Jacobins

The article will focus on existence of the Jacobins and their influencein France after 28 th July 1794, including the fate of their supporters, ex-Terrorists, sans-culottes and Jacobin clubs. It will mainly focus on two aspects: excluding the Jacobins from political and social life in Thermidorian France (July 1794-October 1795). The text will successively discuss the Conventional purges, removal of sans-culottes from provincial political arenas and their social isolation, issues with poor distributing of rations and consequent uprisings, dissolving of the Jacobin clubs across the country, mass releasing of alleged suspects and at the same time imprisoning political enemies, subsequent prison massacres, installing new supporters of the regime and overall institutional changes in new, cleansed France.

Key words: Jacobins, Thermidorian Reaction, Convention, French Revolution, 1794

Abstract the aim of this article is to analyse the relationship between the law and a revolution understood as a form of challenging the legitimacy of the law. The author's reflections are based on the example of the French Revolution, often also called " a revolution of lawyers " , due to the fact that nearly half of the Third Estate members of the Estates-General were lawyers (including Maximilien Robespierre, Saint-Just, Georges Cou-thon and Georges Danton). For a jurist, the causes, course and effects of this greatest revolution in the history of the world obviously constitute extremely rich research material allowing him or her to evaluate the modern position and role of the citizen in a democratic state as well as the impact of the evolution of legal and political ideas on its current shape, not only in Europe. It is indisputable that the French Revolution changed the face of Europe and the world for the better. This " better " is manifested through the implementation of the principle of the democratic state of law which, although not called as such before the 20th century, was essential for the eminent French Revolution activists. From the legal and political point of view, the effects of the French Revolution are felt to this day and include the existence of public subjective rights understood as the legally protected interest of an individual , the universality and equality of political elections and also the impendence of the judiciary, just to mention a few most important consequences of the 1789 revolution. This article focuses primarily on the concept of a revolution itself while also addressing the most interesting, from the point of view of a jurist, historical and legal threads related to the course of the revolution between 1789 and 1794. Many myths have arisen around the French Revolution, myths which often have nothing in common with historical facts. The aim of the observations and conclusions in the article is to present, exceptionally interesting in author's opinion, legal and political institution that lie at the foundation of modern European democracy.

The article discusses several problems about system of state and French Revolution  especially between 1789-1794. As the French Revolution is known as a period in the history of France, when it came to overthrow the Bourbon monarchy. With its symbolic start getting considered by the people of Paris Bastille fortress July 14, 1789, while the end of the revolution, it is considered an end to the rule of the Directorate on 9 November (18 Brumaire) 1799, when Napoleon Bonaparte led a coup by announcing the First Consul. Events in France, mainly from the years 1789-1794 had a huge impact on the shape of the model state institutions and state administration. During this period, among others, formed the beginnings of modern local government in France. The ideas of the French Revolution had an impact on nations across Europe leading eventually to the collapse of absolute monarchy and initiated the development of democratic societies in Europe. The French Revolution is a new period in the history of European countries which marks the beginning of the modern age and a new model of the political system.

The article analyses the political, legal and social thought of Louis de Saint Just, one of the great activists of the French Revolution and the closest associate of Maximilien Robespierre. During his short life (he lived for only 27 years), Louis de Saint Just was a deputy to the National Convention, a member of the Committee of Public Safety, the representative of the Convention in the republican armies, a lawyer, a philosopher and a moralist. He is known in the history of revolutionary France for, inter alia, his famous speech concerning the trial over Louis XVI. Most of his political, legal and other concepts were an implementation of the doctrines of Montesquieu and Rousseau. In their works this young revolutionary found models which were a source of inspiration for him but also for the whole generation which found the courage to oppose the enslavement of the individual.

Книга посвящена кульминационному моменту Великой французской революции. Автор воссоздает картину вооруженных демонстраций в Париже 31 мая-2 июня 1793 г., приведших к исключению из Конвента депутатов-жирондистов и переходу власти к якобинцам.  В центре внимания деятельность органов местного самоуправления столицы, политическая роль секций, формирование повстанческого руководства.
The book is dedeciated to the culmination of the French revolution. The author recreates the picture of militant demonstrations in Paris, May 31 - June 2, 1793, which led to the expulsion of the Girondist deputies from the Convention and the transition of power to the Jacobins.  The focus is on the activities of the organs of the local government of the capital, the political role of sections, the formation of the rebel leadership. 

L’ouvrage témoigne bien entendu des convictions de son auteur, mais appuyé sur une solide érudition, porté par une écriture alerte, il mène une réflexion sur le recours au passé pour bâtir un projet politique et participe, à l’évidence, du projet d’une recomposition de la gauche qui doit retenir l’attention, y compris quand on n’en est pas.

Celem niniejszej pracy jest ukazanie Gilberta Keitha Chestertona jako kontynuatora tradycji nacjonalizmu jakobińskiego. Dla osiągnięcia tego celu, przyjmuje się metodę porównawczą. Najpierw zatem, w pierwszej części pracy, przybliżona zostaje rzeczona tradycja jakobińska – tak, jak funkcjonowała ona w trzech związanych ze sobą sferach: polityki, społeczeństwa i gospodarki. Następnie schemat ten zostaje powtórzony, ale przedmiotem analizy staje się myśl Chestertonowska, a główną zasadą analizy – wykazywanie podobieństw, jakie zachodzą między jednym a drugim, zarówno co do szczegółowych rozwiązań, jak i najogólniejszej struktury. Praca kończy się krótkim zbiorem wniosków, mających na celu wykazać potencjalne korzyści wypływające z niniejszego badania dla kultury i nauki polskiej oraz nakreślić ewentualne kierunki dalszych dociekań, wykazujące pewien potencjał tak w badaniach nad dorobkiem Chestertona, jak i ideą narodową.