Feminist activism

This article draws upon the insights of 75 Occupy activists from Toronto and across the United States interviewed as part of the 3-year study ‘Social Media in the Hands of Young Citizens’. This article highlights three major roles adopted by women in the so-called leaderless, horizontally structured Occupy movement – both within the offline, face-to-face General Assembly meetings held during the Occupy encampments and within the online spaces of Facebook pages, Web sites, affinity groups, and working committees. As key participants in the movement, women used social technologies such as Facebook, Twitter, and livestreaming as modes of activist engagement, developing unique roles such as that of the ‘Admin’ (Social Media Administrator), the ‘Documentarian’, and the ‘Connector’. The women’s adoption of these roles illustrates, we argue, the emerging notion of ‘connective labor’ an extended enactment of Bennett and Segerberg’s (2012) notion of ‘the logic of connective action’, augmenti...

Murakami, Kiyoshi, 2021, "Zines as Media and Activism, and Feminist Practices: Its Diverse Possibilities Beyond Just Making", Toko Tanaka ed., Girls' Media Studies, Tokyo: Hokuju Suppan, 130-148 (Chapter 9).
http://www.arsvi.com/2020/20210620mk.htm

„Man kommt sich auf dem Gebiet der Frauenfrage immer wie ein Wiederkäuer vor. Das liegt an der Taktik der Gegner.“ (Hedwig Dohm 1896)
Seit sich im 19. Jahrhundert aus kleinen Anfängen eine machtvolle Frauenbewegung entwickelte, kämpfen die Frauenrechtlerinnen immer wieder um gleichberechtigte Teilhabe, im Bildungssektor, in Berufsfragen und schließlich in der Politik. Die Fortschritte lassen sich sehen, doch der Weg war höchst mühsam. Vieles ist noch nicht erreicht. Heute verdienen Frauen immer noch rund 18 Prozent weniger als Männer. Die Altersarmut ist weiblich.

Neue GegnerInnen der Partizipation von Frauen beschweren sich über den „Genderismus“. Gleichzeitig lässt sich fragen, ob hinter den modernen Diversity-Ansätzen feministische Gleichstellungspolitik schon wieder ins Hintertreffen gerät. Keine Errungenschaft scheint dauerhaft gesichert. Zeigt dies nicht die noch immer niedrige, zum Teil sogar rückläufige Zahl weiblicher Abgeordneter in den Parlamenten?

Diese und ähnliche Fragen in Geschichte und Gegenwart sind Gegenstand der Tagung, die der Fachbereich Geschichte der Akademie, die Landeszentrale für politische Bildung und der Verein Frauen & Geschichte Baden-Württemberg gemeinsam veranstalten.

In Turkey, the data and legal regulations regarding femicide are inadequate. This research suggests that struggle against femicide which adopts an intersectional approach mobilizes women of different identities and backgrounds. This study aims to examine how collective subjectivity of the activists against femicide can be constituted among women who have different identities and experiences. I use feminist methodology to grasp the collective subjectivity of this struggle in Turkey. My position as an “outsider within” -a woman, a researcher, an activist, and an NGO volunteer who collects quantitative data on femicide- played a significant role in conducting my research.
The thesis demonstrates that it is possible to constitute women’s collective subjectivity in a way that encompasses intersecting subjectivities such as being a mother, a leftist, a transgender, a student, or a disabled person. Results indicate that these differences do not cause the dissolution of the unity. The conclusion is twofold: first, urgent measures should be taken by the state and, second, the relationship between activist groups and the state needs to be recovered. Further research is needed to analyze other dynamics of the struggle against femicide such as media, economy, and politics which could enhance the effectiveness of feminist activism.

Conférencière invitée, 19 novembre 2020.
Université de Montréal.
Séminaire « COM2570 Médias, sexe et genre ».


1) L'émergence en ligne des espaces de contre-pouvoir
2) La formation de contre-pouvoir en ligne
...... 2.1) La narration numérique (« digital storytelling »)
...... 2.2) Les outils stratégiques : le cas du « hashtag »
...... 2.3) Les « safe(r) spaces »

Cet article s’appuie sur une intervention faite le 20 mai 2015 dans le cadre du séminaire « Les sciences sociales en question : grandes controverses épistémologiques et mé-thodologiques ». Il revient sur une enquête ethnographique effectuée entre 2013 et 2014 dans la gauche libertaire de Göttingen (Allemagne). A la fois militante et chercheuse sur son terrain, l’auteure s’intéresse aux apports, implications et problèmes de cette double casquette. Dans un contexte hostile aux chercheurs, souvent assimilés aux services secret, la casquette de militante s’est avérée être une condition même de l’accès aux enquêtés et a permis d’adopter une perspective singulière sur le militantisme libertaire. Elle a nécessité cependant la mise en place d’un certain nombre de procédés d’objectivation, permettant une distanciation vis-à-vis du terrain. Enfin, elle a posé un certain nombre de questions éthiques sur le rapport enquêtrice/enquêtés.

A “dinosaur researcher” in the German anti-authoritarian sphere. The impact of being both researcher and activist.
This article draws on a presentation made on May 20, 2015 in the seminar “Social Sciences in Question: the leading epistemological and methodological controversies of our time”. It looks at an ethnographic study conducted in the anti-authoritarian movement in Göttingen (Germany) between 2013 and 2014. As both an activist and a researcher in the field, the author focuses on the benefits, implications and problems associated with this dual status. In a context that is hostile to researchers who are often assimilated to the secret services, being an activist provides a singular perspective on anti-authoritarian activism. However, it required a certain number of procedures for objectivation, to ensure a necessary distance from the fieldwork. It also raised a number of ethical questions to do with the relationship between the researcher and the research participants.

04.05.2020 - Gewaltfantasien und Geschlechtsverkehr: Wer Till Lindemann oder Rammstein kennt, weiß dass solche Provokationen bei der Band und ihrem Frontsänger eine Rolle spielt. In dessen Gedicht "Wenn du schläfst" aus seinem neuen Band "100 Gedichte" wird eine Frau mit K. o.-Tropfen gefügig gemacht. Das lyrische Ich schwärmt davon, mit der wehrlosen Frau zu schlafen. In sozialen Netzwerken sorgte der Text für einen Aufschrei. Tamara Keller spricht im Interview mit dem Freiburger Politikwissenschaftler Karsten Schubert über Machtverhältnisse, Provokation und Fortschritt.

"Lá em casa manda ela. Mas nela mando eu." A figura do feminino remete-nos frequentemente para a vida no seio familiar, enquanto elemento basilar na sua estruturação e reprodução geracional. Partimos do pressuposto que a diferença de sexos é uma construção cultural e histórica, mutável e variável conforme o desenvolvimento de cidadania de determinada sociedade, sendo que o questionamento das diferenças sexuais, a articulação entre as representações e as práticas sociais verifica uma necessidade de supervisão e revisionismo constante. Este Ensaio prevê fazer uma reflexão sobre a representação cívica e política das mulheres na sociedade Portuguesa nos últimos 60 anos, apontando algumas das dificuldades que o movimento feminista e o Feminismo de Estado têm enfrentado sobe a labuta da desigualdade de género.

The aim of this article is to present Simone de Beauvoir as a philosopher and a feminist. It is also needed to point out that her activistic approach is strictly correlated with her philosophical attitude. The analysis of chosen texts of the researcher allows to see that feminism and philosophy can cooperate. Thanks to this cooperation, philosophy can be epis- temologically more accurate and politically involved. The aim is also to draw an attention to the importance of de Beauvoir’s thought which is known in feminist and gender theories but in philosophy is, more often than not, ignored.

Taken from the opening chant spoken by the three witches in William Shakespeare’s Macbeth, the title of this exhibition and its accompanying publication "Fair is foul & foul is fair" provokes the audience to consider that the dramatic events which are about to unfold do not convey the reality that lurks ominously beneath the surface. The words of the three witches point to the ineluctable truism that nothing is ever as it seems. It is fitting that these words should set the literary and syntactical mise en scène for this exhibition by Aideen Barry and Alice Maher as, over time, the work of both these artists contains the paradox the witches’ words speak.
Making work in an era of social and political upheaval, both artists reflect on the multifarious ways in which women’s knowledge and experience have been omitted from history, their laboring bodies obfuscated, their voices silenced, their language refused.

Barry’s performative films gesture inexorably towards the myriad ways in which feminine subjectivity is rendered both uncanny and monstrous, hysterical yet prodigious within a signifying economy that singularly de-valorizes their labor.

In Maher’s prints, sculptures, and giant wall drawing, the female body becomes a site of metamorphosis, a hybrid repository for secret, arcane or un-symbolized knowledge and experience, that can yet re-emerge as some new un-anticipated form of symbolization.

In the works of both artists, the artistic voice is in emergence from the body to evoke a re- corporealized language that persists to invoke a resistance and transformation that is
inevitable.

Taken from catalogue essay by Tina Kinsella “Gaping Mouth’d: On the Politics of the Body in the Work of
Aideen Barry and Alice Maher”

The Publication is punctuated with a Poem by one of Ireland leading poets and literary artists, Doireann ní Ghríofa. "Split/End" was commissioned as both a text sculpted in response to the works of Barry and Maher but also a performative poetry script which was performed and reimagined by Sean Nós Performance Artist Ceara Conway on the occasion of the opening of the exhibition.


This book was published on
the occasion of the exhibition
fair is foul & foul is fair
Aideen Barry & Alice Maher
November 9-December 15
American University Museum
at the Katzen Arts Center
Washington, DC
Published by Solas Nua and
The American University
ISBN: 978-1-7321553-8-1
Designed by: Oonagh Young,
Design HQ, Dublin, Ireland

commissioned by Solas Nua, American University Museum and The Katzen Art Center and with support from the Embassy of Ireland, Emigrant Support Programme.

L'America Latina è la matria del movimento globale "Ni Una Menos". Era il 2016 quando, in seguito al brutale stupro e femminicidio della giovanissima Lucia Perez, la proposta dello sciopero delle donne prendeva forma a Buenos Aires, contagiando in breve tempo tutto il mondo: "Vivas Nos Queremos". Nel 2017 almeno 2795 donne sono rimaste vittime di femminicidio in 23 paesi dell'America Latina e dei Caraibi, secondo i dati contenuti nel rapporto dell'Osservatorio di Uguaglianza di Genere della Commissione economica per l'America Latina e i Caraibi (Cepal), ma anche il 2019 si è contraddistinto per un inizio da record: 13 donne uccise o violentate nei primi 3 giorni di gennaio. Non si tratta solo di Argentina, ma di un intero continente. In ciascun paese le donne vivono contesti allo stesso tempo simili e specifici, elaborando strategie di resistenza e soggettivazione affini e particolari. Qui di seguito tre interviste realizzate nell'agosto e nel settembre 2019 a: Articulación feminista pluridiversa boliviana, La Morada colombiana, Las Comadres Purpura venezuelane.

This article engages with concerns in feminist scholarship about a decline of feminist influence in contemporary efforts to prevent, challenge and mitigate the harms of sexual violence. A key focus of these concerns has centred on co-option into the conservative regulatory apparatus of the state and concomitant depoliticisation of an issue that was a key mobilising force of the second-wave women's movement. Drawing on empirical research from a study undertaken in a local Australian field of sexual assault service provision, I argue that the narrative of feminist decline in the sector is oversimplified; rather, I have found that there is an almost naturalised relationship between feminism and the field of sexual assault service provision. In this article, I explore the core feminist epistemologies that are embedded in the structure of sexual assault services and enacted through worker practices.

Based on field research at Gangjeong village of Jeju, South Korea, the author studies faith-based popular resistance against the construction of a naval base through the lens of gender. The paper analyzes the militarized history of U.S.--South Korea relations with a focus on Jeju Island off the mainland Korea and ordinary people's understanding of peace, ecology, and the Eucharist. In conclusion, the author maps out a Christian feminist ethic of peace.

Activist Images and the Dissemination of Dissent
Tel Aviv University
June 2019

The Spectacle of Feminist Activism

The title of this paper is drawn from Lisa Tickner’s landmark 1987 study, The Spectacle of Women, which examined the visual culture of the UK movement for women’s suffrage; its banners, badges, postcards, posters, and its careful cultivation of ‘spectacle’ through public demonstration. My paper originally intended to study the visual culture of UK feminist activism in street protests and rallies over the past century but, in response to a new film-installation by Swedish artist Petra Bauer, will take a slight detour. It will consider similar themes of feminism, activism and spectacle but in relation to Workers!, a film that documents a sex-worker advocacy group’s struggle for decriminalisation in Scotland during the period 2015-19. The research project, spearheaded by Bauer in collaboration with the group SCOT-PEP, traces the intersecting contours of sexuality, labour and film politics, and – significantly for the themes of this conference – asks how to make activist demands visible, whilst retaining the invisibility of stigmatised participants. The resulting film deliberately participates in a complex web of representational strategies, disputes, and legacies handed down from the 1970s. This paper studies the relationship of Workers! to those earlier moments of feminist activism, while considering its contribution to current representation practices and deadlocks.

Biography: Victoria Horne is an art historian specialising in the cultural and intellectual history of feminism. She is Senior Lecturer at Northumbria University in Newcastle. Her writing on the Hackney Flashers has been published in Third Text (2017) and Journal of Visual Culture (2016), and she has edited a forthcoming journal issue entitled, ‘Danger! Women Reading: Feminist Encounters with Art, Politics and Print’.

El movimiento de las mujeres indígenas en el interior del movimiento indígena latinoamericano nos ha permitido repensar la aplicación de la ciudadanía neoliberal en contextos de reconocimiento jurídico en los Estados pluriculturales. Desde una perspectiva etnográfica feminista, este artículo describe la formación múltiple de las ciudadanías flexibles a través de la observación participante en una asamblea de mujeres de origen zapoteca de la región de la Sierra Norte de Oaxaca (México). Analizamos la pertinencia del concepto de ciudadanías múltiples en conflicto tomando como puntos de reflexión, la historia y la trayectoria de vida de la primera mujer de origen zapoteca en asumir el cargo de presidenta municipal dentro del sistema normativo indígena. La experiencia del movimiento de mujeres de origen indígena en el interior del movimiento indígena latinoamericano nos enseña los límites, confrontaciones y condicionamientos de la autonomía ciudadana en la era de la economía global.

Povodom destogodišnjice rada Novosadske lezbejske organizacije NLO, odazvala sam se pozivu da napišem nekoliko utisaka vezanih za njihovo postojanje. Ovaj esej je delimično prerađena verzija koja je izašla u obliku filmskog eseja pod istim naslovom, koji je NLO izdala na https://youtu.be/kXBC9iivFPI, februara 2015. godine. U funkciji samorefleksije, napisan je esejski, ima tok meditacije i intimnog,  sestrinskog deljenja nekih zajedničkih iskustava, više nego iscrpne analize rada organizacije. Tekst je izašao u zborniku Sestrinstvo i jedinstvo, ur. Bilić B. i Radoman M.

This article is based on two observations about game production culture, first that there is a demographic mismatch between those who make games and those who play them [1], and secondly that through their organization, setting, and constraints, game jams and other creation events can encourage radical game design principles, values beyond the common practice [3]. This study discusses how facilitators might introduce radical game design values in their events, using thematic, technological, and expressive strategies. Adopting a reflective design lens [2] it critically reviews the design of a game creation workshop for technology novices. It thus reflects on how event organizers can practice their role as cultural intermediaries [10] to support the development of game expressions beyond the norm.

This article examines activist artist Traci Molloy's use of the arts to radically affect and influence how one university understands, approaches, and educates a campus on issues around sexual assault. Molloy reached out to University (AU), and proposed that she be allowed to talk with survivors of sexual assault on campus. Unlike MSU, where then-President Engler accused Nassar victims of "enjoying the spotlight," AU and Molloy worked together to intentionally give survivors the stage, first via a public installation of portraits of sexual abuse survivors and their statements, then through a town hall meeting about experiences of sexual assault and the responsibilities of university communities in preventing sexual violence. This action serves as a model for the ways that higher education can integrate conversations about consent and healthy masculinity into university life. This article looks at the larger context of Title IX in understanding how Molloy and AU's proactive measures will become increasingly important in light of Education Secretary DeVos's changes to Title IX guidelines.

This article focuses on the experimental ecocinema of Swedish Sami filmmaker Liselotte Wajstedt, director of Kiruna--Rymdvagen (Space Road) and the sequel in progress, Kiruna-- Ortdrivaren (The Drift Block). Wajstedt's cinematic works rely on fissure, erasure and contention presenting a collage of complexities that illustrate her uncanny struggle to make sense of the mining and removal of her hometown, Kiruna, in arctic Sweden,  a former Sami reindeer grazing area now a company town run by the state-owned mine, LKAB. The drilling has created so much instability that the entire town has to be moved. Wajstedt's two documentary films about Kiruna illustrate through haunting animation, claymation, diegetic sound and multiple perspectives the instability and unevenness in life, culture, and economics for Kiruna inhabitants and non-human nature. I argue that Wajstedt's films display a mode of post-human, phenomenological feminist inquiry as she finds her bearings in the non-linear narrative that relies on pastiche to examine intervals between a place and a person.
(Due to the copyright rules of the publisher, Intellect Journals,  I am not at liberty to post the full essay).

This text argues not for representing (in the two senses insightfully and critically delineated by Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak in "Can The Subaltern Speak?") but rather for what Bacchetta calls "re-presencing" or a mode of insertion of QTPOC archives that goes beyond the additive reparation of QTPOC erasure in white QT archives, that is, beyond the "add QTPOC and stir" that enables "diversity management." Instead with "re-presencing" we can re-imagine and re-enact QTPOC archives as an agentic force that has the potential to transform the whole archives altogether.
Website:  https://friction-magazine.fr/re-presence-les-forces-transformatives-darchives-de-queers-racise-e-s/

Influenced by social identity theory, psychologists have focused primarily on the role of shared identity in leading people to engage in collective action. In this study, we are concerned with the factors that lead individuals who do not share a collective identity to act in solidarity with an outgroup. We explored this question by looking at the narratives and motives that brought non-Palestinian university students to participate in
collective action for Palestine. In-depth interviews with campus activists and a yearlong observation of campus debates over the Israeli-Palestinian conflict suggested a number of motives for solidarity activism. First, activists drew parallels between their in-group collective narrative and the collective narrative of the Palestinians. Second, an intersectional narrative of identity increased activist self-efficacy by highlighting the ways that activists were both marginalized and privileged. Third, activists explained their affinity to these narratives as rooted in personal experiences with marginalization and discrimination. A final motive arose through the practice of coalition building that further empowered students of different minority groups. Findings from this study contribute to an understanding of the current surge in Palestinian solidarity activism on college campuses in the United States.

The following is me keynote presentation at the 3rd World Congress on Climate Change and Global Warming, Dubai, UAE, October 2017.

My aim is to show how legislative processes ostensibly aimed at drafting laws that embody justice and equality have become systemically co-opted and corrupted through the machinations of legislators beholden to a donor class whose profit-objectives depend on the unfettered extraction of hydrocarbons.  It’s thus no surprise that the denial of anthropogenic climate change has come to inform not only energy-legislation, but potentially all law-making insofar it has become imperative to insure against profit-suffocating regulation. Senator James Inhofe offers an apt example.  In 2015 he sponsored two bills, one acknowledging that climate change real, but denying that it’s anthropogenic; another to make English the official language of the U.S., the “English Unity Act of 2015.”  While the first attempts to circumvent the debate concerning climate change, the second aims to discourage border crossings; two apparently different issues until we realize that many migrants are climate change refugees. Inhofe denies climate change but tacitly recognizes that it produces conditions for migration. He calls human-made global warming a “hoax,” but sponsors a bill to deter migrants seeking to flee its consequences. Throughout Inhofe’s defense of the two bills, he refers to illegal immigrants as drug-runners and terrorists, a narrative that offers just what he needs: it detracts from the facts about climate change refugees and provides “justification” for policies like President Trump’s “wall.”  It provides apparent substance to the American president’s references to “radical Islamic terrorists” alleged to cross from the South, and helps to justify U.S. withdrawal from the Paris Climate Accord.  In the world according to climate change denial, drafting law is less about social or environmental justice and more about insuring the hegemony of multinational energy interests. There are no winners.  But there are losers: a planet that can no longer support human life makes refugees of us all.

A partir do final da década de 60, nos EUA e Grã-Bretanha, mulheres passaram a colocar em pauta necessária a discussão de gênero, expressando seu protagonismo social e interferindo no próprio conceito de gênero. Esta produção social se dá através de vários fenômenos, sendo a arte uma de suas dimensões mais importantes, uma vez que faz parte da esfera cultural e interfere no terreno onde política, poder e
dominação são mediados. Traçando a trajetória do movimento feminista, buscou-se analisar as artes visuais produzidas por artistas feministas dentro de seus respectivos contextos sócio históricos, desde o início do Movimento até a contemporaneidade, a fim de identificar temas recorrentes nas produções artísticas de cada período e associá-los com os respectivos acontecimentos históricos. Tal investigação foi realizada através do levantamento e análise bibliográfica de artigos e documentos referentes ao movimento feminista associado às artes visuais, seguido pela seleção das produções artísticas representativas e impactantes em seus períodos, bem como produzidas por artistas conhecidas pelo engajamento intencional na causa feminista. Já com as obras selecionadas e divididas por períodos, foi produzido um quadro onde os temas identificados nas mesmas foram associados com dados históricos referentes à cada período. O quadro elaborado proporcionou a revelação de obras que foram marcos na trajetória artística do movimento feminista, representando a transição da mulher de mera musa inspiradora para protagonista na história e nas relações sociais. Além disso, o levantamento dos temas que estavam em pauta em cada período proporcionou a compreensão da transformação pela qual o próprio conceito de gênero passou, sendo gradativamente reconstruído pela militância feminista. Analisando o quadro elaborado é possível dizer que a trajetória artística feminista se caracteriza, sobretudo, por ser desencadeada pelo objetivo central de alterar a história da arte através da própria arte.

In this paper, I intend to rethink the specific question of authority and to show how it is narrowly interwoven with both the concepts of action and performativity. Firstly, I examine Arendt’s account of action and its disruptive, innovative and performative dimension. Thereupon, I tackle the issue of performativity in Butler and how performativity cannot be explained exclusively from the perspective of actors. Later, I connect this with the question of authority and I scrutinize how a reconsideration of this concept can be helpful in order to analyze the active and productive role that spectators can have in actions’s success and its impact in the world.

Un mayor desarrollo de esta cuestión puede ser leído aquí: https://www.academia.edu/31488906/Hannah_Arendt._Una_lectura_desde_la_autoridad_Tesis_doctoral_

This paper discusses the changes in the medial representation of female* homosexuality in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) during the 1980s. This will be done in specific relation to the rise of a lesbian political movement and the newly developed political idea of “the integration of homosexuals in socialism”.

I focus on the emotional dimension of the (in)visibility and the newly evolving images of lesbians in the 1980s which emerged after an almost after complete absence of any representation in the decades beforehand. After discussing the invisibility and its emotional effects for individuals and the lesbian political movement, I will contrast the representations of lesbians in the mass media during the 1980s with samizdat publications of lesbian political groups. Furthermore I will discuss one of the few attempts when activist groups worked together with the mass media.

Studies of urban neoliberalism have been surprisingly inattentive to gender. Brenda Parker begins to remedy this by looking at the effect of new urbanism, “creative class,” and welfare reform discourses on women in Milwaukee, a traditionally progressive city with a strong history of political organizing. Through a feminist partial political economy of place (FPEP) approach, Parker conducts an intersectional analysis of urban politics that simultaneously pays attention to a number of power relations. She argues that in the 1990s and 2000s, the city’s business-friendly agenda―although couched in uplifting rhetoric―strengthened existing hierarchies not only in class and race but also in gender.
At once a case study of the city and a theorization of urban neoliberalism, Masculinities and Markets highlights how urban politics and discourses in U.S. cities have changed over the years.

Le présent article s'intéresse à l'internationalisation des militantes pour les droits des femmes au Burundi et au Libéria depuis 2003, année de la fin des guerres civiles qui ont respectivement touché ces pays, par l'entremise d'une analyse de leurs parcours personnel et professionnel. Il veut contribuer à mettre en évidence les ressorts de l'émergence d'un large espace professionnel consacré aux activités de plaidoyer pour la mise en place de l'Agenda sur les femmes, la paix et la sécurité du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies. Cet agenda, constitué par un ensemble de huit résolutions adoptées entre 2000 et 2015, établit des nouvelles normes et des standards sur l'égalité de genre dans les opérations de paix des Nations unies et de ses États membres, y compris dans les activités de résolution des conflits violents, de réconciliation communautaire, de justice de transition, de médiation politique ou encore de maintien ou de consolidation de la paix. Les activités de mise en place de cet agenda offrent un cadre d'étude instructif aux chercheurs et aux chercheuses pour éclairer certains aspects, méthodes et enjeux du processus d'internationalisation du militantisme féminin. Reflétant les priorités établies au niveau international, cet agenda accorde aux organisations féminines et à leurs dirigeantes un rôle important dans la mise en oeuvre des programmes et des projets de reconstruction postconflit. Par ailleurs, l'augmentation progressive des activités des organisations féminines dans la reconstruction a accéléré leur professionnalisation et celles de leurs dirigeantes partout dans les pays postconflit (Kim et Campbell 2013; Martin de Almagro 2016). En ce qui nous concerne, la nécessité d'étudier les dirigeantes de ces organisations féminines part du constat effectué pendant des recherches sur le terrain : malgré le nombre croissant d'organisations féminines dans des pays postconflit, seulement quelques-unes d'entre elles ont une relation constante avec des organisations non gouvernementales (ONG) ou des organisations internationales. Ce sont des organisations féminines avec des dirigeantes fortement internationalisées, parlant plusieurs langues et ayant fait des études universitaires. Lorsque celles-ci décident d'aller travailler dans une autre organisation de la société civile ou pour la fonction publique, il arrive souvent que leur organisation s'écroule faute de financement et d'aide internationale (Martin de Almagro 2015). Malgré le rôle essentiel joué par ces femmes, nous n'avons pas trouvé d'études qui se focalisent particulièrement sur ces figures pour expliquer le processus par lequel quelques organisations locales féminines dans les pays postconflit deviennent des partenaires privilégiés des acteurs internationaux, se

Historically, much of the mainstream advocacy for reproductive rights, sexual health, biological ethics, abortion demands, and contraception were premised on a belief that science was inherently progressive. It often downplayed the ways in which the scientific community had exploited marginalized, vulnerable demographics, and how eugenics policies for " societal improvement " sought to limit the reproduction of groups considered " undesirable. " Moreover, black feminist response to the mainstream reproductive movement took on a more radical approach, addressing policy for working class women. The question of medical ethics was raised in the tragically short life of an African-American southern tabacco farmer Henrietta Lacks for example. These " undesirables" were anyone from poor people of color, to unwed mothers, to the disabled. What does reproductive justice mean when you are forcibly sterilized? Much of the sexual revolution was based on access to contraceptives which the medical establishment used to usurp bodily autonomy of groups supposedly being liberated from this movement. Women of colors' bodies were exploited by both the scientific community and the mainstream reproductive rights movement. Moreover, how did black feminist organizers combat this state sponsored genocide? The agenda for black feminists would be multifaceted, carrying out policy initiatives that sought to expand welfare, tackle disparities in education, housing and the racially biased medical establishment.

This report examines the nature of interaction and engagement between Lebanese citizens’ collectives and the state on gender-specific matters, through the case study of the Family Violence Bill that was passed in 2014. It analyses the practical ways in which civil society organised and engaged with the state to lobby for the Family Violence Bill prior to its passing. The report argues that the modalities of advocating for policy change on a gender-specific issue within the Lebanese confessional political system are very complex and not conducive to change. This is because it relates to matters of women’s rights and intimate social organisation within a complex and hierarchical system of power.

In this article I consider the ethical boundaries of intergenerational activism for the feminist researcher conducting research in pre-existing activist networks. Drawing on a decade of involvement with girl-activists at the United Nations, I revisit key moments that challenged me to rethink the ethical, discursive, and relational conditions of girls' political empowerment. Intergenerational activism creates relational messiness between adults and girls since effectively partnering with girls requires disruptions of generational power with practitioner-scholars learning to make it up as they go along. This article illustrates the complex and contested ways in which girls and adults build activist partnerships in adult-centered and sometimes politically hostile settings. In exploring the environment within which North American girls experience political (dis)empowerment, I question the ethics of empowering girls under current spectacular discursive conditions.

The enclosed paper is a submission to the 2017 Annual conference of the Society for Philosophy in the Contemporary World.

In this chapter from Eco-Nihilism: The Philosophical Geopolitics of the Climate Change Apocalypse, I’ll argue that even in its most convincing incarnation—Herman Daly’s Steady State Economics—“sustainability” has been preempted and bastardized by the objectives of capital. Although Daly offers a persuasive case for treating the global economy as a subset of the planet’s limited ecology, he fails to see that the logic of capital accumulation depends not only on planetary resources but human and nonhuman labor subjugated according to a view of human nature he unwittingly endorses. Human chauvinism assigns all value according to the interests of a well-established subset of beneficiaries whose stake in preserving the status quo makes it imperative that “sustainability” be co-opted and deployed to profit-generation. The results are predictable and catastrophic—accelerating climate change and its attendant misery for human and nonhuman life.

This article is proposed as an approach to the problem of relations between
social–political commitment, the practice of communication and technologies
in the field of network society through a critical discourse analysis of a spe-
cific feminist radio program: Enredadas Mujeres, which is carried out from a
free and self-organized radio in the maritime suburbs of Valencia (Spain). The
text gives an overview on the concept of discourse and its relation with power,
on how this relation has a leading role in the media scenario and on how com-
munication is currently set by the network society phenomenon. Highlighting
a critical approach to this phenomenon and recognizing its plasticity, the text
presents some possibilities that have been developed to make communication
without intermediaries. A fact that is largely encouraging minority and politi-
cal resistance groups, of counter-information practices and feminist activism.
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El presente artículo es una propuesta de aproximación al problema de las relacio-
nes entre compromiso político–social, la práctica de la comunicación y las tec-
nologías en el ámbito de la sociedad red, a través del análisis crítico del discurso
de un programa de radio feminista en concreto: Enredadas Mujeres, que es llevado
a cabo desde una radio libre y autogestionada de los Poblados Marítimos de la
ciudad de Valencia. En el texto, se presenta un recorrido desde el concepto de dis-
curso y su relación con el poder, de cómo esta relación es protagonista en el esce-
nario de los medios de comunicación y de cómo la comunicación, actualmente,
se enmarca en el fenómeno de la sociedad red. Remarcando una postura crítica
hacia dicho fenómeno y reconociendo su plasticidad, se abordan las posibilida-
des que se han desarrollado de hacer comunicación sin intermediarios. Un hecho
que viene favoreciendo, en gran medida, a colectivos minoritarios y de resistencia
política, de contrainformación y feministas.