Rossitza Tasheva

От дълги години в историографията се е наложило виждането, че Френската революция от края на ХVІІІ век е минала покрай българите под османска власт  без те да я забележат, без да остави никаква следа в техния начин на мислене и поведение, и че ако някои френски революционни идеи все пак проникват в Българското възраждане, това става чак през 60-те и 70-те години на ХІХ век. Наистина съществуват редица обстоятелства, които затрудняват прякото идеологическо влияние на Френската революция върху българския народ в сравнение с другите покорени християнски народи. Но българите не живеят в състояние на пълна културна изолация. Много хора, особено от средите на зараждащата се българска буржоазия, имат възможност да влязат в досег с модерната европейска култура, да се запознаят с френските идеи за свобода и гражданско равенство, за обновление на обществото. Тези идеи оказват влияние върху развитието на българското националноосвободително движение - както върху неговата идеология, така и върху въоръжената съпротива на българите срещу чуждата политическа власт. В началото на ХІХ век в средите на българската емиграция в Букурещ се създава първият ръководен център, вдъхновяван от изтъкнатия книжовник и просветител Софроний Врачански , който търси решение на българския политически въпрос. Ражда се първата конкретна програма за постигане на свободата и първият проект за устройство на бъдещата българска национална държава. Преодолявайки вековната си изостаналост, българите слагат край на своята политическа анонимност. Въпреки неуспеха на идейно-политическите начертания на българските патриоти от първото десетилетие на ХІХ век, натрупаният опит изиграва важна роля за разрастване на борбите на българския народ за духовна еманципация и политическа свобода.

The article discusses the text of Étienne de La Boétie on voluntary servitude as the first negation of the rising absolute monarchy in France hitherto praised by the theorists as a model worthy of imitation. The author focuses on the many contemporary aspects of the criticism of the young philosopher.

The author outlines the reasons for the birth of the French model of “raison d'Etat”, and presents its main characteristics and specific features compared to the Italian predecessors, in order to seek an answer to the question of how this model, which apparently contradicted many of the principles of the absolute monarchy, was included in the doctrine of absolutism, becoming its integral part, even when the particular conditions that have conditioned it have disappeared.

The article presents the evolution of the term „constitution“ in the years of the Ancien Regime in France and dwells especially upon that aspect of its meaning which gave the constitution the same status as the „fundamental laws“ of the monarchy (the law of succession to the throne and the law of the status of the king’s domain). These were the supreme legal principles which were presented in the theory of the absolute power as one of the significant curbs to the ruler’s omnipotence. The present analytic survey of the fundamental laws of the French Kingdom reveals their main function: to serve as a guarantee for the integrity and independence of the state as well as for the permanency of the established monarchic regime. The author assumes that in the period of absolutism France possessed a constitution, though not in the modern sense of the word but as a set of rules which used to organize and guide the wielding of power. From this point of view it is emphasized that the „fundamental laws“ of the kingdom did not by far exhaust the principles of the French monarchic constitution. The constitutional laws which guided the French monarchy can be classified in two groups. In the first group there is the „law“ of the king’s sovereignty which guaranteed his rights as a ruler, independent both of external powers and of his subjects. In the second one there are those rules which defined the limitations of the sovereign’s power. They were so numerous and varied that in comparison with them the requirements of the law of the succession to the throne and the one of the crown’s domain seem to be minimal. The principles of the monarchic constitution reveal the specificity of French absolutism which combined in a unique way the ideas of sovereignty and limitations.

The author presents a brief analytical review of the history of the extremely popular terms  'Ancien Régime' and 'absolutism'. Their invention in the years of the French Revolution was an innovation, imposed by the needs of the current political ideology and practice. Their first task was to serve the new reality. For that reason, regardless of the differences observed at the time of their appearance, recognition and popularisation,  as well as in the particular phenomenon they refer to, they are very close in meaning and significance. Both  'Ancien Régime' and 'absolutism', as elements of the political lexis, were used first of all to create the image of 'old' France, comprising all the negative characteristics of times past, in order to describe the social organisation and manner of government which  had been repulsive to the majority of Frenchmen. In the course of many decades the use  of these terms was marked by the same hostile feelings. Almost two centuries had to pass for them to lose the greater part of their negative colouring and turn into convenient phrases used today for denoting a certain period of French history, bearer of specific characteristic features.

Communication faite au Colloque International du Balkanromanistenverband et du Moldova-Institut Leipzig,  La Francophonie en Europe de sud-est, Leipzig, du 13 au 15 mai 2010, dont les Actes n'ont pas été publiés. La communication a été publiée en langue bulgare .

Résumé
Pendant de nombreuses années, dans l’historiographie s’est implantée l’opinion que la Révolution française de la fin du ХVІІІe siècle s’est déroulée sans que les bulgares sous domination ottomane puissent la percevoir, sans laisser aucune trace dans leur façon de penser et leur comportement, et que si certaines idées révolutionnaires françaises ont par leur force d’expansion pénétré dans la Renaissance bulgare, cela ne s’est passé que dans les années 60 et 70 du ХІХe siècle. En effet, il existait des circonstances spécifiques qui faisaient obstacle à l’influence idéologique directe de la Révolution française sur le peuple bulgare comparé aux autres nations chrétiennes soumises au pouvoir ottoman. Mais les Bulgares ne vivaient pas dans un état d’isolement complet. Beaucoup de gens, surtout du milieu de la bourgeoisie naissante bulgare, ont eu la possibilité d’entrer en contact avec la culture européenne moderne, de connaître les idées françaises de liberté et de transformation radicale de la société. Ces idées ont exercé une influence considérable sur le développement du mouvement de libération nationale bulgare – à la fois sur son idéologie et sur la résistance armée des Bulgares contre le pouvoir politique étranger. La manifestation la plus importante de l’influence française était l’établissement au début du ХІХe siècle au sein des émigrants bulgares à Bucarest du premier centre national de direction, inspiré par l’éminent homme de lettres et pédagogue Sofronii évêque de Vratsa, qui a abordé la question politique bulgare; ainsi que la mise au point du premier programme concret pour arriver à la liberté, et le premier projet d’organisation du futur État bulgare. La consolidation de la conscience nationale a conduit à la revendication des droits pour le peuple. Malgré l’échec de la tentative entreprise les Bulgares ont mis fin à leur anonymat politique.

In English: The monograph is an attempt to present absolutism in France as a political regime governed by specific principles and rules. It treats the successive occurrence, practical application and theoretical summary of the principles of French absolutism from the end of the 10th to the end of the 18th century. In particular, the work deals with building the foundations of absolutism in France in the Middle Ages, emphasizing the founding principles of French absolutism - the royal sovereignty and its limitations; the history of the political theory of absolutism in the 14th-18th centuries (on the background of the evolution of the monarchy); it outlines and analyzes the main currents of thought which, since the sixteenth century, have disputed the absolute principles, and with their ideological offensive in the 18th century contributed to the destruction of the absolute monarchy. The work reveals absolutism as a political system built up in response to a certain historical necessity and attempts to explain why the king's freedom and independence, that is, his sovereign and absolute power, have been perceived as a condition for the freedom and independence of royal subjects.
The book presents basic discussion questions on which the author defends certain positions. They are about: 1) the essence of French absolutism as a political regime and the realities of its application; 2) the chronological limits of absolutism; 3) the problem of the constitution of the French monarchy; 4) the essence and importance of the French theory of "raison d'État"; 5) a number of questions related to the interpretation of the historical texts of the period under consideration.
The monograph applies the interdisciplinary approach and uses and synthesizes documentary materials and scientific works from the realm of history, law, political philosophy, and linguistics.  //.......... ..........//                                                                 

En Français: La monographie présente l'absolutisme en France en tant que régime politique régi par des règles et des principes spécifiques. Elle traite l'occurrence successive, l'application pratique et la synthèse théorique des principes de l'absolutisme français de la fin du Xe à la fin du XVIIIe siècle. En particulier, l’ouvrage porte sur l’édification des fondements de l’absolutisme en France au Moyen Âge, en insistant sur les principes fondateurs de l’absolutisme français - la souveraineté royale et ses limites; l'histoire de la théorie politique de l'absolutisme aux XIVe-XVIIIe siècles (sur le fond de l'évolution de la monarchie); il décrit et analyse les principaux courants de pensée qui, depuis le XVIe siècle, ont contesté les principes absolus et, avec leur offensive idéologique au XVIIIe siècle, ont contribué à la destruction de la monarchie absolue. Le livre révèle l'absolutisme en tant que système politique construit en réponse à une certaine nécessité historique et tente d'expliquer pourquoi la liberté et l'indépendance du roi, c'est-à-dire son pouvoir souverain et absolu, ont été perçues comme une condition de la liberté et de l'indépendance des sujets royaux.
La monographie présente des questions de discussion de base sur lesquelles l'auteur défend certaines positions: 1) l’essence de l’absolutisme français en tant que régime politique et les réalités de son application; 2) les limites chronologiques de l'absolutisme; 3) le problème de la constitution de la monarchie française; 4) l'essence et l'importance de la théorie française de la "raison d'État"; 5) un certain nombre de questions liées à l'interprétation des textes historiques de la période considérée.
La monographie applique l'approche interdisciplinaire et utilise et synthétise des documents et des travaux scientifiques issus du domaine de l'histoire, du droit, de la philosophie politique et de la linguistique.

В сборника са включени текстове и документи, които имат за цел да представят картината на революционния процес във Франция в края на XVIII в. и непосредственото влияние на Френската революция в европейските държави.
Подбраните материали очертават предпоставките на революцията и илюстрират главните й събития, политическите и идейните течения в нея, революционното законодателство, осветляват психологията на масите в революционните борби, изявите на журналистиката, зараждането на новата култура и други проблеми.