Elite Networks

The site of Xinzhuangtou, excavated 1977-1978 in modern-day Yi County, Hebei Province, is one of three burial areas located within the ruins of the southern capital of the state of Yan. Among the graves uncovered here, especially grave M30 has received attention. Despite having been looted, the late Warring States-period tomb still contained an impressive number of artifacts such as weapons, belt hooks, chariot fittings and different types of pottery vessels and bells. More than 100 objects uncovered further show clear connections to the art of the Eastern Eurasian Steppe. Both the types of artifacts and the motifs they are embellished with display stylistic affiliations with objects from southern Siberia, Mongolia and the Transbaikal regions while similar or even identical finds have been made in modern-day Gansu Province and the Ordos region of Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. Following an overview of the formation and history of the state of Yan, this paper examines the grave and relevant finds in more detail and argues that during the eventful Warring States Period (475-221 BCE), the Yan elite adopted a new view of the north. The conscious use of objects associated with the mobile-pastoralist groups living there not only showed the Yan’s appropriation and appreciation of this area but was also meant to display and strengthen their connection with it.

In this paper, I reconstruct the epistolary network of Han literati in the northern territories during the thirteenth-century Jin-Yuan transition. As a base, I used two hundred letters in a collection titled Zhongzhou qizha 中州  劄 (Epistolary writings of the central plain). In response to a recent study which suggested the dissolution of literati networks after the demise of the Jin dynasty in 1234, I show how literati across different regions in the North maintained connections with each other through letters. I further discuss how Qubilai’s system of patronage, with the help of several key brokers in the epistolary network, transformed parts of the literati network into an indigenous
network of political elites after 1260; and this network, in turn, contributed to Mongol governance and administration in the North.

本文以《中州  劄》內二百通書信為中心，重構十三世紀金元過渡時期華北地區漢文人的書信網絡。本文首先呈現了北方不同地區的文人如何通過書信保持聯繫，認為最近有研究提出文人網絡在1234年金朝滅亡後已解體的說法值得商榷，進而探討忽必烈的庇蔭體系以及書信網絡中幾個主要的中介人，如何把部分的文人網絡在1260年以後轉化為本土政治精英網絡，後者繼而促進了蒙古帝國在華北地區的管治。

"A magyarországi bolgár kisebbség etnikai és kulturális identitásának demográfiai mutatói a 20. század végén


Penka Peykovska
Történettudományi Intézet - BTA


Összefoglalás




Jelen tanulmány feltárja a magyarországi bolgár közösségen belül a 20. század folyamán végbemenő etnikai folyamatokat a magyar népszámlálások, különösen az 1990-es és 2001-es népszámlálások adatai elemzése segítségével. A statisztikai adatok 20. század utolsó évtizedében történt változásait kritériumokként használjuk az interetnikus folyamatok sajátosságainak meg-állapításához; a belőlük nyerhető információk segítségével az általános tendenciák azonosíthatók; mivel ezek az interetnikus változások a bolgár közösségen belüli társadalmi, gazdasági, politikai és kulturális folyamatokat is tükrözik, figyelembe vettük e közösség kialakulásának és fejlődésének bizonyos sajátosságait is.
A magyarországi bolgár közösség etnikai identitása dinamikus specifikum, amelyet létének sajátos körülményei, valamint a domináns magyar etnikummal való kölcsönhatások befolyásolnak. A magyarországi bolgár közösségen belül lezajló demográfiai folyamatok indikátorai és egyben mozgatórugói bizonyos etnikai folyamatoknak. A népszámlálási adatok lehetővé teszik, hogy nyomon kövessük a magyarországi bolgár közösség demográfiai jellemzőinek változásait az I. világháború végétől a 20. század végéig. Ez az az időszak, amikor kialakult a magyarországi bolgárság, mint közösség és kisebbség, de amikor az előző időszakkal összevetve létszáma csökken és továbbra is diaszpórában élt, erősen szétszórt maradt a városi és elővárosi területeken – ezek mind olyan tényezők, amelyek általában kedvezőtlenek az etnikai identitás megőrzéséhez. A bolgárság ennek ellenére nem volt kitéve az asszimiláció hatásának a fogadó Magyarország részéről, sőt, éppen ellenkezőleg, nagyon jó fogadtatásban részesült, tiszteletben tartva a viszonosság elvét a kétoldalú diplomáciai kapcsolatokban a bulgáriai magyar közösség (bár az lényegesen kisebb számú volt) jóléte érdekében.
A magyarországi bolgár közösség támogatást kapott az anyaországtól, amely tanárokat és papokat küldött Bulgáriából, hogy segítse az általa létre-hozott kulturális intézményeket és különösen az iskolákat.
A bolgárkertészet és a konzervatív, patriarchális kertésztársadalom hanyatlása, az értelmiség létrejötte és növekedése, az egyre több vegyes-házasság megteremtette a feltételeket az integrációs és akkulturációs folya-matokhoz, bár ezzel együtt a magyarországi bolgárok olyan etnostabilizációs intézményeket is létrehoztak, mint a Bolgár Művelődési Ház (épült 1957), Martenica bolgár táncegyüttes (1982), a legújabbak pedig a Bolgár Kulturális Fórum (1999), Pro Kultúra Bulgarika (1992), Pro Scola Bulgarika (1994), a Bolgár Ifjúsági Egyesület (1998),  Haemus c. Kétnyelvű folyóirat (1991), Bolgár Hírek c. havi újság (1996).

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Ouvrage disponible en libre accès sur la page de l'éditeur : https://books.openedition.org/momeditions/193

En Égypte ancienne, la mort semble être une préoccupation constante. Pour affronter cette étape tant redoutée, le dogme prévoit une existence dans l'au-delà, mais celle-ci demeure conditionnée au maintien de la mémoire des individus parmi les vivants. Chaque personne va donc tenter, en fonction de son statut et de ses capacités, de développer certaines stratégies pour rendre son propre culte éternel et garantir ainsi son immortalité.
Cette étude, fondée principalement sur l'analyse des pratiques post-inhumatoires, souhaite mettre en évidence les différents leviers qui sont utilisés en vue de pérenniser les cultes mémoriels : le choix du lieu, celui des supports et enfin – peut-être surtout – l'intégration à de multiples matrices sociales complémentaires. Car le maintien de la mémoire est avant tout affaire de société. L'individu, pour exister, se doit d'interagir avec la communauté, qu'il soit vivant ou bien mort.

El objetivo del trabajo es presentar el derrotero de la urbanización, de la configuración de la
estructura económica y de la dinámica del mercado inmobiliario local de los barrios Villa Lugano
y Villa Riachuelo. Ambos se localizan al sur de la ciudad de Buenos Aires, y comprender el proceso
de su urbanización permite entender mejor cuáles han sido los procesos que explican, en parte, la
fisonomía actual de la ciudad. El trabajo se apoya en investigaciones previas y material de archivo
existente sobre el proceso de urbanización e historia de ambos barrios, entrevistas a informantes
clave (funcionarios y líderes de organizaciones barriales) y fuentes de datos secundarias.

“Culture of Cosmopolitan Urbanism”
My Urban Legacy 15,482 words on 46 pages
by Barie Fez-Barringten
www.bariefez-barringten.com
Introduction

Thesis and premises:
How many of you ever thought about urbanism (populate) as a culture (condition) or that urbanism could be cosmopolitan (universal)?
The title of these lectures is the “Culture of Cosmopolitan Urbanism” because it aptly describes who we are and what we face. The sooner we understand our culture and its peculiar characteristics the sooner we can manage our lives and improve our living conditions. Increases in population and density culture our personal, family and business lives. We are cosmopolitan and urban as we agree, disagree, peruse common goals, tolerate stress and congestion, discern between community and privacy and distribute precious resources. For example, an urbanized person negotiates traffic, crowds, street signs, home mail delivery, and crowded places of public gatherings, ambulating, few stars due to bright skies, pollution, live entertainment, public transportation, and close proximity to neighbors.
The culture of cosmopolitan urbanism is both about those affected by population’s dynamics and the way they are able to utilize these affects to facilitate further population growth. Like any culture it can be inherited and once experienced, it can be conveyed and inherited by others. It is the responsibility of persons that have been cultured by urbanism to convey that experience to others to preserve the culture of cosmopolitan urbanism.

How many have ever thought of themselves as being affected by their environment and that an urban background can affect the way you think and behave?
Culture is the development of the intellect through training or education and the totality of socially transmitted behavior patterns including arts, beliefs, institutions, and all other products of human work and thought. Dense population, crowds and opportunities breed specific kinds of social behavior and unique metaphors, which affect individual persons, families and institutions. These in tern conversely contribute to develop the social, cultural and built environment. It is a conversation between an increasing collective as they add and reject persons and institutions and the environment they form to support their individual and collective interests enabling us to mature, authenticate and develop our identity. We are one with our surroundings and expect them to perform.

In our time, we wonder what can be done to make the urbs feasible, livable, and desirable, what are the problems, and how can they be mitigated?
Sometime the problem looms before us.

What can we do to make the urb everyone’s identity, metaphor and home?
I believe if we fit the city to the metaphors of the population and its diversity then more people will care and when more care, the city will greatly improve. After all, form should follow function, and the population will only care if the city is their metaphor.

So, who will do this and what can we do to foster urban quality?
Is there one size fits all or are we already doing what’s right by acclimating and adjusting to the variables of our demographics, geography, climate, and socio-political necessities?

I believe when the A.I.A. asks, “What can be done to make cities livable” that the A.I.A. is taking responsibility for what they and others have neglected for several generations. I would put the question “what can be done to make cities livable and worthy to be called home”.
The Culture of Cosmopolitan Urbanism” wants “livability” to be home.

But we don’t always perceive our surroundings as home. Some would agree and others disagree that American rural, suburban and urban cities find themselves needing to mitigate the bad choices, carelessness and narrow vision of their past. Since I gave my fist lecture on metaphors and architecture at Yale University and established the Laboratories for Metaphoric Environments in New York City in 1970, I have watched as the rift widened between architects and planners and therefore cities further deteriorated.
Can you identify any thing you do as having a particularly urban identity?

Thankfully, there are a few that simply love cities the way they are and accept the city with all there pros and cons, as a matter of fact the more the apparent contradictions, complexities and anomalies the better.
In these people are the seeds of hope but they are not usually the ones who take responsibility for shaping public policy, planning and design.

However, without pride, a personal sense of ownership and overwhelming moral and ethical mind I have found that states and cities become corrupt, permissive and pedantic frustrating those that love and invest their identity in the city’s metaphor and who believe their identity is authenticated and synonymous with the identity of the city and will accept most of any of its conditions.

What is the one thing that we all want in our home?
However romantic and interesting are war zones and circuses, man’s interests cannot be nurtured and developed in such areas. We all agree that law and order by civilized behavior is desired and necessary. On the other hand, life is more than the maintaining law of order.

From the farmhouse in Iowa to the penthouse in Manhattan, we all call our country, state, city, neighborhood, and community and house our home. It is the repository of all our metaphors, hopes and dreams. It is very precious, valuable and worthy of our attention despite the many who merely make a business and career out of profiting and policing agreements by consensus.

I have learned that without passionate and urban educated professionals the choices presented is less often the better of two evils. And neither one of them engenders civic pride and ownership. In Florida, the problem is how to shift the pride away from a snowbirds city of origin to a persons’ Florida home. For those in Florida where Florida is their home state, the problem is restoring and building their pride and interest in a quality city. As without a vision, a nation perishes so without a personal identity and affiliation of one’s home we lose our initiative, creativity and authenticity. Already the implications have manifest themselves in avoidances and overwhelming acceptance of banality and boredom. Since form follows function, we all know we work harder for less and with limited choices. Our new gained affluence has provided us ways of maneuvering around in a very prescriptive and formulary life style. I believe, the more we have a point of view about this culture of cosmopolitan urbanism the more we can improve the way we live.

So, who’s to blame?
Despite the warnings, I find few that really care for the future and generations that will follow, I have seen many who believe that planning is really un-American, and look to destroy our past with little care for the future. Therefore, I believe it is the job of our institutions to educate and be the custodians of the urban metaphors, which will help us, choose and manage urban contexts. For years, learned journals have published my monographs on this subject and still universities and governments do not have a way of knowing the metaphors of their constituents save the markets of commercial developers and the public’s reactions to infringements on their privacy.

What can the individual do?
I know that most are not in a position to choose large, medium or small urban contexts but rather to choose between rural and urban where these days’ most non-agricultural families choose sub-urban or urban clusters. On the other hand, if one chooses an urban context we may find ourselves managing its renovation, expansion or reaping its benefits and failures. Weather and climate aside, I believe an urban person’s first responsibility begins in choosing a city where he can find agreement and observe the qualities contributing to a better way of living. However, I observe that our society has come to rely on remedies and cures for everything hoping anything can be mitigated.

Does the culture of cosmopolitan urbanism make a difference?
Take the extreme example of how New Orleanians persists in settling in below flood elevation areas as do homesteaders insist upon building in coastal flood areas. Such strong and determined will overcomes many natural obstacles and I have observed that in urban settings such people are a force for the right decisions. We can see the culture of cosmopolitan urbanism at work in the will that strives to overcome the inertia of the physical. The urban person strives to maintain the status quo.

What is one of the ideals in any urban environment?
Aside from options and choices, our culture intuitively recognizes minimum standards that whatever the size, urban context is best balanced by a rural and undeveloped surround, which is often farming, mountains, forest, wetlands, or waterways.

I believe it wrong when these lands are sub-urbanized reducing escape options and quality of life. It makes this new area subordinate to the urb and without its own identity. In this frustration and without a national policy I observe people continue to migrate to places where these choices are possible. I believe New Orleanians, as most urban places will be faced with arresting and reversing this very basic practice. As they do, urban densities will naturally increase and our culture will evolve a cosmopolitan set of values.
What is the one word that means populating our surrounding land?

And how does sprawl it affect us?
Sprawl dilutes personal identity
We already know that the sprawl of the city’s structure and population damages urban lifestyle by adding time and expense to travel from the urb. For others, the only financially feasible option is the suburb because reasonable options are not locally available. So they surrender their urban for the sub-urban rather than downsize to a smaller urban....

Les conflits qui imprégnèrent l’histoire du Proche-Orient médiéval, des croisades aux invasions mongoles, rendirent nécessaire la présence de guerriers au cœur du pouvoir. Les Mamelouks, esclaves militaires, affranchis pour accéder au titre d’émir, gouvernèrent l’Égypte et la Syrie, à partir de 1250, avec le titre de sultan, et furent de ceux qui défendirent le monde musulman contre les périls du temps.
La singularité de la société mamelouke tient non seulement au fait que d’anciens esclaves, capturés enfants dans les plaines d’Asie centrale et dans le Caucase, soient devenus des leaders politiques, mais aussi que la société concernée ait été composée de deux groupes élitaires complémentaires : d’une part, les Mamelouks, turcophones arabisés, convertis à l’islam, détenant le pouvoir politique et constituant les forces armées ; d’autre part, les ulémas, arabophones, musulmans de naissance, lettrés détenant les fonctions religieuses, celles de la judicature et de la transmission du savoir.
En cela réside le difficile enjeu du présent ouvrage : saisir, de façon aussi fine que possible, au-delà de la distinction et des rapports de domination, les modalités de cette longue coexistence, et étudier, comprendre et restituer la complexité des interactions et des relations que Mamelouks et élites civiles et religieuses ont su tisser entre eux.
Pour ce faire, cette étude se concentre sur le règne des sultans turcs (1250-1382), la Dawlat al-Atrāk. Par une analyse des liens personnels, de leur formation et de leur nature plurielle, elle entend non seulement replacer l’individu et ses pratiques au cœur de la recherche, mais encore reconstruire les réseaux de relations de cette époque et montrer leur importance dans l’exercice du pouvoir et l’élaboration du contrat social.

This paper analyzes, compares, and explains the corporate elite networks formed by interlocking directorates across five Latin American economies in order to comprehend why corporate elites are interconnected by cohesive networks in some countries and not in others. Results show cohesive elite networks in Mexico, Chile, and to some extent in Peru, but not in Brazil and Colombia. After testing and rejecting the hypotheses from existing theories, I identify complementarities among cohesive corporate elite networks, state-business relations through strong encompassing business associations and market openness. In economies where state-business relations are mediated by strong encompassing business associations and open up to free trade with developed economies, corporate elites form cohesive networks, whereas in economies with weak encompassing business associations and low trade openness, corporate elites do not form cohesive networks. These novel explanations are suitable to figure out corporate elite networks in emerging economies, and a benchmark for future studies on corporate elites.

Conflicting perspectives appear when thinking about the emergence of a cohesive transnational corporate network in Latin America. On the one hand, regional political integration, foreign investment growth, increased cross-border mergers and acquisitions, and cultural and linguistic homogeneity may have fostered transnational networks among Latin America's corporate elites. On the other hand, domestic-based business groups, family control and trade orientation to the USA may have hindered the emergence of a cohesive transnational corporate network in Latin America. Based on a network analysis of interlocking directorates among the 300 largest corporations in Latin America, I ask whether the region's corporate elites interconnect at the transnational level and form a cohesive transnational corporate network. I found few transnational interlocks, a lack of cohesion in the transnational corporate network and no regional leaders. Corporate elites in Latin America are not transnationally interconnected and so a cohesive transnational corporate network has not emerged. I discuss implications and avenues of future research.

This report presents the results of a review of the literature–primarily UK-focused but incorporating key international studies–concentrating on a range of factors that have been identified by researchers, policy-makers, interest groups and others as facilitating or inhibiting social mobility. The aim has been to cover a wide range of issues, some of which have been intensively investigated, others much less so. A series of thorough searches have been undertaken; however, the review should be regarded as extensive but not ...

This article presents a network analysis of elite interlocks among the world’s 500 largest corporations and a purposive sample of transnational policy-planning boards. The analysis compares the situation in 1996 with 2006 and reveals a process of transnational capitalist class formation that is regionally uneven. Network analysis points to a process of structural consolidation through which policy boards have become more integrative nodes, brokering elite relations between firms from different regions, especially Europe and North America. As national corporate networks have thinned, the global corporate-policy network’s centre of gravity has shifted towards Europe, both at the level of individuals and organizations. Although this study finds a modest increase in participation of corporate elites from the Global South, a North Atlantic ruling class remains at the centre of the process of transnational capitalist class formation.

Wenige der 100 Berliner Salons zwischen 1780 und 1930 waren echte politische Salons. Brisantes Gedankengut gab es dort dennoch zuhauf. / ENGLISH Few of the 100 Berlin salons between 1780 and 1930 were true political salons. Yet politically charged ideas were galore.

In 1862 Middlesbrough was heralded by Gladstone as a ‘remarkable place, the youngest child of England’s enterprise…an infant Hercules’. In under a century the town expanded from having been a tiny hamlet with only 25 inhabitants in 1801 to one exceeding 90,000 by 1901 and approaching 140,000 thirty years later. Central to Middlesbrough’s growth was the establishment of the town’s iron industry, which went on to dictate the economic, political and social development of the town in the ensuing decades, with the town’s ironmasters sitting on the town council, providing the first Member of Parliament and gifting to the town its first public park and urban institutions.

However, the last quarter of the nineteenth century has been seen as a period that heralded a decline in participation by British urban elites in the towns and cities that housed their businesses as they withdrew from leadership in the urban sphere and adopted a more leisurely, gentrified lifestyle. Recent work has however, challenged the extent of this elite withdrawal and it is the intention of this paper to argue the period instead saw a reconfiguration of industrialist engagement with the Victorian Boom Town rather than a decline. Taking Middlesbrough as a case study, it will be shown that through leadership of voluntary organisations, patronage of company-driven initiatives and continued involvement with municipal authorities, the town’s steel magnates played a crucial role in the fabric of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century manufacturing town alongside the petite bourgeoisie and working-class organisations that emerged during this period.

This essay explores human dignity and humiliation phenomena in the post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) by examining them in two different contexts. The first context is the one directly related to the war, specifically the slow and insufficient punishment of the perpetrators of war crimes by international and national judicial institutions, percieved by the victims’ family members and the surviving victims of war as humiliation. The other context refers to one of the most prevalent form of social capital in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina – nepotism, cronyism, rankism, elitism, and other forms of individual and group opprtunisms, as integral and recognisable features of corruption in its widest sense, which ordinary decent citizens who do not practice or favor "using pulls" to obtain services and benefits percieve as humiliation of their personal and human dignity.

Cultural capital, originally a general sociological concept, has been transformed into a construct that is often applied in predicting scholastic attainment. Intellectual ability (IQ) has also been proven to be a strong, although basically psychological, predictor of educational attainment. However, these strands of research have hardly been contrasted in terms of their predictive power and in terms of their potential interaction. In the current study of Slovenian secondary school students, the results indicated that both constructs had statistically significant predictive power, both as to attainment and as to transition into type of secondary education. Results also indicated that: both constructs were fairly robust, as their predictive power remained statistically significant even after control variables were entered into the model; and they operated independently as results indicated no interaction between these constructs. The ‘return’ on cultural capital was greater for students whose parents had lower educational status.

espanolEn este trabajo se abordan los conflictos urbanos que emergen durante el desarrollo de procesos de regularizacion urbanistica y dominial en villas y asentamientos de la Region Metropolitana de Buenos Aires. Para ello, se caracterizan los principales instrumentos juridicos y politicas publicas implementadas, asi como la trama de actores sociales involucrados y los principales conflictos que emergen en su desarrollo. Asimismo, se identifica al Estado y su intervencion como uno de los principales factores de estructuracion del territorio en las urbanizaciones populares. El analisis de los casos permite identificar cuatro ejes problematicos fundamentales a partir de los casos estudiados: a) la gestion de las obras y su impacto territorial, b) las diferentes temporalidades en los procesos de ocupacion, c) la evolucion de los lotes en el marco de procesos de cesion y mercado, d) la falta de adecuacion entre la normativa urbana existente y los procesos de produccion del habitat. Eng...

This paper examines the importance of social distinction and gentility - the 'officer and gentleman' - in Ireland before the Great War. According to the studies undertaken by Fergus Campbell and Lawrence McBride, elite networks in Ireland were becoming more open, meritocratic and professional in this period - however, despite the contemporary debates about professionalization at the War Office, the military has not been included in these studies. It is the contention of this paper that the military establishment in Ireland resisted professionalization, and that its failure to create space for a rising counter-elite contributed to the political alienation of officers which manifested itself in the decade 1912-1922. It argues that the political crises surrounding Irish officers, from the Curragh incident to the rise of armed volunteer movements, and subsequent narratives of decline and fall in Anglo-Irish reminiscences of the First World War, need to be understood in the context of an exclusive elite network which failed to reproduce itself in this period.

In 2015, a gold bracteate from the 6th century was discovered in Orsett, Essex by metaldetector. Orsett is situated on a gravel terrace above the northern bank of the Thames valley near the estuary. A noticeably large number of early Anglo-Saxon settlement finds are known from Orsett itself and its neighbourhood. Whilst most of them have only been researched very partially, the settlement of Mucking and its two adjacent cemeteries have been excavated thoroughly and meanwhile also published in great detail. The settlement area can be interpreted as a central place in the 5th to 7th centuries with regional and supraregional trading links. The find of a bracteate probably signifies that in this core area of the later kingdom of Essex the local elite in the 6th century was in contact with other elite groups in the wider North Sea area exchanging religious ideas as they were expressed through the iconography of the bracteates. Mit über 1000 völkerwanderungszeitlichen Goldbrakteaten, die bisher entdeckt wur den und zu deren intensiven Erforschung Wilhelm Heizmann über Jahrzehnte wesentlich beigetragen hat, sind bestimmte Muster ihrer Verbreitung, Ikonographien, Inschriften, Herstellung und Fundkontexte seit langem untersucht und bekannt. Auch wenn jeder archäologische Fund neu und anders ist und so, wie er vorliegt, das Ergebnis vieler individueller Entscheidungen in der Vergangenheit zeigt, so weisen doch immer wieder ähnliche Funde und Fundumstände darauf hin, dass diese auf vergleichbare Verhaltensmuster und Vorstellungen zurückgeführt werden können. Dabei entspricht heute jeder Neufund mehr oder weniger den Erwartungen und kann dazu dienen, erforschte Muster zu bestätigen, möglicherweise zu verfeinern und zu ergänzen, oder aber er wirft neue Fragen auf und erfordert neue, revidierte Erklä-rungsmodelle für seine Interpretation. Der Brakteatenneufund des Jahres 2015 aus dem ostenglischen Orsett (Abb. 1 und 2), der im fortlaufenden Ikonographischen Katalog der Goldbrakteaten die Nummer 659 trägt, entspricht in Ikonographie, technischen Details und Fundort bekannten Schemata.1 Sein Fundort erweitert jedoch das bekannte Verbreitungsge-biet von Brakteatenfunden im frühen angelsächsischen England, denn es ist erst der zweite Goldbrakteat aus der Grafschaft Essex nach dem 1976 entdeckten Einzelfund aus Jaywick Sands, dessen Typ ungeklärt ist (IK 285).2 Möglicherweise stammt auch das 1 Im folgenden als IK abgekürzt. 2 Die Ikonographie der Brakteaten war in einem hohen Maß standardisiert, so dass bereits 1869 der schwedische Archäologe Oscar Montelius die heute noch gültige Klassifikation von Brakteaten'typen'