Enclaves

This chapter examines SEZs in India as a spatial development model with state-sanction for public and private land aggregation, as an economic model targeting external investors through spatial and legal exceptions, and as a governance model within the context of rescaled state power and competitive regional governments, after liberalization. The pathways, politics and emergent spaces and economies of SEZs reveal both the challenges of governing land rights and land transfers and the limited economic potential of economic enclaves to achieve economic benefits without deep – seated and generally accessible economic reforms. The chapter concludes that the SEZ experience highlights the need for economic planning beyond prominent investors and corporates and nuanced engagement with local land and labor dynamics, such as the growing significance of small and medium sized cities, informality, role of women, the land tenure spectrum and entry barriers for small and medium scale enterprises.

El objetivo del presente trabajo se centra en el análisis del papel de la memoria en los procesos de narrar las experiencias de desenganche escolar. Se parte de una revisión de la memoria, destacando su dimensión hermenéutica, que le otorga su valor narrativo de carácter epistémico. La memoria narrada ofrece el conocimiento situado que el sujeto epistémico privilegiado construye. Desde este planteamiento, se aborda la memoria en la investigación cualitativa y en los enfoques narrativos, metodología en la que se enmarca el estudio que se presenta. Se han realizado entrevistas etnográficas a adolescentes y a jóvenes que han experimentado desenganche escolar. Los resultados alcanzados nos permiten identificar los enclaves de la memoria que son relevantes en las experiencias de desenganche escolar: partes de disciplina y las expulsiones, profesorado, compañeros y compañeras, asignaturas, exámenes, tránsito de primaria a secundaria e imagen de sí. Este recorrido permite concluir que el conocimiento situado, sostenido en la memoria narrada, puede ayudar a la mejora educativa para garantizar la equidad y la inclusión.

This paper aims to theorize the major aspects of the Spanish–Moroccan rebordering since Spain joined the European Union in 1986. The paper starts by providing a brief historical–geographical overview of the evolution of this border. Afterwards, the core of the theoretical discussion is addressed. The theorization follows a three-fold structure that scrutinizes the geopolitical, functional, and symbolic aspects of the Spanish–Moroccan border reconfiguration. Taking the general Spanish–Moroccan border as the point of departure, the analytical framework is gradually channeled towards the (EU)ro-African border scenarios constructed around Ceuta and Melilla, the two North-African cities under Spanish sovereignty. In doing so, the paper describes how the tripartite rebordering process has shaped the contemporary geography of these peculiar segments of the land border between the EU/Spain and Morocco. To conclude, this paper underlines how the Spanish–Moroccan border is rooted in an increasing divergence between the implementation of EU external border securitization needs and the management of free-trade.

Mozambique has attracted international attention in recent years following the discovery of huge reserves of coal and gas deposits. A major focus of Mozambique’s extractives boom is the province of Tete, once a remote outpost but now a hub of power generation for the southern African region and an emerging centre of global investment in coal extraction. Some of the world’s largest mining firms from both established and emerging economies have descended on Tete, investing billions of dollars in developing concessions to extract some of the world's largest untapped coal reserves with wide-ranging implications for the region’s political economy and effecting significant shifts in relations between state, capital and territorial control. At the urban scale, Tete city and its expanding periphery are increasingly characterized by enclaves and spaces of enclosure, as some groups benefit from and are integrated into global circuits of production while others suffer displacement and dispossession. In seeking to trace the emergence of Tete’s resource economy, the paper contends that three distinctive spatialities have resulted from these developments, including the infrastructure networks being constructed around the extractive industries, the enclave spaces arising from the coal boom (and the particular labour geographies that shape them) and the new and distinctive urban geographies that are the product of Tete’s rapid urbanisation. The paper seeks to assess the impacts, stakes and challenges linked to investments in extractive activities and looks at how the costs and risks are being differentially distributed within and between the affected communities.

In the past two decades, Nashville, Tennessee, has emerged as a new destination for Hispanic immigrants moving into the American South. Many of these newcomers have chosen to reside in the southeast section of the city in neighborhoods adjacent to two main thoroughfares—Nolensville and Murfreesboro Pikes. Residential clustering has fostered the development of various Hispanic-oriented businesses and services throughout southeast Nashville. In this article, I assert that the concentration of Hispanic residents and businesses in southeast Nashville has formed an ethnic enclave. Based on findings collected through an intensive qualitative approach, I argue that the creation of this enclave, complete with Hispanic businesses, organizations, and churches, interferes with the integration of Hispanics into the local community. The results of this study indicate that many Hispanics immigrants (both authorized and unauthorized) choose to operate almost entirely within this enclave which in turn reduces their involvement with members of the host society and slows down the acquisition of the English language. In many cases, this choice is based on language and perceived differences in culture between Hispanics and Anglos; however, interviews and conversations with younger Hispanic immigrants reveal that discriminatory public policies may lead Hispanic immigrants to adopt a strategy of self-segregation as a means of avoiding police harassment.

Based on an ethnography of the enclaves in India and Bangladesh, this paper explores enclave dwellers lived experiences of vulnerability where life is trapped in-between two states. These enclaves are geographically located in one country but politically and legally belong to another. The absence of a home country's rule of law and the irregular presence of the host country's sovereign power and control construct, in Giorgio Agamben's terms, a ‘space of exception’ where everyday life is characterised by exclusion from legal rights, but nonetheless subject to law, socio-political exploitation and gendered violence. By situating Agamben's ‘bare life’ in these enclaves, this paper argues that the conceptualisation of bare life as solely a sovereign production paints an inadequate picture of the zone of abandonment. The paper argues that in addition to the sovereign creation of bare life, social and gendered dimensions are essential for a nuanced approach to this concept.

This article seeks to analyse in what ways the desert island can be considered as a form of enclave, and interrogates its literary function, through the comparative study of two novels that partly take place on islands, namely The Ebb-Tide by R.L. Stevenson, and Joseph Conrad’s Victory. It first examines the characteristics shared by the island and the enclave, by drawing on Foucault’s heterotopia in order to establish a typology, and to study the fundamental ambivalence of the insular enclave. Indeed, its being simultaneously enclosed and porous in turn affects the characters’ identities, the narrative’s structure and its generic status, which are all characterised by the same ambivalence. The enclaved insular space then seems to be the ideal place for the creation of a new form of adventure that draws on the Romance tradition to which the desert island motif is linked, only to better deconstruct it. Finally, the article highlights that the very spatial structure of the enclave plays a crucial role in the creation of a new poetics of adventure that relies on its important dramatic potential.

In this chapter we will argue that luxury projects in the Italian context can be understood on the basis of two specific geographies. The first geography refers to consolidated urban fabric where luxury projects produce small-scale conversions and micro-gentrification processes on a block or house/single building basis. By upgrading parts of the consolidated urban fabric, these molecular transformations modify the public space status, introduce new temporalities determined by private operators, select urban populations, and strongly influence urban practices.
The second geography is characterized by exclusive enclaves where luxury projects play a double role as new urban centralities for leisure or as residential gated communities. In this second case, exclusivity is related to both processes of selection and exclusion. According to Soja (2011), public spaces and territorial continuity are eroded as privatization spreads across the urban landscape, and the regional metropolis is embedded with an archipelago of new fortressed enclosures.
These geographies of intensive or extensive transformations produced by luxury projects are being investigated in the Milan Urban Region with the aim of understanding whether and how to integrate luxury projects into government strategies. Reflecting on the tools with which to enlarge the positive effects of private investments – intended to guarantee exclusive privileges and benefits – becomes, at the same time, an opportunity to assess and manage the “dark side” of luxury developments.

http://cerebration.org/arpitachakraborty.html

There are more than two hundred geo-political enclaves in various continents across the globe. "Chhits" or Enclaves are small fragments of land owned by one country, inside the geographical boundaries of another country. India and Bangladesh share the largest group of enclaves in the world, a historical legacy that has retained its existence despite Partition during Independence in 1947 and the later fragmentation of Pakistan to form Bangladesh in 1971. There are about a hundred thousand people living inside these enclaves, with no access to either basic fundamental rights or any form of livelihood. In 2011, India and Bangladesh signed an agreement to absorb the enclaves within the host countries. It is yet to be realised.

Co-Editor of Cerebration, Amrita Ghosh talks to Arpita Chakraborty on her experience of fieldwork in six such enclaves.

En el artículo se hace un recorrido histórico acerca del proceso de dominación y domesticación de la naturaleza, que sirvió a los propósitos de la agroindustria cañicultora instalada en el Valle del Cauca y que extendió sus dominios al valle geográfi co del río Cauca (Colombia). La lectura crítica la asume el autor desde la ecología política, y desde ese campo se le propone llamar al agroecosistema de la caña de azúcar como Enclave Artifi cial Desnaturalizante (EAD). Con estas categorías se expone un ejercicio refl exivo y crítico, con el que se confrontan el discurso con el que se valida a diario la plantación de caña de azúcar y la propia lógica que está detrás del monocultivo de dicha gramínea. Se trata de un artículo de reflexión, anclado en las disquisiciones propias de la ecología política, en la búsqueda de encontrar consensos y provocar discusiones no solo alrededor de la nueva categoría nominativa para el cultivo de la caña de azúcar, sino sobre la sostenibilidad, alejada, por supuesto, de toda lógica de plantación, por los efectos conflictos socioambientales que de tiempo atrás viene provocando dicho cultivo y sus prácticas industrializadas.

The author takes a historical tour of the process of domination and domestication of nature, which served the purposes of the sugar cane agro-industry installed in the Valle del Cauca and extended its domains to the geographical Valley of the Cauca River (Colombia). A critical reading is assumed by the author from a political ecology point of view and from that field proposes to call the agroecosystem of sugarcane an Artificial Denaturing Enclave (EAD). With this category, a reflexive and critical exercise is presented through which the discourse used daily to validate the planting of sugarcane and the logic behind the monoculture of said grass are confronted. It is an article of reflection, anchored in the disquisitions of Political Ecology, in the search to find consensus and provoke discussions not only around the new nominative category for the cultivation of sugarcane, but on sustainability, removed, of course, from any logic of planting, due to the effects and socio-environmental conflicts that have been provoked by this crop and its industrialized practices.

Drawing on photo-elicitation interviews with middle class, white residents of a privileged neighborhood of Cape Town, this paper infers that many scholars rely on a narrow understanding of the nature and the geography of encounters in cities to make exaggerated claims about the effects of enclave urbanism. Inspired by Amin's (2013a) notion of telescopic urbanism, the author moves beyond the sedentarist focus on residential enclaves to conceptualize a wide range of encounters which may occur inside and in-between enclaves. In the empirical sections, the paper demonstrates that the retreat into patrolled neighborhoods, upscale shopping malls and private transportation is inspired not only by the ambition to avoid crime, but also by the desire to circumvent confrontations with racialized poverty. Yet, by focusing on moments of stasis and mobility inside and in-between various enclaves, the author argues that encounters across lines of race and class still do occur and have the potential to challenge privileged residents to reconsider their stereotypes about the poor and to become aware of their own privileges. As such, the paper ends with a call for more profound, empirical and context-sensitive studies on encounters in enclave cities.

This article focuses on the feminine violence which occurs in the closed private spaces of two contemporary film adaptations: "The Virgin Suicides" (1999) by Sofia Coppola and "Cracks" (2009) by Jordan Scott. Combining the visual and textual analyses of these movies and of the novels they are based on, I will concentrate particularly on the Lisbon house ("The Virgin Suicides") and St. Mathilda’s girls boarding school ("Cracks") as independent microcosms which, nevertheless, encapsulate and highlight some wider external social dynamics (fear of the unknown, of the unconscious, of diversity). Because of their confinement, these two private spaces can also be considered as enclaves, and more specifically as refuges or prisons, where the disciplinary power of their matriarchal hierarchies imposes itself through the dual relationship of transgression and punishment that reflects Hobbes’s idea of society (and legitimate government) as a Leviathan.

Cet article souhaite offrir une lecture nouvelle du roman Los pichiciegos de l’Argentin Rodolfo Fogwill grâce au motif de l’enclave. La critique, très influencée par le contexte d’écriture de Los pichiciegos, a souvent analysé l’œuvre comme une métaphore de la dictature militaire argentine (1976 - 1983). Si cet article ne fait pas abstraction du contexte, il souhaite étudier plus précisément les stratégies narratives à l’œuvre dans ce roman. Ces dernières conduisent à une lecture originale du conflit en remettant en cause les dichotomies militaires classiques (allié vs ennemi ou traître vs patriote). Par exemple, la présence d’un dialogue métaleptique entre un des personnages et l’auteur impliqué — enchâssé comme une enclave dans le récit — entraîne une confusion entre le genre du témoignage et celui du récit de fiction. Ainsi cette question du genre de Los pichiciegos reflète les problématiques identitaires auxquelles sont soumis les personnages.

One of the less studied aspects of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict is its demography. On the Jewish side, active steps are taken by the state to encourage Jewish immigration and Jewish births and discourage Jewish assimilation. As part of these efforts, the “problematic relationships” between Arab men and Jewish women from low socioeconomic background have become a high agenda item in public discussions in Israel during the last decade. I will examine here how the diagnostic category “girls at risk” and a therapeutic intervention employed by social services dealing with these couples helps maintaining the delicate balance between Jewish and democratic values. I will analyze these practices as a solution to a structural problem of the Jewish enclave in Israel.

After a complex and protracted negotiation for almost 70 years, Bangladesh and India decided to exchange their border enclaves in 2015. Almost 55,000 people were living in these enclaves at the time of exchange and they were given the option to choose their state of citizenship. Drawing on this exchange, this chapter sheds light on how people choose their citizenship and how modern states make legible spaces. In doing so, the chapter argues that the choice of citizenship is not always determined by ideology or sense of belonging but, to a great extent, by factors such as economic opportunities, religious affiliation, kinship ties, and perceived life chances. At the same time, it argues that modern states are loathe to have ungoverned spaces within their territory and are keen to make legible spaces. In the end, the enclaves became a significant pawn in negotiations between the two states to an extent that had little to do with the actual conditions in the enclaves.

La mobilité et la facilité du redéploiement géographique de l'activité du tourisme de croisière induisent un rapport de force favorable aux compagnies de croisière lorsque sont négociées les conditions d'opérations des escales. La région Caraïbe, où le tourisme de croisière est en explosion depuis quelques décennies, s'est avérée particulièrement vulnérable dans ce contexte. Considérant le bilan historique de l'industrie ailleurs en Amérique, l'essor récent de cette activité touristique au Québec est susceptible de poser des défis importants en termes de développement durable. En se basant sur les dynamiques territoriales de cette activité telle qu'elle se déploie autour des enclaves des terminaux de croisière, à la Caraïbe et au Québec, l'article propose des pistes de réflexion qui permettront aux acteurs des destinations québécoises de mieux répondre au déséquilibre de pouvoir causé par la nature singulière du tourisme de croisière.

La movilidad y la facilidad de despliegue geográfico de las actividades del turismo de crucero generan una posición dominante de las compañías de crucero en el momento de negociar las condiciones de operaciones de las escalas. La región del Caribe, donde el turismo de crucero está en fuerte crecimiento desde hace algunas décadas, se ha revelado especialmente vulnerable en este contexto. Sin ninguna duda, considerando la historia de dicha industria en otros lugares en América, el reciente crecimiento de esta actividad turística en Quebec conllevará desafíos importantes en términos de desarrollo sostenible. Basándose en las dinámicas territoriales propias del despliegue de esta actividad alrededor del enclaves de los terminales de crucero, en el Caribe y Québec, el artículo propondrá elementos de reflexión encaminados a ayudar a los actores quebequeses a dar una mejor respuesta ante el desequilibrio de poder provocado por la naturaleza singular del turismo de crucero.

The mobility and ease of the geographical redeployment of the cruise tourism activity induce a favorable balance of power for the cruise lines when the operating conditions of the ports of call are negotiated. The Caribbean region, where cruise tourism has been booming in recent decades, has been particularly vulnerable in this context. Considering the historical record of the industry elsewhere in America, the recent growth of this tourist activity in Québec is likely to pose significant challenges in terms of sustainable development. Based on the territorial dynamics of this activity as it unfolds around the enclaves of cruise terminals in the Caribbean and in Quebec, the article proposes elements of reflexion that will allow Québec destinations to better respond to power imbalance caused by the singular nature of cruise tourism.

Enclaves are small fragments of land owned by one country, inside the geo- graphical boundaries of another country (van Schendel, 2002). The country inside which the enclave resides is called the host country. There are more than two hundred geopolitical enclaves in various continents across the globe. India and Bangladesh share the largest group of enclaves in the world, a historical legacy that had retained its existence despite Partition during Independence in 1947 and the later fragmentation of Pakistan to form Bangladesh in 1971. There are about a hundred thousand people living inside these enclaves, with no access to either basic fundamental rights or any form of formal livelihood. However, what sets these enclaves apart is the unique role women play in mediating the interaction of the enclave residents with their host countries.

Drawing on empirical research, this chapter explores this dynamic and asks what happens when women are the mediators of citizenship for the rest of the community? The enclaves between India and Bangladesh provide a unique case study for such a situation. Did their access to citizenship alter the position of these women within the family? This research found that for women who have been born in India and have been married into the enclaves later in life, their access to state resources becomes a crucial enabler. This analysis is significant because, being based on the socially and politically excluded community at an international border area where women have such a unique position, it extends our knowledge of the gender-citizenship duality.

Por serem territórios de um Estado com fronteiras geográficas dentro dos limites do território de outro Estado, os enclaves levantam diversas interrogações e desafios. Tal é o caso do enclave de Cabinda, onde existem reivindicações separatistas em relação a Angola. De um ponto de vista estritamente jurídico, o que diz o direito internacional público sobre a possível existência de um estatuto internacional para esta província angolana?

A Favela do Moinho é um exemplo vivo de como se deram as transformações do espaço urbano e público na cidade de São Paulo – SP. Além de representar um caso de segregação espacial e social, e também de resistência, a Favela do Moinho nos permite pensar o
quanto a democratização dos acessos e direitos a cidades se deu inversamente à concepção de vida pública por parte das classes médias e altas. As mudanças ocorridas nas grandes cidades podem se revelar contraditórias aos ideais modernizantes que a princípio preconizavam seus projetos. Por meio dessa análise de enclaves urbanos, traremos questionamentos e problematizações a respeito do pensamento público e privado que permeiam e dão tom à cidadania nas grandes cidades do Brasil contemporâneo.

SUMMARY: "The Italian administrative islands as inner areas. Ideas for a new geographical-political approach". This
paper aims to resume the topic of the Italian administrative islands, little addressed in the literature of recent years.
After a brief introduction and a recovery of the existing literature, a connection is made with the wider issue of inner
areas, in particular on the basis of the objectives of the Strategia Nazionale per le Aree Interne and of the Manifesto per
riabitare l’Italia (2020). In fact, most of the administrative islands are inner areas and analyzing them through this lens
allows to propose new regeneration strategies arising from local initiatives. Finally, an atlas of the administrative islands
is proposed in the WebGIS format, in order to make it usable and modifiable by researchers engaged in the subject.

RIASSUNTO: Il contributo si propone di riprendere il tema delle isole amministrative italiane, poco affrontato
nella letteratura degli ultimi anni. Dopo una breve introduzione e un recupero della letteratura esistente, si effettua un
collegamento con la più ampia problematica delle aree interne, in particolare a partire dagli obiettivi posti dalla Strategia
Nazionale per le Aree Interne e dal Manifesto per riabitare l’Italia (2020). Infatti, buona parte delle isole amministrative
sono aree interne e analizzarle con questa lente permette di proporre nuove strategie di rigenerazione che nascano da
iniziative locali. Infine, si propone la realizzazione di un atlante delle isole amministrative nel formato del WebGIS, in
modo da renderlo fruibile e modificabile dai ricercatori impegnati sul tema.

This editorial presents a general overview of the thematic issue “The Lived Experiences of Migration: Individual Strategies, Institutional Settings and Destination Effects in the European Mobility Process,” based on the rich qualitative data produced in the Growth, Equal Opportunities, Migration and Markets (GEMM) project. The qualitative component of the project focused on the ‘lived’ experiences of migration. The main contribution of the articles in this issue is to demonstrate the multiplicity of actors and structures involved in the migration process, and to recognize the important role that space plays in the life-trajectories of people on the move. Perceiving the migration process as a learning experience allows for a deeper look into the complex renegotiation of cultural and political boundaries that migrants experience in the destination.

Bastiões Espanhóis no Marrocos: Pequenos, Estratégicos e Disputados  é um paper primeiramente publicado pela Revista de História da Universidade Estadual de Goiás (UEG). Volume 1, nº. 2, pp. 1-10, Julho/Dezembro de 2012. Fac-símile on line em: <  http://www.prp.ueg.br/revista/index.php/revistahistoria/index >). Em Outubro do ano de 2018, este artigo foi masterizado em texto de acesso livre na Internet em Formato PDF com os préstimos da Editora Kotev (Kotev ©). Bastiões Espanhóis no Marrocos: Pequenos, Estratégicos e Disputados é um material gratuito. Vedada a reprodução comercial e igualmente, divulgação sem aprovação prévia da Editora Kotev. A citação de Bastiões Espanhóis no Marrocos: Pequenos, Estratégicos e Disputados deve obrigatoriamente incorporar referências ao autor e apensos editoriais conforme padrão modelar que segue: WALDMAN, Maurício. Bastiões Espanhóis no Marrocos: Pequenos, Estratégicos e Disputados, Série Relações Internacionais Nº 2. São Paulo (SP): Editora Kotev. 2018.

RESUMO: As formações insulares constituem desde os albores da história humana, espaços com destacada função econômica, estratégica e militar. Essa ponderação também é verdadeira para o continente africano. Alternadamente, muitos poderes locais e estrangeiros disputaram a posse de ilhas e arquipélagos, que hoje em dia, em boa parte retornaram para soberania local. Uma notável exceção são os enclaves espanhóis situados no litoral do Marrocos. Objeto de disputa territorial entre o governo marroquino e a Espanha, esses pequenos bastiões se destacam pelo seu papel estratégico, daí a reticência do governo espanhol em devolvê-los. Envolvendo uma complexa discussão de ordem geopolítica, a perpetuação desse status quo na região demonstra o quanto o debate está longe de se esgotar, que se reatualiza em conformidade com as contradições que marcam a ordem política internacional.

Palavras-Chave: Geopolítica, Colonialismo, Espaços Insulares Africanos, Plazas de Soberania, Relações Multilaterais.



SUMMARY: The island formations are since the dawn of human history, spaces with outstanding economic, strategic and military. This argument is also true for the African continent. Alternatively, many local and foreign ownership disputed islands and archipelagos, which now largely returned to local sovereignty. A notable exception is the Spanish enclaves located on the coast of Morocco. Object of territorial dispute between Spain and the Moroccan government, these little bastions stand out for their strategic role, hence the reluctance of the Spanish government to return them. Involving a complex discussion of geopolitics, the perpetuation of this status quo in the region shows how the debate is far from exhausted, which is reactualized in accordance with the contradictions that mark the international political order.

Keywords: Geopolitics, Colonialism, African Insular Spaces, Plazas de Soberania, Multilateral Relations.

This essay makes a case for reconceptualizing South Asia by refiguring postcolonial territory. It does this by bringing together the broad political history of a series of enclaves along the India-Bangladesh border with an ethnographic discussion of the contemporary political economy of Dahagram, the largest of these enclaves. The essay argues for a need to bring nationalist framings of space and more textured explorations of everyday forms of territory- making into a single analytic frame. Doing so provides a way to understand and think beyond the territorial impasses posed by nationalist framings of space—the inability to disentangle lived realities from affectively charged conceptualizations of the nation and its borders. The essay, instead, reframes territory as the relationality between broad spatial imaginaries and lived realities at the margins. Such a view allows for a conceptualization of the region that builds upwards from quotidian negotiations to challenge nationalist and communal geographies.

The aim of this paper is to illustrate how the theory of multiple realities, suggested by William James, and then taken up by Alfred Schütz, can contribute to the introduction of a new concept of reality in the contemporary philosophical panorama, in focusing on multiplicity and plurality, and in underlining how the ethical-political implications of this concept allow the recognition of difference and diversity.

Resumen: En su génesis, los objetivos de las ZEDE, basados en la teoría de las Ciudades Chárter de Paul Romer, eran generar oportunidades laborales, desarrollo económico y ofrecer seguridad a la población de Honduras, con el fin de reducir la inmigración ilegal a los Estados Unidos de América. Sin embargo, con el surgimiento de las Caravanas Migrantes y después de una década de incertidumbre política, esta propuesta de desarrollo ha demostrado ser una más de las falacias políticas vernáculas de Honduras, caracterizada por su falta de transparencia, carencia de indicadores de desarrollo económico, desplazamiento de la autonomía municipal e indiferencia por la reducción de la pobreza nacional. El presente estudio muestra cómo las ZEDE forman parte de la lista histórica de enclaves fallidos hondureños.

Abstract: In its genesis, the objectives of the ZEDE, based on the theory of the Charter Cities of Paul Romer, were to generate job opportunities, economic development and offer security to the population of Honduras to reduce illegal immigration to the United States of America. However, with the emergence of the Migrant Caravans and after a decade of political uncertainty, this development proposal has proven to be one of the vernacular political fallacies of Honduras, characterized by its lack of transparency, lack of indicators of economic development, displacement of municipal autonomy and indifference to the reduction of national poverty. The present study shows how the ZEDE are already part of the historical list of failed Honduran enclaves.

Lo sviluppo globale dell'infrastruttura logistica a tutti i livelli sta cambiando il volto del pianeta e, secondo sempre più analisti, rappresenta a tutti gli effetti la costituzione materiale della globalizzazione, se per costituzione formale si potevano intendere i diversi trattati di libero commercio proliferati su scala planetaria all'indomani della fine della Guerra Fredda. Porti, interporti, city logistics e logistics cities, corridoi, autostrade, zone economiche speciali (ZEE), gasdotti, oleodotti, ferrovie formano sempre più l'intelaiatura delle supply chains globali, con forti ripercussioni sui tradizionali concetti con cui gli scienziati sociali degli ultimi due secoli si sono cimentati nel definire e descrivere il territorio, dalle logiche geopolitiche incentrate sullo Stato-nazione, all'imperialismo, alle categorie di centro-periferia formulate dalla teoria del cosiddetto sistema-mondo. Molte di queste problematiche sono affrontate in due testi della geografa dell'Università di Toronto Deborah Cowen. Il primo, scritto assieme al geografo marxista Neil Smith, teorico del concetto di uneaven development nel frattempo scomparso nel 2012, è un articolo apparso nel 2009 sulla rivista Antipode con il titolo "After Geopolitics? From the Geopolitical Social to Geoeconomics". A partire della definizione di "sociale geopolitico" come corollario "interno" e complemento necessario di una geopolitica spesso banalizzata come semplice scienza delle relazioni internazionali, gli autori considerano il progressivo slittare delle logiche di potere da un piano stato-centrico, fondato nella costruzione politica di un'unità tra il territorio omogeneo dello Stato-nazione e la costruzione di una società, un'economia, una cultura e una cittadinanza nazionali, e basata sulla netta separazione, nel monopolio della violenza legittima, tra la polizia per le esigenze di sicurezza interna, ed esercito vis à vis con gli altri stati nazionali, verso logiche imperiali di dominazione centrate nel mercato. Smith e Cowen, tuttavia, affermano che non si possa in alcun modo parlare di fine della geopolitica e di sostituzione netta di questa con la geoeconomia, quanto piuttosto di un riadattamento e una ridefinizione della geopolitica stessa a partire da pratiche, strategie e mentalità che forzano e mettono in discussione tanto la dimensione nazionale dei confini quanto la separazione stessa tra violenza legittima interna ed esterna dello Stato-nazione. Prendendo in analisi l'apparente risorgere "geopolitico" del nazionalismo a partire dai fatti dell'11 settembre 2001, gli autori analizzano come certe pratiche di controllo delle frontiere siano entrate in collisione con le esigenze di sicurezza del commercio internazionale delle supply chains, che ambiscono invece a creare spazi lisci tra le nazioni utili allo sviluppo senza intoppi del traffico intermodale. Allo stesso tempo, mettono in evidenza le novità della "guerra al terrorismo" come vera e propria guerra di mercato, andando ben oltre le questioni connesse al controllo dei pozzi petroliferi iracheni e considerando tanto la preponderante forza di quella che Naomi Klein (2007) ha chiamato disaster capitalism, come la ormai aperta privatizzazione della guerra dovuta alla crescente esternalizzazione del settore militare verso grandi corporations, contractors privati e truppe mercenarie, che ridefiniscono alcuni tradizionali principi della cittadinanza quali erano quelli della leva nazionale. La questione-affermano-non è solo la privatizzazione di tutto ciò che è pubblico, ma la privatizzazione dello Stato stesso. Molti di questi temi sono stati poi ripresi dalla Cowen nel libro The deadly life of logistics (2014), in cui l'autrice pone apertamente il tema della "logistica" come elemento motore e organizzatore di queste trasformazioni. Prendendo spunto proprio dalla compenetrazione reciproca tra ambito militare e commerciale che caratterizza la logistica contemporanea, l'autrice ripercorre la genealogia della logistica proprio nel suo formarsi all'interno dell'ambito militare, come principio organizzatore del rifornimento delle truppe. Considera poi l'applicazione di certi aspetti della logistica militare all'ambito commerciale con la nascita negli Stati Uniti, tra anni '50 e '60, della cosiddetta business logistics, e prende in esame quella che chiama "rivoluzione logistica" degli anni '70, che prende le mosse proprio dall'adozione a scopi commerciali del container, già adottato in ambito militare e considerato da molti l'invenzione tecnologica più importante dell'epoca della globalizzazione.