Jack Goody

M. Caravan, personnage principal mis en scène dans la nouvelle En famille de Maupassant, semble tout avoir du pauvre diable malgré lui assujetti au comique : incapable de prendre sa place dans tous les lieux qu’il fréquente, il est systématiquement montré dans une indépassable position de soumission par rapport à son employeur, à sa mère et à sa femme. C’est que, ayant un problème avec la verticalité (celle de l’organigramme ministériel, celle de l’arbre de famille) et avec les hiérarchies, M. Caravan se trouve coincé sur un autre axe, la ligne horizontale, régie par l’indépassable répétition du même. À cet égard, le pendule volé à sa mère devient une métaphore intéressante de l’homme : M. Caravan est l’homme-pendule – constamment balancé de haut en bas, il finit toujours par revenir au même point, battant inlassablement le rythme monotone du temps bureaucratique.

Der Artikel präsentiert das 1983 erstmals publizierte Buch von Jack Goody über die Entwicklung von Ehe und Familie in Europa, welches intensive, langanhaltende Debatten ausgelöst hat, samt dem Hintergrund und den Reaktionen. Ausführlich referiert werden dann drei Einwände zum Ansatz von Goody mit dem Fokus Religion, Politik und Rechtswissenschaft. Im Vordergrund stehen die weitreichenden Heiratsverbote der christlichen Kirche und die Frage der Konsensehe.

In recent years, Sir Jack Goody has published a series of essays (2002, 2003,
2004, 2006: 154–79) criticizing Norbert Elias’s theory of ‘civilizing processes’.
In all of them, Goody – himself a W est African specialist – makes clear that
his disagreement with Elias dates back to their acquaintance in Ghana. The
date is highly significant for it is unlikely that Goody’ s opinions of Elias’ s
ideas were initially formed by his reading of Elias’s publications. There were
also important differences between them in their approaches to theories of
long-term social development. Despite appearances to the contrary , Elias
and Goody have in fact much in common intellectually . Goody is one of the
most historically orientated of anthropologists, and many points of contact
with Elias are evident in his work on literacy (1968, 1987), food (1982), or
The Domestication of the Savage Mind (1977). Both swam against the
ahistorical current of their respective disciplines and both rejected the old
notion of ‘progress’. Elias’ s fault is that occasionally his formulations may
appear to give the opposite impression. Goody’ s fault, perhaps, is that – in
spite of his own historical perspective – under any model of a structured
process he suspects there lurks a vision of progress and of European
superiority.

[This essay was published as part of a special section on ‘Occidentalism: Jack Goody and comparative history’, edited by Peter Burke, Mike Featherstone and Stephen Mennell in honour of Sir Jack Goody on his 90th birthday.]

De quand date l'avance économique de l'Europe sur le reste du monde? Les diverses traditions historiographiques s'accordent pour la faire remonter toujours plus loin: Lumières, Renaissance, féodalité ou même Antiquité. Pour expliquer cette précocité, elles mettent en avant toute une série de causes parmi lesquelles l'ingéniosité de ses sciences et techniques, la démocratie, la famille nucléaire, l'individualisme ou le contrôle de la sexualité. Jack Goody propose dans ce livre un complet renversement de perspective. Ce n'est que depuis la révolution industrielle, pas avant et pas pour les raisons qu'on imagine souvent, que l'Europe a creusé l'écart. En projetant la situation actuelle sur des époques très reculées, et en sous-estimant les contributions non occidentales comme celles de la Chine, la plupart des analystes se sont laissé guider par des préjugés eurocentriques qui les ont fait tomber dans un piège intellectuel. C'est de ce piège que l'anthropologue veut nous sortir en donnant des armes à tous ceux - étudiants et chercheurs en sciences économiques et sociales, mais aussi grand public - qui veulent en finir avec un récit aussi étriqué qu'erroné de l'histoire du monde. (Éd. et trad. fr. de P. Verdrager, Bagnolet, Les Presses de Calisto, 260 p., 2016)

Giriş Ekonominin yeniden canlanması, servetin istikrarlı bir biçimde artma(yığma) eğilimi olarak dillendirilen kapitalizm, özel mülkiyetin şekillenmesi ve ücretli işgücünün köleleştirilmiş ya da serfleştirilmiş emeğin yerini alması ile birlikte ticari yaşama yepyeni bir soluk getirmiştir. Araç-amaç ilişkisinin rasyonalitesi, çoğulcu ve hümanist ideoloji daha önce de varlığını sürdürüyordu fakat kapitalizmle birlikte gelişen bir hal aldı. Kapitalizmin tezahürüne yönelik tartışmalarda çeşitli dönemler ileri sürülmüş, Rönesans'a hatta klasik döneme kadar geriye işaret eden iddialarda bulunulmuştur. Weiner Sombart'ın dönemlemesine göre kapitalizm üç evreden meydana gelmiştir; " erken kapitalizm " sanayi öncesi dönem yani geç merkantil dönemdir, " yüksek kapitalizm " Sanayi Devrimi ile başlamıştır, " geç kapitalizm " için ikinci Sanayi Devrimi'ni (bahsi geçen dönemi silah sanayisinin gelişmesi olarak yorumluyorum) yani Birinci Dünya Savaşı'nı işaret etmiştir. 1 " Modernite modernite-öncesi ve modernite-sonrası, beşeri bilimlerin halihazırdaki yük beygirleridir. " 2 Modernite, değişim halinde bir kavramdır. Goody'e göre, genel anlamda geleneksel karşıtı olarak yorumlanan 3 bu kavram geçmişle kopuk değil, geçmişe daha az bağlı olarak dönüşen bir durumdadır. Bu görüşünün paralelinde geleneksel modern karşıtlığını eleştirmekte ve bu tutumunu geleneksel toplumların statik olmadığını ve sürekli değişen bir yapıda olduğu argümanıyla desteklemektedir. Ona göre yeni olan eski olanın dönüşümüdür ve eski olanın izlerini taşır. 4

The list is understood as a communicative device which structures global operations and which is also token for the global. The paper asks how the affinity between the logic of the list and the global is generated. For doing this, a model of the basic characteristics of lists is introduced, focusing on how lists organize the interplay between connection and disconnection. Eventually, the paper argues for an understanding of global lists which does not only account for its cognitive mapping of the global, but also for its affective dimension.

RESUMEN:
Jack Goody, nacido en 1919 , es un antropólogo de Cambridge, discípulo de Evans-Pritchard y Meyer Fortes (al que sucedió en la cátedra). Realizó diversos trabajos de campo en África occidental, en el norte de Ghana, con los Dagari y los Gonja. Fue célebre el debate que mantuvo con Lévi-Strauss en su libro La domesticación del pensamiento salvaje (1977). Además ha realizado estudios sobre el parentesco, la cultura oral y escrita, el Islam , Asia y Europa. No nombro este recorrido intelectual del autor simple-mente a modo de presentación, sino porque aplica todo este bagaje cultural al tema de la presente obra.

ABSTRACT:
Jack Goody, born in 1919, is a Cambridge anthropologist, a disciple of Evans-Pritchard and Meyer Fortes (whom he succeeded to the professorship). He did various fieldwork in West Africa, in northern Ghana, with the Dagari and the Gonja. He was famous for the debate he had with Lévi-Strauss in his book The Taming of Wild Thought (1977). He has also carried out studies on kinship, oral and written culture, Islam, Asia and Europe. I am not mentioning this intellectual path of the author simply by way of presentation, but because he applies all this cultural baggage to the subject of this work.

In my paper, I will deal with Sir Goody's treatment of the East, in relation to other forms of pre- and post- 9/11 positions, from Edward Said to Richard Bulliet. I will also briefly discuss his relations with Italy, at a personal and scholarly level, including the translations of several of his works into Italian. Finally, I will give my opinion on Goody as "global historian".

Questo testo (di prossima pubblicazione online su www.vonmises.it, sito del Mises Institute-Italia) riprende il mio intervento al convegno: “Eurocentrism: Retrospect and Prospects. An Interdisciplinary and International Colloquium in Memory of Anthropologist Professor Sir John Goody”, tenutosi tra Londra e Cambridge, dal 2 al 4 luglio 2017, e organizzato dalla University of Notre Dame e dal St. John’s College di Cambridge. La mia gratitudine va a tutti i partecipanti, per la loro piacevole e dotta conversazione, e per avermi illuminato su Jack Goody, figura straordinaria. Ringrazio in modo particolare il Professor Felipe Fernández Armesto (University of Notre Dame) per l’invito.

Renaissances. The One or the Many[1] est le dernier ouvrage de l’anthropologue britannique Jack Goody, alors âgé de plus de 90 ans lors de sa publication en 2010. Il fait suite au livre publié en 2007 The Theft of History[2], qui propose une relecture de l’Histoire de façon plus globale, relativisant l’influence de l’Europe dans la construction socio-culturelle et intellectuelle des civilisations de par le monde.

Durant sa longue carrière scientifique, Jack Goody s’est particulièrement intéressé à la place de l’écriture et l’oralité dans l’histoire des sociétés, notamment dans l’organisation sociale et culturelle, c’est à l’aune de ses recherches que Renaissances s’articule. En posant la question d’une ou plusieurs renaissances, l’anthropologue invite à remettre en cause le point de vue eurocentrique de la Renaissance européenne par l’étude d’autres civilisations à travers le temps et l’espace.

Voltados para os valores e as normas subjacentes às grandes orientações estratégicas, expressas em leis e planos diretores, estudos críticos do planejamento urbano costumam ignorar as “prosaicas práticas documentares através das quais a cidade é construída, regulada e habitada” (Matthew Hull): os pedidos de licenciamento de obras (residenciais) são umas delas. Esta apresentação pretende reconstituir as origens desse documento no Rio de Janeiro, dando especial atenção ao lugar das plantas nessa gênese. A minha hipótese é que, através dessa reconstituição, é possível identificar as formas como os atores que governaram o Rio “problematizaram” a produção do espaço urbano. Esta abordagem combina, portanto, a sociologia das ciências (Latour, Callon) com os estudos sobre governamentalidade urbana (Foucault, Rabinow), além de uma vínculação óbvia aos trabalhos pioneiros de Jack Goody sobre a “razão gráfica” e de Matthew Hull sobre a etnografia dos documentos urbanísticos. Começarei pelo período colonial, quando os pedidos de licenciamento se confundiam com os autos de arruamento. A casa e a rua formavam, naquela época, um mesmo conjunto, portanto a fiscalização das obras se resumia a demarcação dos espaços ocupados por cada uma. Em seguida, o apego das elites pela estética das fachadas levou a uma primeira extensão da fiscalização no século 19, obrigando os proprietários a produzir plantas das fachadas, um primeiro gênero de “artefato gráfico” (Hull). Finalmente, pressões de médicos e engenheiros higienistas apertaram mais ainda a fiscalização, pois, no último terço do século 19, os poderes públicos passaram a exigir plantas que representassem o interior das casas, uma prática que perdurou até hoje. A apresentação deve concluir sobre o papel das mediações gráficas nas tecnologias liberais de governo, o qual explica o aparente paradoxo do Rio de Janeiro do século 19, que vê triunfar a modernidade burguesa e aumentar os controles sobre a produção do espaço.

Les livres relatifs ?? l'Suvre de Pierre Bourdieu se comptent par dizaines, du moins en langue fran??aise. L'ouvrage de Pierre Verdrager se situe r??solument dans une perspectice critique visant ?? montrer un certain nombre de points aveugles, de faiblesses et de contradictions ...

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