
In his highly influential work on the “small,” stateless European nations, Hroch seems to assume that patriotic movements have a homogeneous view about the core relations or “ties” that constitute and identify their nations. This... more
In his highly influential work on the “small,” stateless European nations, Hroch seems to assume that patriotic movements have a homogeneous view about the core relations or “ties” that constitute and identify their nations. This assumption seems generally correct for the cases Hroch studies. However, is it correct if applied to the study of those patriotic movements developing in comparatively larger, heterogeneous and underdeveloped societies, comprising several ethnic groups bound together by the colonialist rule of an autocratic empire? I argue that, while the colonial experience can lead to the creation of some ties among the dominated populations, it also affects the way patriotic movements perceive their own nations. As a result, the phase of patriotic agitation can involve diverse movements addressing the same nation, but each having a particular view on the features and history of it. Such contested patriotic doctrines can lead to very important variations in the political agendas and goals of those movements, especially when they reach the mass phase. The nineteenth century movements in New Spain/Mexico will be used as an example.
Research Interests:
"The year 2010 in Mexico marked both the 200th anniversary of the start of its independence movement and the 100th anniversary of its revolution. Besides several public events, a number of items including commemorative coins, banknotes,... more
"The year 2010 in Mexico marked both the 200th anniversary of the start of its independence movement and the 100th anniversary of its revolution. Besides several public events, a number of items including commemorative coins, banknotes, and stamps were produced to mark the occasion.
This article analyses the postage stamps issued to commemorate the Mexican bicentennial. It does so by comparing these stamps with the ones issued for previous independence anniversaries, and then tracking changes and continuities in their messages.
It is found that, on the one hand, the bicentennial postage stamps of Mexico promoted a particular narrative regarding the historical, territorial, and ethnic features of the Mexican independence process, which in many ways departs from previous, long-established nationalist narratives. But on the other hand, bicentennial stamps also demonstrate the influence of traditional interpretations of the national past – particularly those related to the Partido Revolucionario Institucional's (Institutional Revolutionary Party, PRI) revolutionary nationalism doctrine – which are still being reproduced even after the 2000 democratic transition."
This article analyses the postage stamps issued to commemorate the Mexican bicentennial. It does so by comparing these stamps with the ones issued for previous independence anniversaries, and then tracking changes and continuities in their messages.
It is found that, on the one hand, the bicentennial postage stamps of Mexico promoted a particular narrative regarding the historical, territorial, and ethnic features of the Mexican independence process, which in many ways departs from previous, long-established nationalist narratives. But on the other hand, bicentennial stamps also demonstrate the influence of traditional interpretations of the national past – particularly those related to the Partido Revolucionario Institucional's (Institutional Revolutionary Party, PRI) revolutionary nationalism doctrine – which are still being reproduced even after the 2000 democratic transition."
Research Interests: Visual propaganda, Mexican Studies, Postal History, Nationalism, Political communication, and 11 moreCultural Nationalism, National Identity, Commemoration and Memory, Imagology, Political propaganda and Literature, Mestizaje, Mexican nationalism, Banal nationalism, National imaginaries, Postage Stamps, and Postage Stamps and National Identity
Despite being citizens, naturalised Mexicans are subjected to large restrictions in their political, civic, and even labour rights. Why such discriminatory regime is applied to such a reduced group of citizens, in a country that... more
Despite being citizens, naturalised Mexicans are subjected to large restrictions in their political, civic, and even labour rights. Why such discriminatory regime is applied to such a reduced group of citizens, in a country that officially prides itself as open, tolerant, and having an intrinsically ‘mixed’ national origin? My hypothesis is that the roots of such differentiated treatment are the ideological legacy of the ‘Revolutionary Nationalism’ doctrine, which was promoted by the Mexican state during most of the 20th century, and is still expressed in laws and policies.
Research Interests: Immigration, Nationalism, Political Rights, Citizenship, Mexico, and 9 moreMéxico, Dual Citizenships, Mexican nationalism, Mexican cultural nationalism, Nationalism, National Identity, and Citizenship of Mulitnational Culture, Nationalism and Citizenship, Immigration Status & Nationality, Naturalization, and Citizenship and Naturalization Law
Research Interests:
Items like coins, banknotes and political posters have been regarded as useful sources for research on the diffusion of nationalist messages. In contrast, postage stamps have been largely ignored for such purpose. My hypothesis is, stamps... more
Items like coins, banknotes and political posters have been regarded as useful sources for research on the diffusion of nationalist messages. In contrast, postage stamps have been largely ignored for such purpose. My hypothesis is, stamps are “carriers” of an official national imaginary about the history, features, composition and development of the issuing nation. A first section of the paper develops this argument by presenting some key features and paradoxes of stamps, explaining how states manage and intervene in stamp design, and presenting a typology of messages about the nation that can be found on them. A second section will test my arguments by means of both a synchronic and a diachronic comparison. The first uses a sample of stamps issued by Germany on two contrasting periods (Nazi vs. Federal Republic) to find how the political and ideological changes were presented. The second comparison utilizes a sample of stamps issued by Spain and Mexico to commemorate 500 years of the arrival of Columbus to the American continent. It analyzes if, and how, those stamps offer contrasting visions regarding an episode that is so crucial for the national narratives of each.
Research Interests: Visual propaganda, Propaganda & Indoctrination Studies, Postal History, Nationalism, Political communication, and 13 moreNationalism And State Building, Commemoration and Memory, Political Communication (Communication), Social Imaginaries, Political propaganda and Literature, Nazi Germany, Representations of Nazism, Dealing with the Nazi Past, Nazi Propaganda, Mexican nationalism, Banal nationalism, Postage Stamps, and Postage Stamps and National Identity
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
"[Reprint of the 2010 article in Nationalities Papers - Draft Version available] Abstract: In his highly influential work on the “small,” stateless European nations, Hroch seems to assume that patriotic movements have a homogeneous view... more
"[Reprint of the 2010 article in Nationalities Papers - Draft Version available]
Abstract:
In his highly influential work on the “small,” stateless European nations, Hroch seems to assume that patriotic movements have a homogeneous view about the core relations or “ties” that constitute and identify their nations. This assumption seems generally correct for the cases Hroch studies. However, is it if applied to the study of those patriotic movements developing in comparatively larger, heterogeneous and underdeveloped societies, comprising several ethnic groups bound together by the colonialist rule of an autocratic empire? I argue that, while the colonial experience can lead to the creation of some ties among the dominated populations, it also affects the way patriotic movements perceive their own nations. As a result, patriotic agitation (phase B) can involve diverse movements addressing the same nation, but each having a particular vision of the features and history of it. Such contested patriotic doctrines lead to important variations in the political agendas and goals of those movements, especially when becoming mass movements (phase C). The nineteenth century movements in New Spain/Mexico will be used as an example"
Abstract:
In his highly influential work on the “small,” stateless European nations, Hroch seems to assume that patriotic movements have a homogeneous view about the core relations or “ties” that constitute and identify their nations. This assumption seems generally correct for the cases Hroch studies. However, is it if applied to the study of those patriotic movements developing in comparatively larger, heterogeneous and underdeveloped societies, comprising several ethnic groups bound together by the colonialist rule of an autocratic empire? I argue that, while the colonial experience can lead to the creation of some ties among the dominated populations, it also affects the way patriotic movements perceive their own nations. As a result, patriotic agitation (phase B) can involve diverse movements addressing the same nation, but each having a particular vision of the features and history of it. Such contested patriotic doctrines lead to important variations in the political agendas and goals of those movements, especially when becoming mass movements (phase C). The nineteenth century movements in New Spain/Mexico will be used as an example"
Research Interests:
The present text analyses the development and core ideological nations that guide nationality/citizenship laws in Mexico. It argues that some aspects of the 'Revolutionary Nationalism' doctrine still shapes laws and policies in this area,... more
The present text analyses the development and core ideological nations that guide nationality/citizenship laws in Mexico. It argues that some aspects of the 'Revolutionary Nationalism' doctrine still shapes laws and policies in this area, for instance, regarding the ethno-cultural composition of the Mexican nation, or the defensive stance against any type of foreign intervention. This has direct consequences, for instance, in laws and policies regarding naturalization. What is more, it has created a system of 'categories of citizenship', with different rights attached to each one – so naturalized Mexicans, as well as Mexicans with dual citizenship, face an open, legally-sanctioned discrimination in their political and labour rights. Further instances of inequalities, as well as current political debates, are also examined.
Research Interests: Nationalism, Political Rights, Citizenship, Dual Citizenships, Mexican nationalism, and 9 moreCiudadania, migracion, transnacionalismo y derechos humanos, Nacionalismo, Nacionalismo Mexicano, Nacionalismo e indigenismo en México, Nacionalidad, Immigration Status & Nationality, Citizenship and Naturalization Law, Derechos Políticos, and Derechos Políticos Electorales
Research Interests:
Research Interests: Electoral Systems, Political Rights, Voting, Elections and Voting Behavior, Electoral Studies, and 12 morePanama, Electoral systems, political parties, and executive-legislative structures, Citizenship, Sistemas Electorales, Voting Systems, Enfranchisement, Elecciones, ELECCIONES POLITICAS, Electoral System, Panamá, Political & Electoral Systems, and Derechos Políticos
A finales de la década de 1990, México permitió la doble nacionalidad, y en 2005-2006 otorgó derechos políticos limitados para los mexicanos residentes en el exterior. Estos avances “hacia afuera” contrastan con el tratamiento hacia... more
A finales de la década de 1990, México permitió la doble nacionalidad, y en 2005-2006 otorgó derechos políticos limitados para los mexicanos residentes en el exterior. Estos avances “hacia afuera” contrastan con el tratamiento hacia comunidades específicas al interior del país. Por un lado, los extranjeros residentes siguen completamente vedados de participación en la vida pública de México, incluso en el ámbito más básico y local. Ello va en contra de las tendencias mundiales, particularmente las latinoamericanas.
Por otro lado, los ciudadanos mexicanos por naturalización, así como los mexicanos con doble nacionalidad, enfrentan una discriminación legalmente sancionada en sus derechos políticos y laborales, lo que ha creado un sistema de ciudadanías desiguales.
Para explicar esto, se analiza la influencia del llamado Nacionalismo Revolucionario y su radical desconfianza hacia cualquier otra influencia (política, social y cultural) por parte del exterior, así como su insistencia en la composición de México como una nación ‘mestiza’, en tanto heredera de indígenas y españoles.
Por otro lado, los ciudadanos mexicanos por naturalización, así como los mexicanos con doble nacionalidad, enfrentan una discriminación legalmente sancionada en sus derechos políticos y laborales, lo que ha creado un sistema de ciudadanías desiguales.
Para explicar esto, se analiza la influencia del llamado Nacionalismo Revolucionario y su radical desconfianza hacia cualquier otra influencia (política, social y cultural) por parte del exterior, así como su insistencia en la composición de México como una nación ‘mestiza’, en tanto heredera de indígenas y españoles.
Research Interests:
Despite their immense potential as information sources, postage stamps have been virtually ignored in academic research. Therefore, in this thesis I study how official national imaginaries have been promoted through iconographic and... more
Despite their immense potential as information sources, postage stamps have been virtually ignored in academic research. Therefore, in this thesis I study how official national imaginaries have been promoted through iconographic and written messages in postage stamps; how such messages are linked to the ideology, interests and goals of political elites; and how competing elites and groups with relative power within the state try to influence such official ideas about the nation.
The thesis is divided in three sections. The first presents a theoretical framework for the study of national imaginaries. It also presents the properties of stamps that made them ideal ‘carriers’ of ideological propaganda. The second section analyses a random sample of 1,000 stamps by means of a typology of ideological messages. It was found that the vast majority of stamps are carrying messages related to the features, composition, and historical development of the nation that issued the stamp. Then, these ‘nationalist’ stamps were further studied by means of a second typology, in order to differentiate the particular aspects of the nation that were promoted in each stamp.
The third section analyses the political goals and processes behind nationalist messages in stamps. For that, both the United Kingdom during 1950-1970 and post-revolutionary Mexico were studied using process-tracing methodology. It was found that, while the most important actors are still the ruling elites, other actors such as competing elites, local authorities, pressure groups or social organizations will also try to influence the messages about the nation in stamps. A relevant finding is that intermediate structures, such as middle-range public officers in postal institutions, can have a key role not only in the promotion, but also in the shaping of official national imaginaries.
The thesis is divided in three sections. The first presents a theoretical framework for the study of national imaginaries. It also presents the properties of stamps that made them ideal ‘carriers’ of ideological propaganda. The second section analyses a random sample of 1,000 stamps by means of a typology of ideological messages. It was found that the vast majority of stamps are carrying messages related to the features, composition, and historical development of the nation that issued the stamp. Then, these ‘nationalist’ stamps were further studied by means of a second typology, in order to differentiate the particular aspects of the nation that were promoted in each stamp.
The third section analyses the political goals and processes behind nationalist messages in stamps. For that, both the United Kingdom during 1950-1970 and post-revolutionary Mexico were studied using process-tracing methodology. It was found that, while the most important actors are still the ruling elites, other actors such as competing elites, local authorities, pressure groups or social organizations will also try to influence the messages about the nation in stamps. A relevant finding is that intermediate structures, such as middle-range public officers in postal institutions, can have a key role not only in the promotion, but also in the shaping of official national imaginaries.
Research Interests:
Page 1. NATIONALISM AS A RESPONSE TO LEGITIMACY CRISES By Henio Hoyo Submitted to Central European University Nationalism Studies Program In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Advisor: Professor Anton... more
Page 1. NATIONALISM AS A RESPONSE TO LEGITIMACY CRISES By Henio Hoyo Submitted to Central European University Nationalism Studies Program In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Advisor: Professor Anton Pelinka ...
Research Interests:
Abridged version published in Foro Internacional 49(2): 370-402
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Research Interests: Law and Anthropology
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In: Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 14(1): 233-234
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Durante el reinado de Juan Carlos I la producción de sellos postales en España ha evolucionado tanto en aspectos técnicos como estéticos. La introducción de las tecnologías de la Información y Comunicación (T.I.C.) no solo han colaborado... more
Durante el reinado de Juan Carlos I la producción de sellos postales en España ha evolucionado tanto en aspectos técnicos como estéticos. La introducción de las tecnologías de la Información y Comunicación (T.I.C.) no solo han colaborado en mejorar los sistemas de producción sino también en la casi desaparición de la vida cotidiana de este objeto. El sello postal es un artefacto gráfico que no solo constata el pago en origen de un envío sino, también, el país de su procedencia. Es en este segundo aspecto donde se centran los estudios de este tercer volumen de Autorretratos del Estado, en cómo se representa en Estado emisor a sí mismo en el periodo que abarca el reinado de Juan Carlos I, desde 1975 a 2014.
En el presente volumen veremos cómo la autorrepresentación estatal sigue marcada por la conmemoración de acontecimientos, personajes, artistas, obras, monumentos que ayuden a completar la imagen que el Estado quiere mostrar tanto dentro como fuera de sus fronteras.
En el presente volumen veremos cómo la autorrepresentación estatal sigue marcada por la conmemoración de acontecimientos, personajes, artistas, obras, monumentos que ayuden a completar la imagen que el Estado quiere mostrar tanto dentro como fuera de sus fronteras.
Research Interests: Cultural Identity, Spain, España, Identidade cultural, Transición española, and 9 moreThe Spanish Transition to Democracy, Postage Stamps, Postage Stamps and National Identity, Postage Stamp Design, Numismatica Y Filatelia, Sellos de correo, Sellos de correo e identidad nacional, Numismatics and Philately, and Diseño Sellos de correo
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6 December 2018: Freud Museum, London Organisers: Dr Bahar Baser, Coventry University (UK) and Dr Henio Hoyo, University of Monterrey (Mexico) The institutional or factual relationships between home states and their emigrants have... more
6 December 2018: Freud Museum, London
Organisers: Dr Bahar Baser, Coventry University (UK) and Dr Henio Hoyo, University of Monterrey (Mexico)
The institutional or factual relationships between home states and their emigrants have always existed, at least in the traditional form of consular protection, or in very specific areas, such as the economy (i.e. remittances). However, the last decades have witnessed a large expansion of institutions, policies, and other state-sponsored mechanisms all around the globe, linking home states and emigrants / diasporas well beyond the traditional areas. In many cases, such diaspora engagement policies and institutions have been devised by home states with the implicit or explicit goal of better control, according to fields such as national / political interests, the social, economic, cultural and political activities of their diasporas. In this way, more than a hundred states have established forms of diaspora engagement policies and institutions, with a variety of motivations (Gamlen 2017).
During the last decades, academics have been trying to understand and interpret the mechanisms behind home states’ policies on outreach to their citizens abroad. A growing body of literature has been dedicated to this emerging phenomenon of the development of diaspora-engagement policies cultivated by political actors in the homeland (Baubock 2003, Adamson 2006, Gamlen 2006, Brand 2006, De Haas 2007, Fitzgerald 2009, Varadajaran 2010, Mugge 2012, Brinkerhoff 2005, Ragazzi 2009). This literature focused on a variety of topics including unpacking the terms “state” and “diaspora” to start with (Alonso and Mylonas 2017; Delano 2017), the evolution of diaspora engagement policies through time (Mencutek and Baser 2017), and the multi-tiered nature of diaspora engagement policies (Han 2017, Pedroza and Palop 2017),among others. Many other specialists have studied specific areas of diaspora-engagement policies, not only including economics and migration/citizenship, but also other topics such as specific extraterritorial security measures by authoritarian and semi-authoritarian states (Brinkerhoff 2005, Lewis 2015, Glasius 2018). Theorising sending states’ motivations and their involvement in shaping, mobilizing and in some cases “taming” the diaspora will continue as more empirical studies emerge that endeavour to provide deeper analysis that goes beyond explanations solely focusing on economic interests.
We invite contributions focusing on the diaspora-home state nexus from a variety of perspectives including transnational engagement of diasporas with their homelands, expatriate voting and political participation, diaspora-engagement policies, institutions and actors among others. Of particular interest are papers that focus on the countries which are called the “rising powers” such as Turkey, Mexico, Brazil, Indonesia, India and China. However, our scope is not limited to these countries. Therefore, submissions focusing on other countries are also welcome.
We seek papers and panel proposals by both academic and non-academic (journalists, activists etc) participants. Potential themes of the conference include but are not limited to:
State-Diaspora Relations: Institutions, Actors and Processes
Diaspora Governance and Diplomacy
Transnational Governance of Culture and Identity
Economics of Diaspora Governance: Remittances and Development
Return of Highly-Skilled Migrants, Diaspora Entrepreneurs and the Scientific Diaspora
Expatriate Voting and Political Participation in Home and Host Countries
Engaging the Second Generation
Reaction to diaspora-engagement policies among migrants
Refreshments and lunch will be provided during the conference. We regret that we are not able to offer travel grants or other forms of financial assistance for the participants of the conference.
Please email paper abstracts of no more than 300 words to ab8225@coventry.ac.uk by 15 September 2018.
Acceptance and rejection notices will be sent on a rolling basis, considering some applicants might need to apply for a visa to travel to the UK.
Participants will be required to send a 2500-3000 word paper to the organizers 2 weeks before the conference. Excerpts of the contributions will be included in a policy report to be published by Coventry University, and a selection of the papers presented will be chosen for inclusion in a proposed edited volume, and/or a special journal issue.
The conference is funded by the British Academy / Newton Fund Mobility Grant NMG2R2_100111, and co-sponsored by the Centre for Trust, Peace and Social Relations (CTPSR) of Coventry University; the Centre of Multidisciplinary Studies in Conflict, Cooperation and Development (CIMCODD) of University of Monterrey (UDEM), Mexico, and Rising Global Peace Forum.
If you have any questions or comments about the conference theme, please contact Dr. Bahar Baser at bahar.baser@coventry.ac.uk and Dr. Henio Hoyo at henio.hoyo@udem.edu.
Organisers: Dr Bahar Baser, Coventry University (UK) and Dr Henio Hoyo, University of Monterrey (Mexico)
The institutional or factual relationships between home states and their emigrants have always existed, at least in the traditional form of consular protection, or in very specific areas, such as the economy (i.e. remittances). However, the last decades have witnessed a large expansion of institutions, policies, and other state-sponsored mechanisms all around the globe, linking home states and emigrants / diasporas well beyond the traditional areas. In many cases, such diaspora engagement policies and institutions have been devised by home states with the implicit or explicit goal of better control, according to fields such as national / political interests, the social, economic, cultural and political activities of their diasporas. In this way, more than a hundred states have established forms of diaspora engagement policies and institutions, with a variety of motivations (Gamlen 2017).
During the last decades, academics have been trying to understand and interpret the mechanisms behind home states’ policies on outreach to their citizens abroad. A growing body of literature has been dedicated to this emerging phenomenon of the development of diaspora-engagement policies cultivated by political actors in the homeland (Baubock 2003, Adamson 2006, Gamlen 2006, Brand 2006, De Haas 2007, Fitzgerald 2009, Varadajaran 2010, Mugge 2012, Brinkerhoff 2005, Ragazzi 2009). This literature focused on a variety of topics including unpacking the terms “state” and “diaspora” to start with (Alonso and Mylonas 2017; Delano 2017), the evolution of diaspora engagement policies through time (Mencutek and Baser 2017), and the multi-tiered nature of diaspora engagement policies (Han 2017, Pedroza and Palop 2017),among others. Many other specialists have studied specific areas of diaspora-engagement policies, not only including economics and migration/citizenship, but also other topics such as specific extraterritorial security measures by authoritarian and semi-authoritarian states (Brinkerhoff 2005, Lewis 2015, Glasius 2018). Theorising sending states’ motivations and their involvement in shaping, mobilizing and in some cases “taming” the diaspora will continue as more empirical studies emerge that endeavour to provide deeper analysis that goes beyond explanations solely focusing on economic interests.
We invite contributions focusing on the diaspora-home state nexus from a variety of perspectives including transnational engagement of diasporas with their homelands, expatriate voting and political participation, diaspora-engagement policies, institutions and actors among others. Of particular interest are papers that focus on the countries which are called the “rising powers” such as Turkey, Mexico, Brazil, Indonesia, India and China. However, our scope is not limited to these countries. Therefore, submissions focusing on other countries are also welcome.
We seek papers and panel proposals by both academic and non-academic (journalists, activists etc) participants. Potential themes of the conference include but are not limited to:
State-Diaspora Relations: Institutions, Actors and Processes
Diaspora Governance and Diplomacy
Transnational Governance of Culture and Identity
Economics of Diaspora Governance: Remittances and Development
Return of Highly-Skilled Migrants, Diaspora Entrepreneurs and the Scientific Diaspora
Expatriate Voting and Political Participation in Home and Host Countries
Engaging the Second Generation
Reaction to diaspora-engagement policies among migrants
Refreshments and lunch will be provided during the conference. We regret that we are not able to offer travel grants or other forms of financial assistance for the participants of the conference.
Please email paper abstracts of no more than 300 words to ab8225@coventry.ac.uk by 15 September 2018.
Acceptance and rejection notices will be sent on a rolling basis, considering some applicants might need to apply for a visa to travel to the UK.
Participants will be required to send a 2500-3000 word paper to the organizers 2 weeks before the conference. Excerpts of the contributions will be included in a policy report to be published by Coventry University, and a selection of the papers presented will be chosen for inclusion in a proposed edited volume, and/or a special journal issue.
The conference is funded by the British Academy / Newton Fund Mobility Grant NMG2R2_100111, and co-sponsored by the Centre for Trust, Peace and Social Relations (CTPSR) of Coventry University; the Centre of Multidisciplinary Studies in Conflict, Cooperation and Development (CIMCODD) of University of Monterrey (UDEM), Mexico, and Rising Global Peace Forum.
If you have any questions or comments about the conference theme, please contact Dr. Bahar Baser at bahar.baser@coventry.ac.uk and Dr. Henio Hoyo at henio.hoyo@udem.edu.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Are immigrants perceived as ‘less threatening’ to those Nation-States that promote ethnic mixture (instead of ethno-cultural purity) as the historical, social and political basis of the nation? It is well-known the role that nationalist... more
Are immigrants perceived as ‘less threatening’ to those Nation-States that promote ethnic mixture (instead of ethno-cultural purity) as the historical, social and political basis of the nation?
It is well-known the role that nationalist ideologies have in creating barriers to immigration. For instance, it can be argued that those Nation-States that trace their origins to an ‘original’ ethno-cultural community, with particular features that should be maintained, will tend to see immigration as a potential hazard. This can lead to restrictions to immigration, anti-immigrant attitudes, marginalization of migrant communities, and/or demands for their full assimilation.
But then, what happens if a Nation-State promotes an official discourse that traces its own foundations, not to a given ‘pristine’, ‘uncontaminated’ origin, but to the opposite instead: to the full ethnic, cultural and genetic mixture of two different communities, one of them of foreign origin? If a national community regards itself as the product of miscegenation and ethno-cultural fusion, will this lead to more tolerant attitudes and policies towards newcomers?
I will analyse attitudes and policies regarding migrants to Mexico – a country that officially presents itself as the product of ‘mestizaje’ (the mixture of Indigenous and Spanish populations) and also has actively promoted it through cultural, educational and demographic policies. Preliminary results show that, while ‘mestizaje’ ideology strongly influence views towards immigration, it does not necessarily lead to more openness. Some immigrants have been welcomed in very generous terms, while others were subjected to factual restrictions or even to truly discriminatory policies, all according to their perceived adaptability to an ‘ideal mixed Mexican community’ – so sometimes replicating, more than opposing, exclusionary approaches based on an arguably 'pristine' ethno-cultural origin.
It is well-known the role that nationalist ideologies have in creating barriers to immigration. For instance, it can be argued that those Nation-States that trace their origins to an ‘original’ ethno-cultural community, with particular features that should be maintained, will tend to see immigration as a potential hazard. This can lead to restrictions to immigration, anti-immigrant attitudes, marginalization of migrant communities, and/or demands for their full assimilation.
But then, what happens if a Nation-State promotes an official discourse that traces its own foundations, not to a given ‘pristine’, ‘uncontaminated’ origin, but to the opposite instead: to the full ethnic, cultural and genetic mixture of two different communities, one of them of foreign origin? If a national community regards itself as the product of miscegenation and ethno-cultural fusion, will this lead to more tolerant attitudes and policies towards newcomers?
I will analyse attitudes and policies regarding migrants to Mexico – a country that officially presents itself as the product of ‘mestizaje’ (the mixture of Indigenous and Spanish populations) and also has actively promoted it through cultural, educational and demographic policies. Preliminary results show that, while ‘mestizaje’ ideology strongly influence views towards immigration, it does not necessarily lead to more openness. Some immigrants have been welcomed in very generous terms, while others were subjected to factual restrictions or even to truly discriminatory policies, all according to their perceived adaptability to an ‘ideal mixed Mexican community’ – so sometimes replicating, more than opposing, exclusionary approaches based on an arguably 'pristine' ethno-cultural origin.
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Desde los años 90, México ha experimentado cambios importantes tanto en la definición de la nacionalidad mexicana, al aceptar la doble nacionalidad, como sobre el ejercicio de derechos políticos –en particular, para los migrantes... more
Desde los años 90, México ha experimentado cambios importantes tanto en la definición de la nacionalidad mexicana, al aceptar la doble nacionalidad, como sobre el ejercicio de derechos políticos –en particular, para los migrantes mexicanos en el exterior. Sin embargo, estas reformas no se han correspondido con una revisión de los derechos de ciertas comunidades en el país. Es el caso de los extranjeros residentes en México. Las tendencias internacionales apuntan hacia la apertura a la participación cívico-política de los inmigrantes (esto es, de los no-ciudadanos) en las sociedades de destino, y hay evidencias de una relativa apertura de la sociedad mexicana a la idea. Entonces, ¿cómo explicar la negativa a conceder, o incluso simplemente discutir, la participación cívico-política de los migrantes residentes en México?
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In 1997, a constitutional and legal reform allowed dual nationality for Mexicans by birth. This was a victory for the large communities of Mexican co-ethnics abroad (particularly in the United States) that had demanded such reform for... more
In 1997, a constitutional and legal reform allowed dual nationality for Mexicans by birth. This was a victory for the large communities of Mexican co-ethnics abroad (particularly in the United States) that had demanded such reform for very long time. The reform also represented the first liberalization of the rigid legal and institutional system that, since 1934, had regulated all aspects of nationality / citizenship in Mexico. However, the reform was accompanied by the adoption of very strict measures regarding the rights of dual nationals within Mexico. This included an unusual number of restrictions in the political rights (both elective and representative) of dual nationals within Mexico, as well as further restrictions in areas such as their labour rights.
In order to explain such paradox of an outward liberalization coupled with internal restrictions for dual nationals, I will trace the influence of Revolutionary Nationalism doctrine in the laws and policies regulating citizenship. This, particularly in regards of two of its pillars: the official ‘true composition’ and identity of Mexico as a mestizo (mixed) nation; and the strictly defensive attitude to any influence from external actors in it.
In order to explain such paradox of an outward liberalization coupled with internal restrictions for dual nationals, I will trace the influence of Revolutionary Nationalism doctrine in the laws and policies regulating citizenship. This, particularly in regards of two of its pillars: the official ‘true composition’ and identity of Mexico as a mestizo (mixed) nation; and the strictly defensive attitude to any influence from external actors in it.
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Research Interests: Visual propaganda, Mexican Studies, Propaganda & Indoctrination Studies, Nationalism, Stereotypes, and 10 moreMexico History, Cultural Nationalism, National Identity, Mestizaje, Mexican nationalism, Banal nationalism, National imaginaries, Postage Stamps, Postage Stamps and National Identity, and Mass Culture and the National Imagination
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In this paper l deal on how national imaginaries are promoted by states to both national and foreign audiences. My hypotheses are, first, that stamps work as carriers of an official national imaginary, promoting a particular account of... more
In this paper l deal on how national imaginaries are promoted by states to both national and foreign audiences. My hypotheses are, first, that stamps work as carriers of an official national imaginary, promoting a particular account of the history, features and development of the issuing nation; second, that political actors and groups within the country will try to influence such national imaginary, according to their own perceptions and goals. If that is the case, then by taking pieces commemorating a single event of key historical importance, but presented by different states, we should be able to compare how that event is interpreted in their respective national imaginaries, and also correlate such variations to their internal political environment.
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""Postage stamps are ideal propaganda means for a regime: they are designed and produced by states; travel inside and beyond their frontiers; and reach specific individuals and families. Therefore, it is very common to find nationalist... more
""Postage stamps are ideal propaganda means for a regime: they are designed and produced by states; travel inside and beyond their frontiers; and reach specific individuals and families. Therefore, it is very common to find nationalist messages on them, promoting the features, history, culture and identity of the nation, as well as its greatest heroes and most reputed artists. But only in some cases we find stamps devoted to the existing political leaders. Why?
I argue that the depiction of leaders in postage stamps reflects both the regimes’ nationalist doctrine and its type of leadership. That is: the more a regime is based on a strong charismatic leadership, the more its postage stamps will focus on such leader, representing it as incarnating the whole nation and also avoiding references to other members of the elite. Conversely, those nationalist regimes that actively avoid the consolidation of single leaders, will issue stamps with scant or no references to specific individuals –focusing on institutions, or in alternative topics of the regimes’ nationalist doctrine instead. I will test this by studying the stamps of two contrasting cases: Germany under Nazism and Mexico during the rule of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, PRI.""
I argue that the depiction of leaders in postage stamps reflects both the regimes’ nationalist doctrine and its type of leadership. That is: the more a regime is based on a strong charismatic leadership, the more its postage stamps will focus on such leader, representing it as incarnating the whole nation and also avoiding references to other members of the elite. Conversely, those nationalist regimes that actively avoid the consolidation of single leaders, will issue stamps with scant or no references to specific individuals –focusing on institutions, or in alternative topics of the regimes’ nationalist doctrine instead. I will test this by studying the stamps of two contrasting cases: Germany under Nazism and Mexico during the rule of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, PRI.""
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European radical right parties (RRPs) have recently experienced strong electoral success and have strengthened their positions within the European Parliament. While their Eurosceptic positions are well documented in the literature, the... more
European radical right parties (RRPs) have recently experienced strong electoral success and have strengthened their positions within the European Parliament. While their Eurosceptic positions are well documented in the literature, the fact that most RRPs refer not only to their nations but to Europe in general, as a collective, in order to ground their nationalist visions remains understudied. We investigate this issue by analyzing the discourses of MEPs from 24 radical right parties in the 8th legislature of the European Parliament (2014–2019). Relying on a vast corpus (36,413 speeches) and using quantitative text analysis, this research sheds light on the various notions of Europe that are used by radical right MEPs. We find evidence of three visions of Europe: as a civilization; as an ethno-religious community; and as a liberal society. The use and preferences for each visions vary according to ideological positions, strategies and national contexts.
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Research Interests: History, Art, History and Memory, Postal History, Commemoration and Memory, and 9 moreDescubrimiento de América, Nacionalismo, National imaginaries, Postage Stamps, Postage Stamps and National Identity, Nacionalismo Mexicano, Nacionalismo e indigenismo en México, National Imaginary, and Historia Del Correo
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Abridged version published in Foro Internacional 49(2): 370-402
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Jeder Fremde, der nach Mexiko reist, erkennt schnell die vielen Ausdrucke und Symbole der nationalen mexikanischen Identitat: Fahnen in allen Grosen, Wappen und Abziehbilder mit dem Slogan „Es lebe Mexiko“; die Nationalhymne, die bei... more
Jeder Fremde, der nach Mexiko reist, erkennt schnell die vielen Ausdrucke und Symbole der nationalen mexikanischen Identitat: Fahnen in allen Grosen, Wappen und Abziehbilder mit dem Slogan „Es lebe Mexiko“; die Nationalhymne, die bei zivilen oder sportlichen Ereignissen gesungen wird, sowie unzahlige patriotische Feste, die jedes Jahr gefeiert werden. Patriotismus und nationale Identitat sind im mexikanischen offentlichen Leben allgegenwartig, sowohl im Alltag als auch bei offiziellen Anlassen.
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Items like coins, banknotes and political posters have been regarded as useful sources for research on the diffusion of nationalist messages. In contrast, postage stamps have been largely ignored for such purpose. My hypothesis is, stamps... more
Items like coins, banknotes and political posters have been regarded as useful sources for research on the diffusion of nationalist messages. In contrast, postage stamps have been largely ignored for such purpose. My hypothesis is, stamps are “carriers” of an official national imaginary about the history, features, composition and development of the issuing nation. A first section of the paper develops this argument by presenting some key features and paradoxes of stamps, explaining how states manage and intervene in stamp design, ...
Research Interests: Visual propaganda, Political Economy of Communication, Propaganda & Indoctrination Studies, Postal History, Nationalism, and 13 morePolitical communication, Nationalism And State Building, Commemoration and Memory, Social Imaginaries, Political propaganda and Literature, Nazi Germany, Representations of Nazism, Dealing with the Nazi Past, Nazi Propaganda, Mexican nationalism, Banal nationalism, Postage Stamps, and Postage Stamps and National Identity
Durante el reinado de Juan Carlos I la produccion de sellos postales en Espana ha evolucionado tanto en aspectos tecnicos como esteticos. La introduccion de las tecnologias de la Informacion y Comunicacion (T.I.C.) no solo han colaborado... more
Durante el reinado de Juan Carlos I la produccion de sellos postales en Espana ha evolucionado tanto en aspectos tecnicos como esteticos. La introduccion de las tecnologias de la Informacion y Comunicacion (T.I.C.) no solo han colaborado en mejorar los sistemas de produccion sino tambien en la casi desaparicion de la vida cotidiana de este objeto. El sello postal es un artefacto grafico que no solo constata el pago en origen de un envio sino, tambien, el pais de su procedencia. Es en este segundo aspecto donde se centran los estudios de este tercer volumen de Autorretratos del Estado, en como se representa en Estado emisor a si mismo en el periodo que abarca el reinado de Juan Carlos I, desde 1975 a 2014. En el presente volumen veremos como la autorrepresentacion estatal sigue marcada por la conmemoracion de acontecimientos, personajes, artistas, obras, monumentos que ayuden a completar la imagen que el Estado quiere mostrar tanto dentro como fuera de sus fronteras.
Research Interests: History, Political Science, Cultural Identity, Spain, España, and 11 moreIdentidade cultural, Transición española, The Spanish Transition to Democracy, Postage Stamps, Postage Stamps and National Identity, Postage Stamp Design, Numismatica Y Filatelia, Sellos de correo, Sellos de correo e identidad nacional, Numismatics and Philately, and Diseño Sellos de correo
Despite being citizens, naturalised Mexicans are subjected to large restrictions in their political, civic, and even labour rights. Why such discriminatory regime is applied to such a reduced group of citizens, in a country that... more
Despite being citizens, naturalised Mexicans are subjected to large restrictions in their political, civic, and even labour rights. Why such discriminatory regime is applied to such a reduced group of citizens, in a country that officially prides itself as open, tolerant, and having an intrinsically ‘mixed’ national origin? My hypothesis is that the roots of such differentiated treatment are the ideological legacy of the ‘Revolutionary Nationalism’ doctrine, which was promoted by the Mexican state during most of the 20th century, and is still expressed in laws and policies.