History of Germany

17th century is the critical period for Ottoman Empire when great wars and major territory losses have taken place. My study focuses on the manuscript which is attributed to Tımışvarlı Osman Ağa as a result of his important role in Ottoman History and Literature with regard to his memoir of captivity which reflects its period.
The manuscript which is incomplete thematically and registered with no:220 at Süleymaniye Library, Hacı Ahmet Paşa Collection involves the years between AD 800-1662. The writing mentions Austria and German History until 1500s, and in the following years it mentions Ottoman-Austria relations in addition to German History. In this study the manuscript is transcribed into Latin alphabet, evaluated in terms of its content and source value -both its importance for Turkish History and credibility- and critically examined with its periods’ contemporary chronicles by comparing them.
Although it doesn’t give extensive knowledge, it sheds light on the first period German History and gives information about 17th Century Ottoman-Austria and Ottoman-German relations when major events occurred, which makes it a valued writing.
NOTE: For full access, please visit YÖK National Thesis Center.
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17. yüzyıl, Osmanlı Devleti için büyük savaşların ve önemli toprak kayıplarının vuku bulduğu kritik bir dönemdir. Bu dönemde yaşamış ve bu dönemi yansıtan bir esaretnameye sahip olması bakımından, Osmanlı tarihi ve edebiyatında önemli bir konuma sahip olan Tımışvarlı Osman Ağa’ya atfedilen yazma, araştırmamızın konusunu teşkil etmektedir. Süleymaniye Yazma Eserler Kütüphanesi, Hacı Ahmed Paşa koleksiyonu, nr. 220’de kayıtlı olan ve konu olarak tamamlanmamış eser, miladi 800-1662 yılları arasını kapsar. 1500’lü yıllara kadar Avusturya ve Alman Tarihi, sonraki kısmında ise Alman tarihine ek olarak Avusturya-Osmanlı ilişkilerine değinen eser, transkribe edilerek muhteva ve kaynak değeri yönünden değerlendirilmiş ve de dönemin çağdaş kronikleriyle mukayeseli karşılaştırılması yapılarak eleştirel yönden incelenmiştir.
Geniş bilgilere yer vermese de ilk dönem Almanya tarihini aydınlatması ve önemli gelişmelerin meydana geldiği 17. yüzyıl Osmanlı-Avusturya (Nemçe/Beç) ve Osmanlı-Almanya ilişkileri hakkında bilgi vermesi bakımından kıymetli bir eserdir.
NOT: Tam erişim için lütfen YÖK Ulusal Tez Merkezini ziyaret ediniz.

This essays looks for to trace a panorama of 17th century during the Thirty Years' War, whose stage was the Holy Roman Empire. Simultaneous to the bloody religious conflicts, the Europe knew the meaning of the economic crises that occurred in the continent at this moment of transition for the sprouting of the modern State.

together with Henny A. Groenendijk.
Ziel dieses Beitrags ist es, die angeblich isolierte und rückständige Lage der Region Westerwolde im Nordosten der Niederlande zu problematisieren. Die geographisch eher isolierte Lage Westerwoldes wird traditionell als Erklärung für das rückständige Image der Region angeführt. Das fortschreitende Moorwachstum seit der bronzezeitlichen Besiedlung hatte Westerwolde in eine Insel verwandelt. In der späten Eisenzeit wurde sie verlassen, um dann im frühen Mittelalter wieder besiedelt zu werden. Im 19. Jahrhundert bewunderten die Romantiker noch die arkadische Landschaft und die kulturellen Traditionen von Westerwolde. Im Gegensatz dazu kritisierten Protagonisten der modernen Landwirtschaft von der Mitte des 19. bis weit ins 20. Jahrhundert hinein die rückständigen Landwirtschaftsmethoden und den Lebensstandard sowie die schlechte Infrastruktur. Im Mittelpunkt steht dabei die Frage, ob die Kritiker zu Recht von Rückständigkeit sprachen und ob sich konkrete Anhaltspunkte für diese vermeintliche Rückständigkeit in früheren Jahrhunderten finden lassen. Der Sprung vom frühen Mittelalter ins 19. Jahrhundert ist zu groß, aber die Kombination archäologischer und ökologischer Daten mit einer erneuten und kritischeren Untersuchung schriftlicher Quellen angesichts der gewaltigen Landschaftsveränderungen hat zu einem differenzierteren Verständnis der Entwicklung von Westerwolde geführt. Wir präsentieren neue Erkenntnisse für den Zeitraum von der Eroberung Frieslands und Sachsens von den Karolingern und der Einführung des Christentums, als Missionare und neu gegründete Klöster landwirtschaftliche Güter und Rechte in der eroberten Region erwarben, bis zum Spätmittelalter. Wir analysieren daher interdisziplinär Kirchenstiftungen und Existenzbedingungen im Zusammenhang mit Besiedlungsstrukturen, Infrastruktur und Austausch von Konsumgütern. Westerwolde wird ständig in Verbindung mit den angrenzenden Regionen Drenthe und dem niedersächsischen Emsland beobachtet.

In the early 1920s, the press faced an existential challenge. Publishers proclaimed the death of news, not because nothing was happening, but because there was insufficient paper to print newspapers. While historians of the early modern period have long investigated material constraints on the spread of information, the problem of paper in Weimar Germany shows that the economics and politics of supply chains continued to shape cultural production in the twentieth century as well. Rationing during World War I subsequently became a crisis in the 1920s, when paper shortages, which had started as an issue of prices and supply chains, ballooned into a discussion about the role of the
press in political and economic life, about the relationship between the federal states and the central government, and about the responsibility of a democratic government to ensure an independent press. Paper became a litmus test for the relationship between politicians and the press. The failure to resolve the crisis not only undermined the trust of publishers in Weimar institutions, but, this article argues, also enabled greater control by right-wing media empires. The public sphere, it turned out, had a very material basis.

La Repubblica di Weimar fu un periodo ricco di contraddizioni tra la Grande Guerra e l’avvento del Terzo Reich. Il sistema di democrazia parlamentare che riuscì a realizzare fu altresì sorprendente, non solo perché nacque pochi mesi dopo la fine di un conflitto mondiale da cui la Germania era uscita sconfitta ma, in particolar modo, per la portata di trasformazioni politiche e sociali che la caratterizzarono. La ricca storiografia sull’argomento testimonia l’importanza degli eventi che caratterizzarono il 1933, anno spartiacque della storia d’Europa e del mondo. Ciò a cui mira questo saggio è “ricostruire” l’idea che lo Stato Maggiore italiano aveva sulla Germania, alla vigilia dell’ascesa di Adolf Hitler. Attraverso le carte del SIM è possibile cogliere gli aspetti positivi della Repubblica di Weimar, ma anche quegli elementi di forte criticità derivanti dalle clausole penalizzanti del Trattato di pace che costituiranno la base ideologica e sociale della successiva ascesa del nazionalsocialismo. Lo studio si avvale dei cospicui documenti del “Servizio Informazioni Militare” del Regio Esercito che in data 2 gennaio 1933 vengono integrati in una relazione sullo stato complessivo delle forze armate tedesche. I sette fascicoli analizzati nel volume ci aiutano a comprendere l’ordinamento della Reichwehr, le forme di reclutamento e le scuole militari, la dottrina tattica e l’addestramento, le forze di polizia e le associazioni varie esistenti nel 1933, una fonte del tutto nuova nell’interpretazione di una Repubblica di Weimar ormai al tramonto.

“We have not arrived in Silesia for fun, but in order to do useful work”. On the problem of the presence of the Allied forces in Upper Silesia (1920–1922)
This article is an attempt to structure information on the operation of Allied forces in Upper Silesia by drawing attention to key moments of their mission. The author discusses difficult circumstances in which the “Upper-Silesian” contingent was established, its arrival in Upper
Silesia and performance of its statutory obligations, reactions of Upper Silesian communities – both Polish and German – to the presence of foreign armed forces in the region, attitudes of the troops in crisis situations (for instance during uprisings). The ordres de bataille of individual units and statistical data concerning the numbers of soldiers are presented for the first time in such detail. The article is accompanied by two source texts serving to illustrate the private perspective on the Allied mission and situation in Upper Silesia: diaries of the Reverend P. Mazzolari, chaplain of the Italian troops, and lieutenant colonel C. Repington, a British officer and press correspondent.

Preußen und Westindien. Die vergessenen Anfänge der Handels- und Konsularbeziehungen Deutschlands mit der Karibik und Lateinamerika 1800-1870, in: Carreras, Sandra; Maihold, Günther (eds.), Preußen und Lateinamerika. Im Spannungsfeld von Kommerz, Macht und Kultur, Münster: LIT-Verlag, 2004 (Europa-Übersee. Historische Studien, hrsg. von Gründer, Horst, Bd. 12), pp. 145-215.

Nasist Almaniyasının, qərb tarixşünaslığında “Fransanın süqutu” kimi tanınan Fransa kampaniyası, ikinci dünya müharibəsinin birinci mərhələsinin ən mühüm hadisələrindən biridir. Almaniyanın Polşaya hücumuna cavab olaraq ona müharibə etmiş Britaniya və Fransanı hədəfə alan Adolf Hitler, görkəmli vermaxt generalı F.Qalderin öz “Hərbi gündəliyində”də yazdığı kimi, “müharibənin məqsədinin Britaniyanı diz üstə qoymaq, Fransanı isə, darmadağın etmək” olmasını bildirmişdir. Müasir Benilüks ölkələri — Belçika, Niderland və Lüksemburqa qarşı yönəlmiş əməliyyatın kod adı “Gelb” planı (“Sarı” plan), Fransaya qarşı yönələn isə “Rot” planı (“Qırmızı” plan) adlanırdı. 10 may 1940-cı ildə Fransa kampaniyasına başlayan alman qoşunları “blitskriq”, yəni ildırımsürətli müharibə” taktikası ilə, cəmi 6 həftəyə, müttəfiq ordularını demək olar ki, darmadağın edərək, bütün yuxarıda göstərilən ölkələri işğal etdilər. 22 iyunda Kompyendə təslim olma aktının imzalanması ilə, Fransa kampaniyası nasist Almaniyası üçün uğurla başa çatdı və onun gələcək işğalçı addımlarına əlverişli imkanlar açmış oldu.

When they were creating and releasing their most influential albums in the mid to late 1970s, Kraftwerk were far from the musical mainstream - and yet it is impossible now to imagine the history of popular music without them. Today, Kraftwerk are considered to be an essential part of pop's DNA, alongside artists like the Beatles, the Velvet Underground, and Little Richard. Kraftwerk's immediate influence might have been on a generation of synth-based bands (Orchestral Manoeuvres in the Dark, the Human League, Depeche Mode, Yello, et al), but their influence on the emerging dance culture in urban America has proved longer lasting and more decisive. This collection of original essays looks at Kraftwerk - their legacy and influence - from a variety of angles, and demonstrates persuasively and coherently that however you choose to define their art, it's impossible to underestimate the ways in which it predicted and shaped the future.

NB1: The downloadable pdf file is a longer and corrected version of the book chapter. References section and www links updated in 4 November 2014.

NB2: Some brand new stock copies of the book still available from me. Price including worldwide shipping is 25.00 €.  Payment by PayPal or bank transfer (within the EU) only.

From 1877 to 1882, prompted by card. Gustav von Hohenlohe, some
Rosminians set up a foundation in Schillingsfürst (Bavaria) in order to settle permanently and get the curacy of the local parish. Difficulties of language, false friends, incomprehension, the hostile policy of the government and everyday misadventures lead quickly to drop the project, but a tiny seed will grow up later. By the means of unexplored archival sources, the present essay offers an insight of the Rosminian adventure in Bavaria, of the personality of card. Hohenlohe who wanted it, of the reasons of its failure and of the daily life of the small community, who tried to spread in Germany the names of Rosmini and of his Institute.
(The essay is part of: ROSMINIANESIMO FILOSOFICO, anno II, 2018, edited by S. F. TADINI)

Учебное пособие посвящено истории английской и немецкой художественной культуры Нового времени (XVI — начала ХХ в.). Представлена характеристика основных художественных направлений и стилей, доминировавших в Англии, Австрии и Германии в указанный период, приведены примеры творчества отдельных представителей этих направлений. Предназначено для студентов-историков, обучающихся по программе бакалавриата, а также может представлять интерес для студентов других гуманитарных специальностей — архивистов, философов, социологов, политологов, регионоведов и др.

This article traces the origins of the Humboldt myth. It challenges the established view that the myth arose during the celebrations of the centenary of Berlin University in 1910, demonstrating that this view is not confirmed by sources. First, the article examines the speeches delivered by the participants in the 1910 jubilee celebrations and concludes that they could not have provided the basis for the Humboldt myth because they mention Humboldt no more frequently than the names of other prominent scientists, and the brief assessments of his activities are too vague to warrant judgements about his contribution to the development of higher education. Second, the article analyzes the works of German philosophers and educators of the early twentieth century and stresses that the sources of the Humboldt myth go back mainly to works written before 1910, had nothing to do with the centenary of Berlin University and were influenced by Humboldt’s note "On the Internal and External Organization of the Higher Scientific Institutions in Berlin" published in 1903. The article concludes that the traditional view of the origin of the Humboldt myth needs to be re-examined: the myth was born before 1910 and the centenary of Berlin University was only one channel for asserting and spreading it.

German Idealism find a giant on the philosopher Hegel. He is seen as a peak figure of all forms of philosophical speculation in the history of Western philosophy Modern. An attempt is very hard for the philosophical, if you want to destroy this building philosopher Hegel. The works of Hegel was amazing, even Hegel greatly influenced the thinking of subsequent philosophers, such as Karl Marx and Feuerbach. Hegel thought the herb is about the dialectic philosophy, philosophy is growing rapidly, especially in Germany.
GWF Hegel is an important figure in history, C. J. Friedrich, in the preface to his book dover edition GWF Hegel's The Philosophy of History, "the philosophy of history remains the heart and center of Hegel's philosophy." Similar statements made by Marnie Hughes-Warrington, "All writing George Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel reflects interest on the principal history ".

Testament of Peter I became an outstanding bestseller among the world political documents since it was published in the 10-ies of the XIX century. It reflected the fundamental trends and directions of the Russian imperial policy thoroughly. Therefore, it was used as an instrument of the ideological fight against the Russian Empire and then against its successor — the Soviet Union by the western countries.
In addition to ideological disputes, the forged testament of Peter I attracted attention from a scientific point of view. The question was to identify the party  interested in creating such a forged document, as well as the date and purpose of creation. 
A completely different version unlike the previous ones has been established by the current research. In particular, the initiator of the falsification of Peter I's testament was the King of Prussia Frederick II.
The aforementioned initiative arose during the Seven Years' War in the 60-ies of XVIII century, after the development of the rudimentary version of the Greek Project by Prussia and Russia, when Frederick II had to hide his authorship of the Greek Project for his own security and the security of the country as well.
Keywords: Testament of Peter I; The Seven Years' War; Greek Project; Ottoman Empire; Catherine II; Joseph II; Russian Empire; Chevalier D’Eon; General Sokolnitsky;  Motovich; Napoleon

Rahvusliku enesemääramise läbi Saksamaa külge: eestlased anneksionistliku Saksa poliitika sihtmärgina 1918. aasta okupatsiooni eel. Tõnu-Andrus Tannberg (ed.). Esimene maailmasõda ja Eesti II. Eesti Ajalooarhiivi Toimetised. Rahvusarhiiv, 2016, pp. 369-433.


Unification with Germany through national self-determination: Estonians as a target of annexionist German policy before the 1918 German occupation

The dominant political force of Germany at the end of World War I was the  Supreme Command (Oberste Heeresleitung, OHL), led by generals Erich Ludendorff and Paul von Hindenburg. It sought unlimited rights for Germany to dictate peace terms, as well as extensive annexations in the East (known as the Siegfrieden). It thus stood in opposition to the more liberal Parliament, Government, and Foreign  Office. Nevertheless, the OHL was well aware that in the actual political climate, as the rhetoric of national self-determination grew increasingly important, Germany
had to disguise its real intentions of hegemony and leave the impression that the people in occupied territories approved of Germany’s annexationist objectives.

Despite the fact that the OHL could count on the support of Baltic Ger-
mans in Estonia and Livonia, as they impatiently hoped for the invasion of German forces following the Russian October Revolution, it was necessary to at least leave the impression of involving also the indigenous peoples, Estonians and Latvians. Already in September 1917, a representative body was convened in Courland that expressed its wish to join Germany. Similar declarations were also obtained, more or less forcibly, from Riga and the Estonian islands Saaremaa and Hiiumaa, which had been occupied at the beginning of September.

It was necessary to acquire similar documents from unoccupied areas as well, in particular after the beginning of the Brest-Litovsk peace negotiations in December 1917, with both the German and Soviet side competing over the alleged political sympathies of Estonians and Latvians. Even though the representatives of the Knighthoods, and in particular Eduard von Dellingshausen, the head of the Estonian Knighthood, had tried to leave the impression that the vast majority
of Estonians and Latvians were in favor of Germany, it was not enough. As early as November, OHL ordered declarations to be obtained from North Livonia and Estonia, asking for German invasion and the unification of the Baltic provinces with Germany. In return for this type of “self-determination” in a German sense, Estonians were offered the protection of private property, prevention of forcible colonization, equal taxes for all nationalities, cultural autonomy, and the right to
establish Estonian-language schools.

For Estonian nationalist politicians who had been successful in obtaining political autonomy for Estonia within its ethnographic boundaries from the Russian Provisional Government, these promises were, of course, not nearly enough. For this reason, as well as out of concerns for a possible Bolshevik revenge, and a fundamental mistrust of Baltic German propaganda, there were only a few Estonians who signed the declarations asking for a German invasion. A similar failure were Dellingshausen’s attempts to establish closer cooperation with Estonian politicians and officers who were not in principle against joining Germany but whose expectations for the extent of the intended autonomy went too far for OHL and Baltic Germans.

The unsuccessful attempts at increasing Estonian sympathies for Germany resulted in all Estonian non-Bolshevik political parties deciding to separate from Russia at the end of December 1917, but eschewing to apply for unification with Germany and declaring Estonia an independent neutral republic in the face of the expected German invasion.

Somewhat more open to reaching an agreement with Germany were the
politicians and intellectuals in Tartu, particularly the Tartu chapter of the Estonian Country Union (Maaliit) and most likely also the Estonian Democratic Party, which had lost its leader through Jaan Tõnisson traveling abroad. Two delegations from these Tartu circles were sent to Berlin to negotiate with German authorities. The first delegation got only as far as Tallinn, but the other one reached Berlin via Danzig (Gdańsk) and was able to present its requests through the Legation Councillor Richard Meyer. However, the relatively modest demands of this delegation (particularly the equal representation of Estonians and Germans in future local government institutions) were still far too audacious for German and Baltic German annexationists. Thus Meyer’s hope that Germany could mediate between Estonians and Baltic Germans and reconcile them in the land question was doomed to failure.

At the same time as the rise to prominence of the Ukrainian question at the beginning of February 1918 resulted in Leon Trotsky calling off the Brest-Litovsk peace negotiations, the Bolsheviks in Tallinn declared the Baltic German ethnic group to be outlaws for having plotted together with German authorities, and some of its members were taken hostage to prevent the German invasion. The decree and the subsequent repressions have been interpreted as the result of the independence declarations of the Knighthoods, submitted to the Stockholm representative of Soviet Russia at the end of January. However, it seems that the main cause was the discovery of the OHL’s signature-gathering campaign. A whole range of new requests for help from Baltic Germans followed. As the self-determination strategy used in the Brest-Litovsk negotiations had lost its importance, the OHL began preparations to continue the invasion on the Eastern Front.

Meanwhile, Kurt Riezler, the German Legation Councillor in Stockholm,
was negotiating with Jaan Tõnisson, who had reached the Swedish capital at the end of January. Just like Meyer, Riezler favored accommodating the political goals of ethnic Estonians at the expense of Baltic German interests. This is why he recommended that Tõnisson be allowed to return to Estonia, and considered it necessary that in case of a German invasion a political declaration would be issued that would have included a guarantee that Estonians would not be discriminated against based on nationality and that their political interests would be respected up to the recognition of the Estonian Constituent Assembly. However, this initiative was unsuccessful due to the opposition of OHL and the Ober Ost military authorities which had at long last been given free reign in the East.

In conclusion, the ultimately pointless campaign for declarations and signatures bears witness to the hypocritical attitude of German authorities towards the question of national self-determination, which they saw solely as an instrument for fulfilling their own annexationist political plans. The probably relatively common hope among Estonians that they would be able to influence German policy—held by Tartu Country Union members, as well as by Jaan Tõnisson who negotiated with the German legation in Stockholm—was thus not realized. The self-determination venture preceding the occupation therefore prevented an orientation towards Germany that, following the October Revolution, could have replaced the primary foreign policy objectives of Estonian politicians: a democratic federalized Russia, or a Nordic-Baltic Union bringing together the small nations around the Baltic Rim. Instead, German policies contributed to the emergence of the idea of Estonian
independence and thus to the declaration of the Republic of Estonia on the eve of the occupation.

Висвітлення події одного з епізодів Першої світової війни 1914-1918 рр. на Східному фронті - створення та діяльності з фінляндських добровольців (патріотів та націоналістів) Окремого Королівського Прусського Єгерського Батальйону під особливим військовим номером (№27) у лавах Імперської Армії Німеччини.

Biography of Leopold Immanuel Jacob van Dort, ca 1715 - 1761. Leopold Immanuel Jacob van Dort was a learned Jewish-Christian man born in Dordrecht around 1715. He converted in 1745 in Aachen from Judaism to Christianity, and went to Sri Lanka in 1754 to work as a preceptor of Oriental Languages at the Seminary in Colombo for the Dutch East India Company. He wrote three books in German about conversion. However he is most famous as the translator of the excerpts of the Chronicles of the Jews from Cochin, India, and the Hebrew translation of the Quran, which resides in the Library of Congress in Washington. He also allegedly possessed a manuscript called the Iggeret Rabbi Jochanan ben Zakkai, now in possession of The Royal Danish Library. Until now information about his life was scarcely available. This book aims to give more insights into his life, and to provide context to the aforementioned books and the manuscript. It reveals among many other things that van Dort also translated the Hebrew New Testament, residing in the Cambridge Library.

- In the book the following data can be found: background of upbringing, parents and siblings, education including list of books he read, whereabouts through all the years, content and explanation of his 3 books on conversion and dates, background on his print business in Aachen, purpose of visit to Cochin, exact dates of visit to Cochin, attitude towards teaching and translations, insights into his attitudes, values, beliefs and actions.

This chapter explores Franco Basaglia’s relation with German psychiatry, from his early infatuation with the anthropo-phenomenological tradition to the disputes with the social psychiatric movement during the 1960s and 1970s. After an overview of Basaglia’s criticism of German psychiatric schools and institutions, the chapter focuses on his personal links, most notably with progressive psychiatrists and with the anti-psychiatric movement SPK (Sozialistisches Patientenkollektiv). Finally, it analyses Basaglia’s reception, by both the medical establishment and the actors of psychiatric reform. Contrary to the current narrative of a mutual influence, the chapter argues that Basaglia can hardly be regarded as a genuine inspiration for German psychiatric reform, and was retrospectively refashioned as such.

Based mainly on unpublished primary sources from German archives, the book chapter pioneers in describing and analysing in detail the development of Prussian and other German consulship on the China coast from the late 18th century to the founding of the North German Confederation and Imperial Germany.

The German foreign interests in Western (Russian) Turkestan are explored in this article. The article begins with a short historical review. The strength of German interest during both World Wars and the interwar period is described in the main part of the article, which consists of three chapters. Turkestan became an object of German policy because it seemingly compensated for lost colonies. German authorities considered the possibility of getting concessions in Turkestan from the Soviet government. However, the Soviet authorities sought to strengthen state control and refused the opportunity to mobilize foreign investment in Soviet economy. During the Second World War, the policy of the Third Reich that concerned Soviet republics of Central Asia was connected with the idea of satellite states formation. The period of the active 'Turkestan' policy of Germany ended after the defeat of the Third Reich in the Second World War.

Mateos de Manuel, Victoria (2019) Exilio interior y cultura de la violación, Lecturas de nuestro tiempo, nº 4, 23-44./ Texto realizado para la asignatura "Cultura de los países de lengua alemana durante el siglo XX", Grado en Lenguas Modernas y sus Literaturas, Universidad Complutense de Madrid (curso 2018-19). Disponible en https://lecturasdenuestrotiempo.wordpress.com/numero-iv-2019/

RESUMEN. Este artículo trata de fundamentar, frente a la retórica patriarcal dominante, que la "colaboración" o "pasividad" de las víctimas de violación no es una forma de consentimiento implícito, sino una estrategia precaria de resistencia que, en modo alguno, exime de responsabilidad al violador: se trata de, en términos clínicos, una "fuga disociativa" de la víctima o la reapropiación feminista del concepto antifascista de "exilio interior" que aquí propongo. Para fundamentar esta posición, este artículo facilita una lectura crítica del Título VIII del Libro I del Código Penal español, dedicado a los delitos sexuales, y una biblioteca comentada de fragmentos literarios en torno a experiencias de violación y cultura de la violación para argumentar a favor de las víctimas esos supuestos espacios de ambigüedad o las así denominadas "zonas grises".

Analiza zagadnień poruszanych na łamach "Gazety Ludowej. Tygodnika Ilustrowanego" między 1915 a 1918 r. Drukowane teksty dotyczyły m. in. zniszczeń wojennych w diecezji chełmskiej, skutków przeprowadzenia ewakuacji ludności cywilnej z guberni chełmskiej i lubelskiej przez administrację i wojsko rosyjskie w 1915 r., początków procesu rewindykacji cerkwi przez Kościół Rzymsko-katolicki, prób prowadzenia lokalnych misji przez zakon jezuitów i duchowieństwo grecko-katolickie. Tekst omawia skutki uchodźstwa ludności cywilnej podczas I wojny światowej na terenie Chełmszczyzny i południowego Podlasia.