History of Urban Planning

La sfârșitul Primului Război Mondial, unirea condiționată votată la Alba Iulia a rezervat Transilvaniei un statut ambiguu în cadrul României Mari, acela al unei provincii semiautonome. Conform Rezoluției Adunării Naționale de la Alba Iulia, acest statut avea să fie unul provizoriu, menținut până la întrunirea Adunării Constituante alese pe baza votului universal. Decizia – motivată prin dorința de a lăsa timpul necesar elaborări unei formule optime de unificare a regimurilor juridice foarte diferite ale provinciilor – a făcut ca, timp de mai bine de un an, până în aprilie 1920, Transilvania să treacă printr-o perioadă de tranziție de-a lungul căreia s-a raportat la două centre, cel regional și Bucureștiul.
Contextul social tensionat al sfârșitului de război a făcut imposibilă amânarea adoptării reformelor promise în timpul războiului până la încheierea procesului de unificare legislativă. Astfel, perioada de tranziție a coincis cu adoptarea celor mai importante reforme ale României interbelice, cea electorală și cea agrară. Diferențele foarte mari dintre provincii au făcut imposibilă reglementarea reformei agrare printr-un act normativ unic, astfel încât fiecare dintre acestea a avut propria legislație agrară. În cazul Transilvaniei, proiectul legii a fost redactat de Consiliul Dirigent, instituție care, până în 1920, a avut rolul unui guvern regional provizoriu.
Legea pentru reforma agrară din Transilvania, Banat, Crișana și Maramureș a inclus unele prevederi ce reflectă nu doar diferențe juridice, administrative etc. în raport cu celelalte provincii, ci și diferențe majore în abordările alese de legiuitori. Unele dintre aceste prevederi aveau să determine o situație foarte particulară a orașelor transilvănene. Pe de o parte, exproprierile aveau să reducă drastic domeniile funciare ale acestora, iar, pe de altă parte, împroprietăririle cu locuri de casă aveau să ducă la extinderi, în multe cazuri masive, ale ariilor intravilane (cu zeci și chiar sute de hectare). Spre deosebire de legislația agrară a Vechiului Regat, a Bucovinei sau a Basarabiei, legea ardeleană atribuia reformei și scopul ameliorării crizei de locuințe în orașe, astfel încât, în plus față de împroprietăririle cu locuri de casă în mediul rural, aceasta prevedea și împroprietăriri urbane.
Startul reformei agrare într-o perioadă de tranziție, particularitățile legii agrare a Transilvaniei, dar și felul în care a fost gestionat transferul de putere dinspre centrul regional către București au făcut ca aplicarea legislației de împroprietărire în orașele ardelene să se desfășoare într-un context tensionat, marcat de numeroase controverse și contradicții.
Deși introducea prevederi ce aveau să afecteze profund orașele – fie prin exproprieri, fie prin extinderi generate de împroprietăririle cu locuri de casă –, legea agrară a Transilvaniei punea aceste operațiuni în sarcina acelorași instituții ce fuseseră create pentru aplicarea reformei în mediul rural, fără să a le impune consultarea primăriilor sau a serviciilor tehnice ale acestora. Municipalitățile pierdeau astfel o mare parte din controlul asupra dezvoltării orașelor lor în favoarea instituțiilor reformei agrare. Ignorarea planurilor de dezvoltare, precum și decupajele și adițiile făcute asupra teritoriilor orașelor în lipsa unor studii urbanistice au determinat primăriile a cel puțin 23 dintre cele 49 de orașe ale Transilvaniei să se angajeze în procese de lungă durată în încercarea de a recupera terenurile comunale expropriate. Mai târziu, la capătul anilor 1920, reprezentanții mai multor orașe au contestat nu doar exproprierea domeniilor orășenești, ci însăși legitimitatea intervenției instituțiilor reformei agrare, în lipsa unor mecanisme de control, în mediul urban.
Întrucât proiectul legii agrare pentru Transilvania a fost elaborat de Consiliul Dirigent în perioada de tranziție de după război, autoritățile de la București nu au știut, până în 1925, despre acele prevederi ale legii cu impact asupra orașelor. Mai mult, în 1921, la puțină vreme după votul legii agrare a Transilvaniei, Parlamentul de la București a votat așa-numita lege de împroprietărire urbană sau Legea din 18 octombrie 1921, care a complicat și mai mult situația împroprietăririlor din Ardeal. Valabil în toate provinciile României Mari, noul act normativ nu a abrogat acele articole ale legii agrare transilvănene referitoare la împroprietăririle cu locuri de casă în mediul urban. Astfel, începând cu toamna anului 1921, de-a lungul întregii perioade interbelice, în Transilvania s-au aflat simultan în vigoare două acte normative ale căror ținte se suprapuneau, dar care creau mecanisme de aplicare diferite, punând în opoziție două seturi de instituții ale statului ce aveau priorități contrare.
Efectele aplicării reformei agrare în mediul urban – exproprierea terenurilor de la marginea orașelor ce constituiau importante rezerve pentru dezvoltarea orașelor, exproprierea terenurilor comunale intravilane, extinderile masive prin noi parcelări pentru locuri de casă etc. – au fost sesizate de autoritățile de la București abia începând cu anul 1925, când lucrările de expropriere și împroprietărire erau deja foarte avansate. Anii care au urmat au dezvăluit o situație foarte complicată și, în ciuda eforturilor autorităților centrale, greu reversibilă.
La momentul unirii, liderii transilvăneni deciseseră păstrarea în vigoare, cu unele excepții, a legislației emise până în octombrie 1918, prelungind astfel și regimul descentralizat al administrației publice locale. Intervenția instituțiilor reformei agrare în procesul decizional privind dezvoltarea și extinderea orașelor a făcut ca, din acest punct de vedere, sistemul descentralizat să devină, în realitatea, unul difuz. Lacunele legislației agrare și, mai ales, necunoașterea de către autoritățile de la București a realităților transilvănene au lăsat o mare parte din puterea decizională instituțiilor subordonate Ministerului Agriculturii și Domeniilor. Ambiguitățile legislative, lipsa unui cadru legal care să permită intervenția municipalităților și reacția foarte târzie a autorităților centrale au făcut ca decizii importante legate de dezvoltarea orașelor să fie luate de un mozaic de instituții, cu priorități diferite, într-un sistem difuz și disonant. Astfel, cel puțin pentru primii ani ai perioadei interbelice, Transilvania a rămas marginală, într-o tranziție incertă de la autonomie administrativă, la sistemul centralizator impus, în cele din urmă, României Mari.

Early modern Amsterdam was an ultra-modern city, laid out conforming to the triple demand of functionality, beauty and profit; a city that takes a unique place in European urban history because of its location, design, and impressive scale. 'Metropolis in the Making' tells the story of Amsterdam becoming one of the largest cities in Europe in the seventeenth century. Amsterdam was one of the cradles of capitalism, but at the same time one of the most meticulously planned cities in the world.
After the Fall of Antwerp in 1585, Amsterdam took over its position as the main trade hub in northwestern Europe. The city grew rapidly to become the central harbour town – and one of the largest European cities. The boom in harbours and industry went hand in hand with an explosive population growth. This resulted in two huge city extensions in 1613 and 1663, multiplying the territory of Amsterdam by five. Around the old town, the now famous ring of canals was constructed. Beyond this residential zone mixed-use and industrial districts were laid out, with a series of harbour islands along the borders of the IJ. This book deals with the question how Amsterdam’s administration managed to realize these immense projects from the viewpoints of urban design, infrastructure, logistics, and finance.
The first part of this book is dedicated to the extension projects. A thorough analysis of all remaining administrative archives and a great many cartographic documents has enabled the author to reconstruct the decision process about the scale, design, and realization of the extensions. The second part contains chapters concerning land use, public space and water management. 'Metropolis in the Making' tells the story of one of the cradles of early modern capitalism and at the same time one of the most meticulously planned cities in the world.

The nineteenth-century street layout of Brisbane, designed for a small provincial town, had become a significant problem by the beginning of the twentieth century. The laying of tram lines in Adelaide Street between 1915 and 1917 convinced the civic authorities of the need to widen the street, and also prompted the passage of legislation to facilitate this. Between 1924 and 1931 the street was widened on the western alignment by 14 feet (4.3 metres). Thirty-one buildings on that side of the street were either truncated and remodelled or newly erected. This paper provides a background to the street-widening proposal and a short history of the project. Each of the buildings involved is then examined individually, to provide a snapshot of commercial architecture in Brisbane during the 1920s.

Suomalaiset kaupunkisuunnittelija-arkkitehdit luovivat ristiriitaisten odotusten ja vaatimusten kentässä Suomen kulkiessa venäläistämiskausien, ensimmäisen maailmansodan ja sisällissodan kautta itsenäisyyteen. He suunnittelivat kansallisesti tärkeätä keskusta; pääkaupunkia, joka näyttäytyisi katsojille suomalaisena mutta jossa samalla olisi modernin länsieurooppalaisen pääkaupungin tuntua. He loivat uudenlaista järjestynyttä kaupunkitilaa, joka takaisi edellytykset talouden kehitykselle mutta samalla kutoisi yhteen kielitaistelujen ja sisällissodan rikkomaa yhteiskuntaa. Kaupunkisuunnittelijoiden navigointia poliittisissa myrskyissä ja tyvenissä helpotti heidän kansallisen identiteetin rinnalle rakentamansa transnationaali ammatti-identiteetti. Olennainen osa tämän identiteetin rakentamista oli se, että kaupunkisuunnittelijat etäännyttivät omaa työtään kansallisesta ja paikallisesta politiikasta. Kaupunkisuunnittelijoiden ammattikuntaan kuuluminen tarkoitti toimimista ’yli kansallisten rajojen’ vaikka suuri osa suunnittelijoista työskentelikin vain omassa maassaan. He ammensivat ideoita ja inspiraatiota ulkomaanmatkoiltaan ja valtioiden rajat ylittävästä ammattiyhteisöstään, he legitimoivat työnsä paitsi taiteellisella luovuudellaan myös ’universaalilla’ tieteellisellä tiedollaan, ja he näkivät koko maailman (mahdollisena) työmaanaan. He olivat samaan aikaan suomalaisia ja kansakunnista riippumattomia taiteilijoita ja puolueettomia asiantuntijoita, joiden työvälineet toimivat kaikkialla ja joiden työmaa saattoi olla missä tahansa. He tekivät kansallista ja paikallista politiikkaa, mutta onnistuivat samalla pysyttelemään sen yläpuolella. Pohdin näitä kysymyksiä analysoimalla arkkitehti-kaupunkisuunnittelija Eliel Saarisen (1873–1950) ja muutamien hänen kollegoidensa toimintaa ja työuria. Miten Saarinen kollegoineen suunnitteli kaupunkikuvaa ja kaupunkitilaa, jotka vastasivat ajan moniin – osittain ristiriitaisiin – tavoitteisiin ja odotuksiin, ja miten hän samalla rakensi ja ylläpiti kaupunkisuunnittelijoiden transnationaalia ammatti-identiteettiä. Saarisen toiminnan ja suunnitelmien lisäksi on välttämätöntä ottaa mukaan analyysiin myös arkkitehtuurista ja kaupunkisuunnittelusta 1900-luvun alussa käytyä yleisempää keskustelua, koska ammattiryhmän identiteetti rakentui aina vuorovaikutuksessa muihin ryhmiin. Identiteettejä rakennettiin aina sisältä- ja ulkopäin. Tarkastelun pääpaino tässä luvussa on kollektiivisessa ammatti-identiteetissä ja sen rakentamisessa, mutta keskustelussa tulee esiin myös ammatti-identiteetti ryhmäkuntaisuuden muokkaamana yksilön itseytenä.

The transformation of an obscure, arid plateau into Australia's national capital began in 1913. Now, less than a century later, Canberra has grown to a population of over 300,000 people and become Australia's largest inland metropolis. Encountering the city today, however, is an ethereal experience. Traditionally, the civic grandeur associated with national capitals is derived from concentrations of architectural magnificence. Canberra's grandeur or monumentality, however, emanates from the omnipresence of the city's landscape -especially its luminous Lake Burley Griffin centrepiece. The capital's distinctive landscape pre-eminence is not accidental. In fact, mediated by a nationalistic fascination with landscape -both native and recollected- design visions for Australia's capital were securely in place before the city had a site, a plan or even a name. Although often competing, these early visions for the national capital shared 'memories of green' and an inter-related preoccupation with water.

Que apenas veinte días después de finalizada la Guerra se promulgara la nueva ley de vivienda protegida abre vías a una doble reflexión: los debates que el gobierno de Burgos impuso sobre cuál debía ser el futuro de la vivienda y la vivienda social y, a la vista de los resultados, los choques y enfrentamientos que se produjeron entre las familias del Régimen. En un momento en el que la inversión en vivienda protegida fue meramente simbólica (las inversiones se dedicaron, desde una política autárquica, a la reconstrucción de una economía agraria de tipo industrial) lo sucedido en España hasta 1955 no puede liquidarse con la fácil referencia a la «arquitectura de Falange».

Jane Jacobs' The death and life of great American cities, published in 1961, still remains an unquestionable landmark for urban studies until the present day. More recently, the book has been frequently used to justify disparate political positions concerning the urban, both theoretical and practical. This paper's main objective is to analyze how completely different accounts are covered by the book. In order to do so, I am proposing a reading of Jacobs' work that takes her thoughts' internal tensions and ambiguities into consideration.

Keywords : Jane Jacobs, The death and life of great American cities, urban planning, tensions, critique.

This article examines the crises of post-war modernist housing estates in West Germany and Austria, illuminating the key differences that emerged despite the strong similarities in terms of urban design and share in overall housing stock. With an analysis of the different framing and narration in the professional discourse between 1960 and 1990, the paper reveals that the estates served as a battleground for negotiating broader socio-political questions, resulting in different politizations of the estates. By deciphering the complex and partly contingent entanglements between the built form and politics, the paper contributes to research on post-war modernist housing estates and to the reassessment of these urban structures. It also enhances our understanding of the varied perceptions and performances of the ‘same’ built structures, thereby opening up new perspectives for the ongoing discussions about the revival of mass housing.

Elena Gianasso, La sede di rappresentanza delle Generali a Torino. Il progetto e il cantiere, in Le Assicurazioni Generali nelle città italiana tra la fine dell’Ottocento e gli inizi del Novecento, a cura di Carla Benocci, «Storia dell’urbanistica» a. XXXV serie III 8/2016, pp. 129-142

FOREWORD by Ivor Samuels:
"Dr Lovra’s approach to this diversity of urban forms is based on her ori- ginal synthesis of two important schools of urban morphology, the Italian or Caniggian School and the British or Conzenian School. The author points out that this was necessary partly because of the absence of adequate documen- tation . An urban typology matrix was devised based on urban tissues and urban planning types to define a final urban typology. This used a sequence of studies; street networks and their patterns, plots and buildings and their relation with street networks, plot series and related subsidiary spaces such as empty plots and green spaces . The resulting urban fabric typology whi- ch focuses on dominant characteristics, identified 41 categories which were then sorted into 11 main types and their subtypes . These are all illustrated by small plans of each town or by larger scale sector plans .
The analysis takes into account natural features such as rivers and hills, pre 1867 development and the extent to which the towns were modified in the study period. The type groups are categorized as stagnant towns, regulated towns, towns with linear urban development lines, and four types of town with ring and radial road (depending on the degree of completeness of the rings or the transformations that had to be made to accommodate them), mul- ti nuclei towns and completely enclosed towns .
These types are discussed in relation to specific locations and in some case to the application of the theories of planners including Sitte and Wagner as well as less well known urbanists, and the extent which other traditions had contributed such as in Ottoman Sarajevo.
The towns studied in this book are now located in 12 separate states. In a period of increasing European nationalist sentiment it is timely to be reminded of how an urban culture straddled linguistic, religious and cultural boundaries and flourished to create such a rich and enduring heritage. It is to be hoped that the whole work will eventually become available in English."

Chapter 3 presents empirically informed analyses of a number of new public
space projects initiated first as counter-projects and counter-spaces
by a variety of community and historic preservation society interests.
It demonstrates further that, Vancouver City Council (VCC) proved
receptive to the counter-projects and provided an overarching strategic
spatial framework within which the projects on the ground were
devised and implemented. This chapter also introduces the importance
of the social animation of public space, whether through politicised
collective action or ludic enjoyment. Changing representations of space
through time are shown to have implications for spatial practice on the ground, based on differences in the way social behaviour in public
space is understood and interpreted.

Este trabalho pretende aprofundar-se, mesmo que pouco, sobre uma entre tantas interpretações da cidade: trata-se das questões sobre as quais Camillo Sitte se debruçou. Seu livro, Der Städtebau (A Construção das Cidades), se acresce do subtítulo segundo seus princípios artísticos, numa clara alusão ao enfoque que a obra traz. Sitte coloca na mesa de discussões sobre a cidade moderna, então já próxima da virada para o século XX, qual deveria ser o lugar da arte no espaço público. Não que essa discussão não viesse ocorrendo, mas esse autor primou não só por um embasamento científico, mas propôs-se a fazer uma publicação de fôlego sobre o assunto que se tornaria referência para muitas gerações posteriores.

The grid model was used to plan cities world-wide in the nineteenth century. By redeveloping and expanding on rectilinear schemes, these cities were brought into line with the image of a rational, productive and modern industrial age, a process which often involved demolishing more organic features of the urban fabric: its winding roads, walls, and monuments, or at least those which were deemed a threat to order and cleanliness. In this paper I examine how the study of ancient cities, and the Roman colonial city in particular, shaped the course of urban planning in Barcelona by analysing the Teoría de la Urbanización (1867), written by Ildefonso Cerdà, the Catalan engineer responsible for the Barcelona grid extension. The history contained therein shows us the importance of Greco-Roman urbanism to modernist planning in a context which is understudied, and diversifies our understanding of the values which grid planning represented in the nineteenth century. I discuss contemporary impressions of Rome, and argue that we should no longer assume that Cerdà and Spanish planners ‘inherited grid planning from the Romans’. By the end of this chapter, it will be obvious that Cerdà did not intend Barcelona, a city with a Roman past, to embody ‘Roman’ values at all.

This paper examines how the garden city idea was introduced to China in the early 20th century and subsequently promoted by Chinese intellectuals and urban administrators as a means to promote urban improvement, economic development and nation-building. While the grand planning visions conceptualized in this period remained largely on paper, many aspects of the garden city were selectively adapted by philanthropic organizations and real estate developers as various “model settlements” that exemplified the norms of a “civilized society.” By examining the multiple interpretations of the garden city and its limited realization on Chinese soil, this article elucidates how a foreign planning concept was disseminated in a non-Western context and the specific ways in which it interacted with existing discourses about the city, the countryside and the roles of the state and citizens in the construction of competing visions of the urban future.

In de jaren zestig van de twintigste eeuw was Nederland in de ban van een ongekende welvaartstoename. De wederopbouw was voltooid; de bakens werden verzet naar het magische jaar 2000. Het land zou onherkenbaar van gezicht veranderen. Dit gold met name voor de binnensteden, waar ruimte moest komen voor brede vierbaans autowegen, hoge kantoortorens en moderne winkelcentra.

Althans, zo was de bedoeling. Terwijl bestuurders en ontwerpers aan hun plannen werken, ontdekte een jongere generatie de oude stad als een betaalbare en gezellige plek om te wonen en studeren. In samenwerking met oudere buurtbewoners ontvouwden deze jongeren in de jaren zeventig een alternatieve visie op de toekomst van de Nederlandse binnenstad. Hun grootse idealen vonden opvallend snel ingang bij de politiek. In nog geen tien jaar tijd maakte het ene ideaalbeeld van de moderniteit plaats voor een ander, waarin behoud en kleinschaligheid voorop stonden. Hoe kon het denken over de toekomst van onze binnensteden zo snel en radicaal omslaan?

Dit proefschrift beantwoordt deze vraag vanuit drie centrale uitgangspunten. In de eerste plaats wordt de binnenstad beschouwd als plek waar maatschappelijke ontwikkelingen direct invloed hebben op het dagelijks leven van miljoenen Nederlanders. In de tweede plaats gaat de aandacht met name uit naar de rol die projectontwikkelaars hebben gespeeld bij de totstandkoming van onze gebouwde omgeving. Aan hun invloed is door historici tot dusver nauwelijks aandacht besteed. In de derde plaats reconstrueert dit proefschrift nauwgezet de ervaring van moderniteit door zowel projectontwikkelaars, bestuurders als burgers.

Deze uitgangspunten maken het mogelijk om een aantal historiografische aannames kritisch te herzien. Zo waren binnenstadreconstructies van projectontwikkelaars en bestuurders geenszins het product van een optimistisch en zelfverzekerd toekomstdenken, evenmin als dat actievoerende burgers romantische tegenkrachten waren.

This article considers selective transfers of knowledge between Swedish and German architects and urban planners from the early 1930s to the mid-1940s. It contextualizes such transfers with regard to transnational practices of social engineering in this period. By analysing mutual observations by protagonists working in institutions such as the DAF Reichsheimstättenamt or the Swedish state commission on housing, Bostadssociala utredningen, it argues that transfers were motivated by a shared conviction that architecture and city planning could contribute to an ‘ordering’ of society. Experts in both countries were committed to the ideal of an organic community, which, to them, appeared to be threatened by modern mass society, but could be restored by spatial interventions based on objective, scientific knowledge. Due to this overarching frame of reference, architectural concepts could easily be cleared of their respective ideological context, allowing for cross-border communication. Transnational planning paradigms such as the ‘neighbourhood unit’ could be made to conform with political projects as different as the ‘Volksgemeinschaft’ in Nazi Germany and the ‘People’s Home’ (folkhemmet) in Social Democratic Sweden.

This article examines the introduction and spreading of the CIAM models and theories in the schools of architecture in Colombian universities from the first experimentation in Bogotá —that can be read parallel to some urban projects by architects educated abroad— to the arrival of international “experts” —Le Corbusier, Sert, Wiener and Breuer—, who helped to define the framework for the consolidation and spreading of CIAM practices in the universities. Based on archive and newspaper sources, this article presents an assorted corpus of student projects showing a clear appropriation of principles (functional zoning, traffic separation), instruments (grille) and concepts (civic center, neighborhood unit) produced by the CIAM. However, a closer look does prove that their appropriation was in the form of an “undiluted borrowing” (Stephen Ward), a quick but uncritical comprehension of some elements “orthodoxly” labelled herein as CIAM. Notwithstanding, the critical stances in the same congresses, like the one by Team X, were virtually unnoticed in Colombia.

Between 1585 and 1663, during Amsterdam’s Golden Age, the city’s built-up area increased by more than fivefold. This growth over the centuries captured the attention of historians and city planners who analysed Amsterdam’s development from a variety of angles. However, there are two aspects that have attracted most of the attention: the large scale of the city’s expansions and their methodical planning. This second aspect has, since the nineteenth century, been seen mainly from the point of view of the townscape as a whole. Amsterdam was presented as a large-scale,
scenographic composition, a ‘Versailles of the North’, and as a consequence, a work of genius. Later on, researchers began to study the city’s ground plan. Amsterdam’s development was seen as an elaboration of the ‘città ideale’, the apex of urban planning.
In this study, urbanism and city development are looked at from a more pragmatic point of view. The ideal, theoretical city was replaced by the actual city, and, therefore, the optimal city. This study views Amsterdam as an unruly physical reality with an unpredictable spatial and social
dynamism, that had to be organised and managed by the city’s officials, while they coped with the existing landscape, hydrological circumstances, the state of technology and the rudimentary legal instruments that were available to them at the time.
The city’s ground plan was the result of a complex process in which different, sometimes incompatible, interests had to be balanced. A city design is not an isolated work of art, but a solution (or an attempted solution) for a broad range of problems within a specific situation. The city’s government was responsible for Amsterdam’s defence, functioning traffic and water
infrastructures, the provision of sufficient numbers of empty lots for new construction and for the management of various other urban services. This task must be considered in relation to the circumstances in which urban development took place during this period: soil conditions, water
management, traffic, a shortage of space for housing, harbour activities, trade and industry, spontaneous urbanisation, private landownership, and the entire network of infrastructures in which the city was entangled. But the city’s ground plan was not just the result of physical factors. Indeed, the social reality was also a prominent factor in the constitution of Amsterdam’s ground plan. The field of urbanism was a game of interests, interactions and sometimes confrontations between the forces of urbanisation and city design. Each of these factors had its influence on the planning processes and their outcomes. Furthermore, there were also the various instruments of urbanism: the methodology behind fortification plans, city design and the apportioning of parcels, as well as the legislative options.

Thesis for the degree of candidate of architecture in the specialty 18.00.01 - theory of architecture, restoration of monuments. — The Kharkiv National University of Civil Engineering and Architecture MES of Ukraine, Kharkiv, 2015.
For the first time developed a methodological mechanism by which structured the known forms of translation of architectural professionalism in European culture. It identified three types of architectural schools, "School of Master", "Forge of Staff ", a Regional School of Architecture; and a special phase — "Creative Laboratory of Architecture."
It was studied the socio-cultural background of the Kharkiv region at the stage of prerequisites of architectural school: since the opening of the railway station in the city (1869) until October 1917. In that time here in bare outlines identified areas of opportunity and results in the reproduction of architectural professionalism, partially filled field of Demand / Offers / Outcomes of educational activity. There has been the accumulation of archive of achievements by buildings. It was formed a high cultural level of the urban community.
A special role for the development of a regional school in post-revolutionary years (the second stage) played appointment of Kharkiv as the capital of socialist Ukraine. The city observed the rapid development of the construction industry in the acute shortage of young cadres. With a view to implementing an integrated engineering and artistic training of architects in 1930 was opened the Kharkiv Institute of Civil Engineering. This event completed the forming of the Kharkiv regional school of architecture in its entirety.
Characteristic features of the Kharkiv regional schools are the lack of architectural vernacular as the original base; intellectualism, that grew up on the basis of the oldest educational center; innovative sign and artistic tolerance; the avant-garde of the early stage, as a result of the capital period of the history of the city.

What makes up a capital city? In this first comprehensive look at the architectural and urban visions for a European capital, Hein examines how these visions compare to the reality of the three headquarter cities for the European Union: Strasbourg, Luxembourg, and Brussels. Tracing the history of the EU and its creation of the new political entity of the polycentric capital, Hein explores the impact that European unification has on visionary projects and the transformation of EU member cities. Widely researched, the book also brings in architectural projects that have remained largely unknown until now. Using architectural and urban history as a lens, Hein examines the past five decades of European unification. Also analyzed for the first time are the debates, plans, projects, and constructions-both realized and failed-that accompanied this process. Looking to the future, Hein asserts that the task of these three capital cities is to balance the needs of a collective Europe with national, local, and-increasingly-regional demands.

I examine the bottom-up role of villages in low population density Old Kingdom Egypt, and later ancient Egypt,  against the top-down, planned, and centrally controlled Heit el-Ghurab urban site at Giza, which has been interpreted as infrastructure for pulsing people from provinces, towns, and villages through royal pyramid building works at the emerging core of the Egyptian state.

After the first case of Battipaglia, a planned town established during the Bourbon Age, in the Thirties of the 20th century the founded settlements in the Sele Plain mostly consist of workers’ villages built by private entrepreneurs. They are located near large tobacco factories or in the related farms. Corvinia is the only example of settled city that combines a rural township developed by public administration with a support centre for the nearby Montecorvino Airport. After the World War II, the ONC (Soldiers’ National Organization) keeps on the colonization work founding two residential townships and few service centres.

Title: "The development of bastioned fortifications in Utrecht (1528-1559): local tradition versus Italian innovation."

Abstract: Charles V’s annexation of Utrecht in 1528 marked the start of three decades of uninterrupted building activity on the city’s fortifications. The new works ranged from an innovative citadel (1528-1535) to rather old-fashioned round guntowers (1536-1542) and the most extraordinary of bastions (1543-1558). The latter were the result of close collaboration between the imperial engineer Donato de Bono, who visited Utrecht at least four times, and the local city architect Willem van Noort, who was in charge of their construction. It turns out that Van Noort had a surprisingly large share in the design of the bastions, the architecture of which is strikingly un-Italian. Indeed they bear the stamp of the local building tradition. The vertical composition of the flanks – including the odd guard-houses with stepped gables standing on top of the casemates – clearly descends from the type of guntower built by Van Noort in the preceding decade. Another highly unusual feature is the bastion’s organization around an open-air inner courtyard, which is reminiscent of earlier bulwark-gates in other towns of the Low Countries. In short, the Utrecht bastions can only be understood as a fusion of local practice and Italian innovation.

Projects for the Reorganization of the Rural Habitat designed by Le Corbusier during the ‘30s posed a territorial model from a radically new vision. The Ferme Radieuse, the Village Radieux and its implementation as the Unité d’Explotation Agricole within his theory of Les Trois Établissements Humains, form a complex theory of agricultural land use with an innovative character. However, in these studies some historical and vernacular references can also be found. They significantly influenced the overall approach and the results.
Thanks to his relationship with the rural activist Norbert Bézard and a direct contact with farmers in the region of Sarthe, in central France, Le Corbusier began to understand their problems, needs and ways of working. He approached, at the same time, to some theoretical reflections from French rural historians and geographers, such as Roupnel and Ramuz. Influence from writers like Ritter or politicians like Giradoux, together with its own interests, marked his later designs. Besides the accepted functionalist scheme, we can also find in this Reorganization of the Rural Habitat some interesting historical connections as well as a nostalgic attempt to recover past and vernacular models.

Il saggio – che riprende e amplia l’intervento intitolato “Il piano regolatore, gli sventramenti, le scelte urbanistiche e le modalità realizzative che portarono alla costruzione di piazza della Vittoria” presentato al ciclo di conferenze “Non solo ’Bigio’. Piazza Vittoria, Marcello Piacentini, Arturo Dazzi, arte di regime e patrimoni dissonanti” (Brescia, Associazione Artisti Bresciani, 8 settembre 2017) – si configura come sintesi critica dei principali studi condotti sul tema delle trasformazioni dell’area nota come “quartiere delle Pescherie”, abbattuta alla fine degli anni Venti del Novecento per la realizzazione di piazza della Vittoria a Brescia.

In: Ostrava. Příspěvky k dějinám a současnosti Ostravy a Ostravska,  Ostrava 2016, ISBN 978-80-906091-7-4

The oldest part of Nádražní street in Moravská Ostrava has udergone a series of transformation during the course of its history - from rural outskirts, to a quarter known for its exclusive villas, ultimately become todays wide urban boulevard. This article fosuces on the socond of the above-mentioned phases, characterised by a pastiche form of architecture known as Historicism. During the 1850s and 1860s a number of Ostravas prominent citizens built theirs villas here - ranging from local politicians, builder Josef Kraus, builder Franz G. Böhm and doctor Otto Andrée, in the 1890s a villa of stonemason Josef Becke was built here and in the first decade of 20th centurythe villa for Josef Krauss son Karl was built. The article traces the historical development of this part of Nádražní street in terms of its architecture, urban planning, and transport system - including the widening of the street due to tramline in 1890s or the construction of the new streets in vicinity. The autor then focuses on the architectural history of individual villas - their layout and funcional use, the people who lived in them, a stylistic analysis, and deails of theirs owners and architects.

Počáteční úsek Nádražní ulice v Moravské Ostravě se během své existence proměnil od venkovského předměstí, přes vilový okrsek, k velkoměstskému bulváru. Předmětem článku je ona prostřední etapa doby historismu v architektuře, kdy zde na přelomu 50. a 60. let 19. stol. vyrostly vily místních politiků, stavitele Josefa Krause, stavitele Franze G. Böhma a báňského inženýra Rudolfa Sauera. V 80. letech pak vila politika a lékaře Otto Andréeho, v 90. letech vila kameníka Josefa Beckeho a v 10. letech 20. stol nová vila Krausova syna Karla. Článek jednak ukazuje, jak se toto místo na začátku Nádražní vyvíjelo stavebně, urbanisticky i komunikačně, zabývá se rozšířením ulice pro výstavbu tramvaje v 90. letech, či trasováním nových ulic v okolí. Jednak se vilu po vile zabývá stavební historií objektů, jejich půdorysným rozložením a využitím, obyvateli, stylovou analýzou a zaměřuje se na postavy majitelů a architektů.

Jaap Bakema and the Open Society is the first extensive publication on the Dutch architect Jaap Bakema, his ideas and ideals for society at large and the remarkable production of his office Van den Broek and Bakema. Throughout the post-WWII decades Bakema was inspired to build for a democratic and open society. His body of work, his teaching and writing, and his international presence are testimony to the vicissitudes of the welfare state and the roles played by architecture and planning in its construction. His ideas on the open society are extremely relevant to the current debates about how to involve citizens in city building and creating alternative systems to crumbling welfare states. This historical document  highlights both his most relevant and less known work through texts, archival materials and photography. The book includes internationally acclaimed and lesser known work through Bakema’s texts (some of which are published in English for the first time), accompanied by a rich, visual documentation from the archives. The book also contains interviews with contemporaries, who worked with him in different contexts, and essays that critically probe the socially engaged aspects of his work and the contexts in which they came into being.

Compiled and edited by Dirk van den Heuvel. With contributions by Brita Bakema, Christine Boyer, Lard Buurman, Dick van Gameren, John Habraken, Carola Hein, Herman Hertzberger, Frans Hooykaas, Arnold Reijndorp, Izak Salomons, Johannes Schwartz, Jorrit Sipkes, and Carel Weeber. Graphic design by Jaap van Triest. Publisher is Archis, Amsterdam.

The book can be ordered with Idea Books, Amsterdam: https://www.ideabooks.nl/architecture-landscape/9789077966570-jaap-bakema-and-the-open-society