During the democratic period of 1999-present, Indonesia has consistently applied a List Proportional Representation (List PR) system in the parliamentary election. Between 1999 and 2004, it adopted Closed-List Proportional Representation... more
During the democratic period of 1999-present, Indonesia has consistently applied a List Proportional Representation (List PR) system in the parliamentary election. Between 1999 and 2004, it adopted Closed-List Proportional Representation (CLPR) system. In the meantime, it employed Open-List Proportional Representation (OLPR) system from 2009 to 2019. Recently, some parties intended to propose the application of CLPR while others are still consistent in adopting OLPR. An unfinished debate is taking place. Thus, this article attempts to design a relevant parliamentary election system, whether CLPR or OLPR, in achieving an embedded democracy in Indonesia. From a methodological standpoint, it is qualitative research by applying a multiple case approach. Data-gathering relies on field data, mainly in-depth interviews with political parties, Electoral Management Bodies (EMBs), NGO activists, and scholars spread in six provinces and nine regencies/cities across the country. Using SWOT analysis and the compatibility of CLPR and embedded democracy framework, the finding demonstrates that CLPR is no longer relevant for contemporary Indonesian elections. This paper recommends OLPR by considering that CLPR has numerous weaknesses and threats that can jeopardize embedded democracy. More importantly, CLPR can remove inclusive suffrage significantly.
Diskursus tentang partai politik Islam di Indonesia tak lekang ditelan zaman sejak negeri ini belum merdeka hingga sekarang. Bahkan perjuangan kemerdekaan tidak bisa dilepaskan dari perjuangan politik Islam, begitu juga setelah... more
Diskursus tentang partai politik Islam di Indonesia tak lekang ditelan zaman sejak negeri ini belum merdeka hingga sekarang. Bahkan perjuangan kemerdekaan tidak bisa dilepaskan dari perjuangan politik Islam, begitu juga setelah kemerdekaan. Sebagai negara dengan jumlah penduduk mayoritas Muslim di dunia, komunitas Islam menjadi kekuatan tersendiri di Indonesia untuk meraih kursi kekuasaan dan menjadi pemimpin politik.
Pada setiap pemilu, perolehan suara partai Islam selalu diperhitungkan oleh berbagai kalangan. Buku ini secara utuh mengulas tentang partai politik Islam dalam sejarah panggung politik Indonesia (sejak pra kemerdekaan hingga era Reformasi) yang ditinjau dari segi teori maupun prakteknya. Penulis mampu menghadirkan data akurat serta analisis yang tajam dan mendalam.
Cocok menjadi bacaan bagi dosen, mahasiswa, peneliti dan masyarakat umum yang konsen dengan kajian Islam dan politik serta dapat menjadi bahan evaluasi bagi para politisi maupun anggota legislatif terutama yang berasal dari partai Islam.
This Chapter interrogates the logics and technologies underlying the governance of elections in Africa. It defines elections, their nature and logics. It argues that elections are tools, which integrate electoral processes and systems to... more
This Chapter interrogates the logics and technologies underlying the governance of elections in Africa. It defines elections, their nature and logics. It argues that elections are tools, which integrate electoral processes and systems to deliver on the people's choice of who will govern them. 'Free and fair' presuppose the existence of a 'free and fair' electoral commission, 'free and fair' machineries to run the elections, 'free and fair' systems and procedures for the conduct of those elections. It interrogates the role of stakeholders, before, during and after the elections and argues that elections reflect the independence and sovereignty of any nation. The Chapter presents a 5Vs framework of Volume (how many vote); Velocity (Speed) – the regularity of the elections; Value (the value of the elections as perceived by voters; Veracity (the trustworthiness and authenticity of the systems and outcomes); and Variety (diversity of voters and diversity of political parties). The Chapter argues that the prerequisites to hold free and fair elections include political will from the polity; transparency; a politically educated citizenry capable to act; unity in diversity (there can be many parties and tribes), faith and trust in the electoral systems, political parties and themselves; astute and smart systems and processes and bureaucracy.
The organisation of political discourse and the citizen’s imagination around the personality cults of leaders and ascendant majoritarianism in Indonesia raises concerns about the health of democracy.
Is there a growing militarization of Indonesian democracy? This article argues that at this point, the military as an organization does not willingly and independently interfere in civilian affairs. Rather, the military’s involvement... more
Is there a growing militarization of Indonesian democracy? This article argues that at this point, the military as an organization does not willingly and independently interfere in civilian affairs. Rather, the military’s involvement should be put in its context, notably the weaknesses of successive civilian governments, especially Joko Widodo administration, that forces it to ask for the military for support; personal ambition of General Gatot Nurmantyo, the Chief of the Military, who was using the military as a tool for promoting himself for the Presidential Election of 2019; and the institutional weaknesses of the military itself, that created the condition for the involvement of the military in political affairs.
Indonesia used to have indirect elections where governors, mayors and regents were chosen by members of local legislative councils. A year after the enactment of the 2004 Law on Regional Administration, regional leaders were elected... more
Indonesia used to have indirect elections where governors, mayors and regents were chosen by members of local legislative councils. A year after the enactment of the 2004 Law on Regional Administration, regional leaders were elected directly through a “one man, one vote” mechanism. However, the government recently proposed a bill on local elections, which intends to reinstate the old indirect election system. This article discusses the pro and cons against the proposal.
Six years after the implementation of direct elections, many Indonesians are questioning whether the mechanism of direct election is still appropriate with the aims of democracy itself since it creates economic, social and political... more
Six years after the implementation of direct elections, many Indonesians are questioning whether the mechanism of direct election is still appropriate with the aims of democracy itself since it creates economic, social and political burdens. Responding to this condition, the Government has proposed a bill of local elections which one of its provisions intends to change back the present gubernatorial election into indirect election through local parliament. As a result, this issue has attracted a lot of debate not only among politicians but also between government officers and academicians. This essay will consider some objections to the Government planning to change the gubernatorial election system. Finally, it will put forward a number of reasons why the direct gubernatorial election in Indonesia should not be changed.
Kebijakan kuota perempuan dalam UU Parpotdan UU Pemitu, di satu sisi, membuka kesempatan yang tebih besar bagi kaum perempuan untuk masuk dan tertibat datam potitik. Kebijakan kuota dalam partai bernitai penting sebagai jatan masuk... more
Kebijakan kuota perempuan dalam UU Parpotdan UU Pemitu, di satu sisi, membuka kesempatan yang tebih besar bagi kaum perempuan untuk masuk dan tertibat datam potitik. Kebijakan kuota dalam partai bernitai penting sebagai jatan masuk perempuan untuk membuat perspektifnya berpengaruh terhadap pengambitan keputusan partai potitik. Namun dernikiari, sifat [ernah dari kedua UU itu dapat ditihat dari penekanan sanksi yang tidak jetas dan [emah bagi partai yang tidak mampu memenuhi aturan kuota- tidak mengenati berbagai sirkumstansi spesifik kaum perempuan dan tidak memberikan tekanan yang cukup bagi representasi kaum perempuan lokaI dan minoritas. Maka dari itu, kebijakan kuota tersebut akan sulit sekati untuk meningkatkan jumtah representasi perempuan dan mengatasi persoalan-persoalan ketidakadilan terhadap perempuan.
In the 2 or 3 months leading to the Indonesian presidential election, all polls showed front-runner Joko Widodo’s substantial lead had diminished. This seminar argues that the well-financed “black campaign” against Widodo had this impact... more
In the 2 or 3 months leading to the Indonesian presidential election, all polls showed front-runner Joko Widodo’s substantial lead had diminished. This seminar argues that the well-financed “black campaign” against Widodo had this impact primarily because his campaign failed to respond aggressively to two major issues. The first is the link between foreign involvement in the Indonesian economy and widespread poverty. The second is the threat to democratic rights and a return to New Order-style politics represented by his rival, Prabowo Subianto. The seminar will consider the argument that these weaknesses were more detrimental to Widodo’s campaign than any perceived strengths on the part of Prabowo.
The election campaign divided the Indonesian elite and public, and the division will not disappear despite Widodo winning the election. What is behind this divide, and are there other potential divisions?
