Jāhiliyya

ينظر البحث للقصيدة الجاهلية  بوصفها علامة مستقلة بالمعنى البنيوي، ولكنها، في ذات اللحظة، تعمل بوصفها علامة توصيليّة أيضًا. ومن هنا يتهيأ لها أن تراعي تقاليد النوع الأدبي في الوقت الذي تنفتح فيه على اليومي والحياتي وتولع بالأماكن والشخوص والأحداث، مستنـزلةً النصّ إلى حيز الوجود الفعلي، ومُعْتَدَّةً في ذات اللحظة بقيمتها التخييليّة، حيث يتحول مفهوم "الواقع" في التحليل الأخير من "الواقع المادي" العيني الخارجي إلى "واقع نَصِّي" محكوم بتقاليد الكتابة النوعيّة.
وهنا يقارب البحثُ إشكالية النص الجاهلي وقدرته على أن يقدم ما هو آنيٌّ ومتعيِّنٌ وما هو مُطْلَقٌ وسرمديٌ في الوقت ذاته من خلال تحليل عددٍ من نصوص الشعر الجاهلي؛ حيث لا يُعَطِّلُ اعتدادُها بالوظيفة التوصيليّة للعلامة لا قيمتَها التخْيِيْليّة التي تظل مُهَيْمِنَةً سِيميائيًّا.
ويسائل البحث أيضًا اشتباك السرد الشعري بالسرد التاريخي وعوامل افتراقه عنه عندما يتـرصد "القيمة" خلف تسلسل الأحداث المفارق بطبيعته للتسلسل التاريخي، ومن حيث عنصر "الذاتية" التي تؤطر جل السرود التخييليّة.
وبَيَّنَ البحثُ كيف أنَّ الشعر يَنْبَنِي سَرْديًّا في غير الاتجاه المباشر لسيرورة التاريخ القائمة على منطق كُلٍ "الزمان أو التتابع التاريخي" و"المنطق أو التعاقب السببي" بل هو لغة تقوم بالأحرى على المغالطة في منطق التعاقب، فَتُشَعِّثُ الفاعليّةُ الشعريةُ من التراتبيّة المنطقيّة والزمانيّة للوحدات السرديّة، فَيُفْصَلُ بين وحدات مقطع ما من المقاطع بوحدات من مقاطع أخرى، وتَقْطَعُ لحظاتٌ زمنيةٌ من أحداثٍ ووقائعَ معينةٍ تَسَلْسُلَ لحظاتٍ زمنيّةٍ لأحداثٍ ووقائع أخرى. ويقوم الزمنُ على التداخلِ والإخفاء والتأجيل والقطع.
كذلك يُعِيْنُ تَتَبُّعُ مقولتي "السببيّةِ" و"التتابعِ الخطيِّ" للأحداث الناقدَ أو القارئ على محاصرة التبعثر الظاهري في النص الشعري، الذي هو أيضًا خصيصة سردية فيه. فالقارئ على الدام يعيد ترتيب ما يقرأ وتنسيقه، ويقيم علاقاته الخاصة بين وحدات العمل مستكشفًا بنية النص الخاصّة به، تلك التي يُنْتِجُ من خلالها المعنى الذي هو انجازه الخاص. عادة ما لا تكون السببيّةُ في القصيدة من نمط السببيّة الصريحة أو الضمنيّة، وإنما تقوم في الغالب على أسس (احتماليّة)كأن يتبع حدثٌ آخرَ في الزمن، ويكون له به علاقة (معقولة) ، وهنا يُنْتِجُ "التعاقبُ" إلى جوار هذه العلاقة منطقَ الشِّعر السَّبَبـيِّ الخاص.

La poésie antéislamique marque la littérature arabe et lui sert essentiellement de base. La poésie antéislamique de son nom arabe الشعر الجاهلي signifie explicitement la poésie de l'âge de l'ignorance ( ignorance religieuse particulièrement ?).  Il s'agit d'un concept faisant référence à la période d'avant l'avènement de l'islam en l'an 610.  La poésie antéislamique est communément connue -par emprunt à la langue arabe- sous le nom de poésie Jâhilîte.

ÖZET Câhiliye dönemi hakkında bilgi veren kaynakların başında Kur'ân, hadis ve muallaka şiirleri gelmektedir. Kur'ân Arapların yaşamları, inançları ve yaptıkları evlilikler hakkında önemli bilgiler sunmaktadır. Bu bilgilere bakıldığında Câhiliye dönemi insanlarının başta üvey anneleri olmak üzere evlilikte mahremiyet bakımından hiçbir sınır gözetmedikleri görülmektedir. Hadislerde ise Câhiliye döneminde bir erkeğin, soylu bir çocuğa sahip olmak için eşinin başka bir erkekle birlikte olmasına izin verdiği anlatılmaktadır. İlgili hadislerde bu durumun, Câhiliye dönemi insanları için ahlakî bir sorun olarak görülmediği anlaşılmaktadır. Muallaka şiirleri ise insana hayattan maksimum düzeyde haz almayı öğütleyen ifadelerle doludur. Bu şiirlerde anlatılanlar yaşanmış olaylardan ibarettir. Bu açıdan muallaka şiirleri, Câhiliye dönemi yaşamı hakkında bilgi veren en önemli kaynak niteliğindedir. Bu şiirlerde içki ve kadın, eğlencenin iki temel unsuru olarak öne çıkmaktadır. Yine bu şiirlerden eğlencenin bir parçası olan cariyelerin meyhanelerde çalıştırıldığını ve fuhşa zorlandığı görülmektedir. Kur'ân, kâfirlerin hayata eğlence gözüyle baktıklarını belirterek onların azami haz almaya dayalı hedonist hayat felsefelerini eleştirmektedir. Câhiliye dönemindeki şiirlerde anlatılan kadın, aşk, şarap ve meyhane temalarına ve mahremiyet bakımından hiçbir sınır tanımadan yapılan evliliklere bakıldığında Kur'an'da hayata dair yapılan eleştirilerin sosyolojik ve tarihsel bir arka planının olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. Muallaka şiirlerine göre Arapların sosyal hayatı genel olarak, kadın, şarap ve meyhane kültürü üzerine kurulmuştur. Bu durum zamanla Câhiliye toplumunun yozlaşmasına ve ardından kadın, şarap ve eğlenceden ibaret bir hayat anlayışına sahip olmasına neden olmuştur.

The Qur'ân, Hadith and muallaqa poems are the foremost sources that provide information about life of ignorance period/Jahiliyya. The Qur'ân gives important information about beliefs, lifestyles and marriages of Arabs. When considering the Qur’anic references, it is clearly observed that there is no limit in terms of privacy, including marriage with stepmother for people of Ignorance period. In similar manner, in the Hadith, it is reported that during the Ignorance era, a man who would like to have a noble child let his wife to be with another man. The relevant hadith clarifies that this case is not considered as a moral issue for people of Ignorance. In this regard Muallaqa poems are filled with advises that promote maximum pleasure from life. These poems consist of stories from real lives. In this respect, muallaqa poetry is the most important source which provides information about the life of Ignorance period. In these poems booze and women stand out as the two basic elements of entertainment. Again we learn from these poems that women slaves were significant personalities of entertainment industry. They worked in pubs and also were enforced to prostitution. According to the poetries of Muallaqa, the social lives of the Arabs were generally based on women, wine and taverns. Such perceptions about the social life caused corruption in society and embodied an understanding of life which only consists of women, wine and having fun. That is why the Qur'ân criticizes the  edonistic philosophy of the infidels which focused on maximum pleasure. When
considering themes such as women, love, wine and taverns which were described in the poems during the period of Jahiliyya (ignorance) and the marriage with no privacy, it is recognized that the criticisms made by the Qur’ân about life have sociological and historical backgrounds

Cevat Ali, Mufassalın bu cildinde, öncelikle - birinci cildin devamı mahiyetinde- İslâm öncesi dönemde Arap toplumların, Arap olmayan toplumlarla kurdukları ilişkileri ele almaktadır. Bu cildin ikinci kısmında ise başta Yemen olmak üzere Güney Arabistan’da kurulan Main, Hadramevt, Kataban, Dîdan ve Lihyan, Sebe ve Hemdan gibi devletlerden söz edilmektedir. Müellif, bu bölümü hazırlarken hem doğrudan söz konusu dönemden günümüze ulaşan tarihi eserlerden ve kitabelerden hem de gerek Müslüman araştırmacıların gerekse batılı araştırmacıların hazırladıkları klasik ve modern çalışmalarından yararlanmıştır.
Cevat Ali’nin titiz çalışmalar neticesinde kaleme alınan ve ülkemizdeki değerli akademisyenler tarafından Türkçemize kazandırılan Mufassal’ın bu cildini, İslam öncesi Yemen Devletleri hakkında yazılan en kapsamlı eser olarak siz değerli okuyucularımızın istifadesine sunuyoruz.

Taqī al-Dīn al-Maqrīzī’s (d. 845/1442) universal history, titled al-Ḫabar ʿan al-Bašar, contains a chapter “On the Brigands among the Arabs” (faṣl fī ḏikr luṣūṣ al-ʿarab), in which the author gives accounts on the lives and exploits of ten pre-Islamic and early-Islamic brigands. While the chapter relies on earlier sources, its subject matter has no parallel in other Arabic works of universal history, contemporaneous or earlier. My paper is a study of this chapter, based on a holograph of al-Maqrīzī’s work. A close reading of the contents of the chapter reveals that al-Maqrīzī compiled and edited afresh ancient narratives with the intention of exemplifying the ideological opposition between ğāhiliyya and Islam. I draw special attention to al-Maqrīzī’s unique report concerning the death and burial of Taʾabbaṭa Šarran, which portrays him as an antithesis to the figure of the šahīd. Finally, I suggest that al-Maqrīzī’s chapter is a scholarly response both to the socio-political climate of al-Maqrīzī’s Egypt, depicted in some of al-Maqrīzī’s other works as fraught with Bedouin rebellions, as well as to the prevailing cultural climate, marked with the rise of the popular Sīra.

Bu çalışmada farklı dinî gelenekleri bünyesinde barındıran İslam öncesi Arap yarımadasında putperest Cahiliye Araplarının bir peygamber beklentisine sahip olup olmadıkları sorgulana- caktır. Bu yapılırken Cahiliye Araplarının politeist tanrı anlayışlarının arka planında yer alan yüce bir varlık fikrinin bu husus üzerindeki etkisi esas alınacaktır. İnandıkları bu aşkın ama müdahaleden uzak tanrının/Deus Otiosus’un yetkilerini putlara devretmesi, gündelik yaşamla- rında muhtaç oldukları ilahi yardımın muhatabını belirlemiştir. Bu durum ise onlara hakikati bildirecek ve hayatlarını düzenleyecek bir uyarıcının veya peygamberin gelmesine yönelik bir beklentilerinin olmadığına işaret etmektedir. Bunun ötesinde Cahiliye Araplarının, Hz. Pey- gamber’in durumu konusunda bir peygamber bekleyen Ehl-i Kitap’ın görüşüne başvurmaları da dikkat çekicidir. Ayrıca Ḥanīflerin Yahudi-Hıristiyan bir zemin üzerinden peygamber fikrini temellendirme çabaları veya sözde peygamberlik iddialarının Hz. Muhammed’in risâletiyle ortaya çıkması, Cahiliye Arabının zihin dünyasında bir peygamber beklentisinin yokluğunu açık eden durumlar arasında sayılabilir.
This article attempts to answer the question whether or not the pagan Jāhiliyya Arabs had a prophetic expectation in Arabian Peninsula that was home to different religious traditions. It primarily discusses whether the idea of a supreme being found in the Jāhiliyya Arabs’ polytheist understanding of god may have had any influences on this point. The powers of this god, a Deus Otiosus, who was transcendent but far away from intervention, were transferred into idols, who were assigned as the interlocutors of the divine assistance to Jāhiliyya Arabs in their daily life. This indicates that there was no expectation of a warner or a prophet co- ming to them, to tell “the truth”, and arrange their lives. Furthermore, it is also remarkable that the Arabs turned to the Ahl al-Kitāb, who were awaiting a prophet, when they needed to consult about the situation of the Prophet Muhammad. That the Ḥanīfs attempted to support the idea of a prophet based on a Jewish-Christian ground, and that the false prophets emerged only after the apostleship/risāla of Muhammad also indicate that there was no expectation of a prophet in the mind of the Jāhiliyya Arabs.

In this paper, presented to the 35th ICANAS Congress (1–7.07.1997), I argue that the Qurʾānic term ‘shirk’ originally stood for an equalitarian relationship between the divine entities, on the one hand, and these entities and human beings, on the other.
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تشير هذه الدراسة لمفهوم "الشرك" في القرآن الكريم إلى أنه كان يدل أصلا على علاقة التساوي بين الآلهة الوثنية من جهة وبين تلك لآلهة والبشر من جهة أخرى.

Bu eser, İslam öncesi Cahiliye döneminden başlayarak miladi dokuzuncu yüzyılın sonuna kadar hayvanların beslenme ve bakımı, sağlıklarının korunması, hastalık hallerinde yapılan tedavi yöntemleri ve bu faaliyetlerin gerçekleştirildiği alanlar ile ilgilidir. Sözü edilen faaliyetleri uygulayan ve dönemin veteriner hekimleri olarak bilinen baytarlar, 6. ila 9. yüzyıllar arasında, kendi muayenehanelerinin yanında ordu ve saraylarda görev almış, kendilerine özgü aletler kullanarak cerrahi operasyonlarda bulunmuş ve mesleklerindeki maharetleri ile eserlere konu olmuşlardır. Baytarlar dışında hayvan sahipleri, seyis, süvari, imrahor, çoban, komutan, vb. kişiler de tecrübeleri dahilinde hayvanlarını folklorik yöntemler uygulayarak tedavi etmişlerdir. Ayrıca bu çalışmada, 6. ila 9. yüzyıllar arasında hayvanlar ve hayvan sağlığı ile ilgili yazılan eserler olan Kitâbü’l-Hayl/İbil/Şa’/Hayevân/Baytaraların içeriği ve yazarları hakkında bilgiler sunulmuştur. Bununla beraber araştırmanın kapsamı dahilinde olması bakımından İslam’ın hayvan haklarına ve sağlığına bakışı konusuna da yer verilmiştir.

This study is about the nutrition and care of animals, protection of their health, treatment methods in case of illness and the areas where these activities are carried out, starting from the pre-Islamic period, The Jahiliyya, until the end of the ninth century. Information on the baytars, known as the veterinarians of the period, who carried out the aforementioned activities, is presented. In addition, folkloric treatment methods applied by the people within their experience in animal treatment are included. In terms of being within the scope of the thesis, the issues of protection of animal rights and welfare in the Quran and Sunnah are also explained.

Between the 6th and 9th centuries, baytars served in the army and palaces as well as their own clinics. They have performed surgical operations using their own instruments and have been the subject of poems because of their skills in their profession. Animal owners, groom, cavalry, imrahor, shepherd, commander, and so on people also treated their animals with their experience, and they had experience with feeding and caring for them. With the expansion of the Islamic state after the conquests, different civilizations were encountered and Muslims made use of the science schools in these regions, translated many works into Arabic and started to write new works. First of all, Ibn al-Kalbî, Asmaî, Ma‘mar b. Musannâ, İbn al-A‘râbî, so on wrote lugat and anbooks about animals and Jâhiz wrote Kitâb al-Hayawân, the first of the books in the ilmu'l-hayawân type in which he studied animals zoologically. Then Hunayn b. Ishâq and Thâbit b. Qurrah, translated the Greek works on veterinary medicine as Kitâb al- Baytara into Arabic. In the ninth century, the first work about baytar written in Islamic civilization is Kitâb al-Khayl wa'l-Furûsiyye wa'l-Baytara written by Ibn Âkhi Hizâm. Apart from these, studies on feeding, care and treatment of hawks were also written due to the Umayyad and Abbasid caliphs' interest in hunting. Based on this information, the establishment and development of veterinary medicine in Islamic civilization was demonstrated in the 6th to 9th centuries.

This is the first attempt to study an Arabian tribe in  monograph form. The book is a history of the Banū Sulaym during the transition period from Jāhiliyya to Islam. It focuses on Sulaym's links with the Prophet Muhammad and with the people of Mecca and Medina. The book expands the rather meager evidence found about them in Islamic historiography by exploring other types of literature, such as geography,
genealogy and biography.
It contributes to a better understanding of the Arabian environment in which Islam emerged.

Islam at 250: Studies in Memory of G.H.A. Juynboll is a collection of original articles on the state of Islamic sciences and Arabic culture in the early phases of their crystallization. It covers a wide range of intellectual activity in the first three centuries of Islam, such as the study of ḥadīth, the Qurʾān, Arabic language and literature, and history. Individually and taken together, the articles provide important new insights and make an important contribution to scholarship on early Islam. The authors, whose work reflects an affinity with Juynboll's research interests, are all experts in their fields. Pointing to the importance of interdisciplinary approaches and signalling lacunae, their contributions show how scholarship has advanced since Juynboll's days.

Abstract - As the evangelization of nomadic populations appears to have occurred later than the history of the East Syrians, we assume that it goes hand in hand with the process of the constitution of the Church of the East. Looking closer, we can find quite early signs of Christianity among the Arabs regarding the chronology of Christianity in Sasanian Empire. The topic raises three main questions: the connections of the Arab tribes and their circulations during Late Antiquity, the Christianization of the nomadic populations and the link between Christianity and loyalty to the Roman Empire which is a sore point in the Persian Empire. Al-Ḥīra (Ḥirta in Syriac) was the capital of an ally and a principality independent from the Persians, known as the “Laḫmid” kingdom: regarding the Ecclesiastical hierarchy, it was part of the Church of the East. It was the main target of an original policy of the patriarch of the Church of Persia (called catholicos since the 5th century) aimed at the nomadic populations at the edge of the Empire extending to al-Anbar and the Jazīra.

في دراسة سابقة، توصّلنا إلى أنّ الميسر الجاهلي لم يكن مجرّد لعبة لتزجية الوقت
أو سبيلًا للرّبح السّهل (القمار) كما درج المأثور على إشاعته، بقدر ما كان طقسًا دينيًّا أضحويًّا يقام شتاءً مع بداية تجمّع القبائل على المياه في أماكن معروفة لكلّ قبيلة بعد فترة القيظ المتميّزة بقلّة الأمطار، بغاية استرضاء الآلهة عبر نحر إبل يتراهن عليها المياسرون على الأنصاب المعيّنة لحدود حمى القبيلة بما يقيها من كلّ عدوان خارجيّ سواء من البشر أو من الخوافي (الجنّ خصوصًا). كما توصّلنا إلى أنّ من أهمّ أهداف الميسِر توفير موارد لممثليّ «مؤسّسة الكهنوت الجاهليّة» من خلال اختصاصهم بأرباح القدح «الوغد»، إلى جانب توفير أقوات للمحتاجين بخصّهم بأرباح القدح «المنيـح».
وقد أوردت المصادر إلى جانب الفقراء والأرامل والمحتاجين، أربعة أطراف مشاركة في طقس الميسِر، وهم: «الجزّار» المتولّي نحر النّوق المخصّصة للّعب حسب طقوس مخصوصة، و«الأَيْسَار» القائمون باللّعب وهم من سادة القوم وأماثلهم، و«الحُرَضَة» المدير للّعبة والمشرف عليها، و«الرّقيب» المتولّي مراقبة اللّعب وإعلان نتائجه. ونحن يهمّنا من هذه الأطراف مدير اللعبة والمشرف عليها، وهو الحرضة.
ويتناول هذا المقال صورة «الحُرَضَة» في المصادر الإسلاميّة، ومحاولة إعادة قراءة دوره الديني والاجتماعي بما يُثبت وجود كهنوت منظّم عند عرب الجاهليّة هو ما حاول الإسلام ضربه بتحريم جملة من الطقوس من أهمّها تسييب الإبل والمواشي للآلهة والميسر، وبهدف إقامة مجتمع إسلامي بديل خالٍ من الكهنوت.

“Al-Ḥuraḍa”: a forgotten figure of Pre-Islamic Arab priesthood
In a previous study, we concluded that the Jahili “Māysir” was not merely a game of wasting time or a way of making easy profit (Qimār), as conventionally conceived. Instead, the Māysir was a sacrificial religious ritual held in winter, as tribes began gathering around water sources, after the period of midsummer characterized by the lack of rainfall. Through the ritual of Māysir, Jahili tribes were seeking to appease the Gods by slaughtering camels in a game of bet between gamblers (Āysār). As such, camels were slaughtered on the Statues of Gods (namely, the “Ānṣāb”) placed on the territorial surroundings of Jahili tribes, in order to protect them from any external aggression by human or super-natural powers (especially, the creatures of “Ǧinn”).
Moreover, we concluded that one of the ultimate purposes of Māysir was to provide the personnel of the Jahili priesthood institution with resources, as they were allotted with the profits of one tossing arrow used in Māysir named “Āl-Māniḥ”. In addition, the Māysir guaranteed food assistance to the needy among Jahili tribes, who were allocated profits of the tossing arrow known as “Āl-Wāġd”.
Along with poor people, widows and the needy, Islamic sources cited four other parties involved in the ritual of Māysir: the butcher (Āl-ǧāzzār) who slaughtered camels dedicated to bets in respect of specific rituals, gamblers who were among chiefs of the tribes and men of high status, the “Ḥurāḍā” who directed and supervised the game of bets, and the "Rāquib" who was in charge of monitoring the game and announcing its results. Among these parties, we are interested specifically in the figure of Āl-Ḥurāḍā, the director and supervisor of the game of Māysir.
This essay aims to reconstruct the figure of Āl-Ḥurāḍā in Islamic sources, and to reinterpret both its religious and social roles, arguing for the existence of an institutionalized body of priesthood among the Arabs of Jahiliyyah. Islam targeted this institutional body by prohibiting several rituals, the most important of which is sacrificing camels and entire live stocks to the Gods in the game of māysir, in order to establish an alternative Islamic society free of priesthood.

Göçebeliğin yaygın olması, kabile mantığıyla yönetilmeleri, kabileler arasında ihtilaf ve savaşların olması gibi unsurlar sebebiyle güçlü bir devlet kuramamış olan câhiliye Araplarında Kâbe'nin kutsallığıyla beraber putperestlik oldukça yaygındır. Bu dönem; sözün gücü, cömertlik, himaye, cesaret, Harem bölgesine hürmet gibi müspet yönleri; kızları canlı toprağa gömme, içki-kumar-falcılık, kabile taassubu, çarpık nikâh şekilleri, kölelik, putperestlik gibi menfi yönleri barındırmaktadır. Câhiliye döneminden Müslümanlara miras kalan olumlu kavramlardan biri olan himaye, sosyal ve siyasî problemleri çözme ve adaleti tesis etmede önemli bir rol üstlenmiştir. Bu çalışmada; bireysel, siyasî ve sosyal boyutlarıyla himaye kavramının farklı boyutları; İslâm öncesi ve sonrasıyla Hz. Peygamber'in hayatına yansıması çerçevesinde ele alınacaktır.
In the Jāhiliyya period, when there was not a strong state because of the widespread nomadism, the management of tribal logic, the conflict and the wars between the tribes, paganism was quite common with the sanctity of the Kaaba. In this period there were some negative aspects such as burying girls in live soil, drink-gambling-fortune-telling, tribal racism, distorted forms of marriage, slavery and idolatry in addition to some positive ones such as the power of promise, generosity, patronage, courage , respect for the Harem region. The patronage, which is one of the positive concepts handed down from the Jāhiliya period to Muslims, played an important role in solving social and political problems and establishing justice. In this study, the concept of patronage with its individual, political and social dimensions will be discussed within the reflection of the Prophet's life before and after Islam.

For all the radical Islamists, the world is divided into two adobes, Darul Islam and Darul Harb, and their aim is to expand Darul Islam to the level where there is no place left for Darul Harb in the world. Only then would the jihad stop in this world. This makes the peaceful co-existence of Muslim countries and societies along with Muslim countries a difficult task. It is mostly, about the fact that, for the Islamists the concept of nation-states is not acceptable. They believe in establishment of a Muslim state where there is no need of borders. In short, it is almost impossible for radical Islamists to live peacefully in the nation-states. To argue in favor of the question, firstly the ideologies of Maududi, Qutb, Abdul Wahab and Khomeini are briefly defined in the context of jihad, then the relationship between the ideologues of Khomeini and Iran’s policy of exporting its revolution is explained, which then is followed by the explanation of connection between the three ideologues of Sunni jurisprudence and Afghan Taliban and Al-Qaeda, in the context of Afghan-Soviet war.

This article’s aim is to provide much needed data about the political, eco- nomic, social, and religious life of al-Tā’if, which is one of the three most prominent cities of al-Hidjāz, in the pre-Islamic period. Al-Tā’if has always yielded a strategically important place in al-Hidjāz due to its geographical location, agricultural production, commercial significance and it being located in the junction of important routes. More- over, it also presented a gateway to al-Haramayn from the east.
Even though al-Tā’if was dominated by hot desert climate and despite having severe win- ter conditions, it was appreciated by the notables of Mecca due to its pleasant weather in the summer, and since the historical period, this city has been a summer resort un- til the present day.
There are various reports about when people first settled or who the first settlers were in al-Tā’if, which was an ancient and important settlement in the Hidjāz region. Although in the sources it is stated that people started settling in the city before Noah’s flood, it is difficult to uncover the pre-Islamic history of this place. There are several reasons for this and the most significant reasons can be stated as follows: 1. The absence of any ef- ficient excavations that may reveal the archeological remnants of the region; 2. The few number of reports regarding the ancient periods; 3. The fact that majority of these re- ports either contain exaggerated statements or some contradictions; 4. These reports are generally presented as pieces of religious rituals.
In the reports the statements are remarkable that attribute sanctity to the city in refer- ence to especially the archangel Gabriel and the Prophet Ibrāhīm. Probably through these statements, it is implied that the city had a religious background and was a holy place just like Mecca and Medina. On the other hand, the obscurity regarding the an- cient history of the city will be largely eliminated once the analysis of Thamudic, Naba- tian and Arabic inscriptions regarding the region is completed.
It is well known that the ancestors of Thakīf tribe made great contributions to al-Tā’if developing into a city. It is reported that after they had settled in the city and exiled Banī Āmir, the city became cultivated as a result of their activities, especially in agriculture and husbandry among others. Vineyard and orchard production made one of the most fundamental income sources in al-Tā’if. Raisins, dates, and summer fruits were among the most popular agricultural products in al-Tā’if, which was renowned for its vineyards
and orchards. It met the need of several cities, Mecca being the first of such cities. This agricultural significance of al-Tā’if attracted many Arab tribes and as a result they made many attempts to seize control over the city. However, these attempts failed due to the fortress that the people of the city had built during the early 6th century AD for just such outsider assaults.
Besides the agriculture, the husbandry, and the handicrafts, trade was also developed in al-Tā’if. Even though they did not have trade caravans as large as those of the Meccans, they achieved success by becoming an important center and spread their commercial activities throughout the Arabian Peninsula due to the good relationships they estab- lished with the Byzantine and the Sassanid in Yemen, Syria and the Iraq regions. How- ever, the commercial development of the city weakened because of the Thakīfians’ being divided into two groups as Ahlāf and Mālik and the ensuing rivalry.
Still, it can be argued that the social life in al-Tā’if was more stable and structured than Mecca and Medina mostly because of the settlement that started from ancient times and since the city had the power due to an independent economy. Similar to the other cities in Hidjāz region, slavery was widespread. However, the master-slave relationship was differ- ent in that the masters in al-Tā’if shared their knowledge and experiences with their slaves and contributed to their development in various branches of art. Similar to the general in- clination of the people in the Arabian Peninsula, the people of al-Tā’if worshipped idols. In these terms, they regarded Mecca to be a rival and therefore turned al-Tā’if into the sa- cred residence of the deity al-Lāt as the counterpart of Ka‘ba in Mecca, which historically has carried a significant religious importance in the Arabian Peninsula.

... contrast with these, Abu-Deeb concludes his structuralist analysis of the Mu 'allaqat by claiming that ... vision in the culture of man, his universe, and the ultimate questions facing him ... The mostcommon view adheres to the popular belief presented in page 15 above, concerning the ...

Artforum (March 2017): 216-21.
THREE YEARS AFTER the Islamic State's brutal offensive in Iraq, and with no end in sight to the civil war raging in Syria after six years of conflict, the future of the Middle East looks increasingly precarious. At the same time, the West has made a dramatic turn inward, with potentially disastrous consequences for its role in the international community. Now, when art's critical engagement and resistance are needed more acutely than ever, Artforum invited art historian Nasser Rabbat to reflect on two recent exhibitions in Beirut that offer a glimpse of a more cosmopolitan future—and of the role of art in confronting fundamentalism and fascism.

Az iszlám szunnita ágán belül megjelenő konzervatív mozgalmak  közé tartozik a szalafizmus,  melynek egyik ága a hanbalizmus,  s ennek nadzsdi kinövései azok a waḥḥābitak,  akiknek elveit követi a Muzulmán Testvériség,  melynek vezető ideológusa volt Sayyid Quṭb.
Doktori munkámban az ő vallási alapon kidolgozott ideológiáját vizsgálom. Hogyan kapcsolódik össze az elmélet és a gyakorlat? Hogyan következik az iszlám tanításából és az abból származtatott ideológiából annak gyakorlatba, mozgalomba való átültetésének szükségessége, a politikai cselekvés?
A fentebbi célt, és kérdéseket szem előtt tartva eddigi kutatásom során a következő lépéseket tettem meg eddig.
Először is szükségesnek tartottam megismerni azt a kontextust, amelyben Quṭb tanai, különösen fő műve, a Maʽālim fī al-tarīq megszületett. Ezt a célt szolgálja készülő doktori munkám biográfiai szakasza.
Másodszor tanainak vázát szükséges feltárni, azaz el kell végezni egy terminológiai elemzést, ami tulajdonképpen munkám alapját jelenti, s amelyben főként a Maʽālim fī al-tarīqra támaszkodom. Az egyes terminusok elemzésekor vizsgálati módszerem a következő:
(1.) A terminus muzulmán-, ill. nyugati jelentésének és fogalmának ismertetése, s a kettő közötti különbség meghatározása.
(2.) Az egyes tudósok elemzésének összehasonlítása.
(3.) Van-e kapcsolat korábbi muszlim gondolkodók terminusaival?
(4.) A terminus elemzése, annak a Maʽālimban való megjelenése alapján.

Terminológiai vizsgálatomat azért a ğāhiliyyával kezdtem, mert azt feltételeztem a szakirodalom alapján, hogy Quṭb ideológiájának – az elmélet és a gyakorlat kapcsolatának szempontjából – ez a kulcsfogalma, s eddigi kutatásaim megerősítenek ebben. E terminus vizsgálata első és második lépésének  eredményeit már közöltem egy korábbi publikációmban.  Jelen tanulmányomban a negyedik lépés eredményeinek egy részét közlöm.
Fő célom egyrészt magának a terminusnak a Maʽālim béli fogalmának meghatározása volt, hogy így közelebb jussak a fentebb említett kérdések megválaszolásához. Röviden: hogyan következik a fogalomból a mozgalom.

Idolatry was widespread in Mecca and most of Arabia just before the Prophet Muḥammad’s prophecy. However, there was a small group that was committed to the Prophet Abraham’s belief in monotheism. These people, who are called Ḥanīf, tried to stay away from idolatry, Christianity and Judaism and continue the religion of the Prophet Abraham as much as they could reach his knowledge. Even though the intervening years had caused them to forget the sharia of the Prophet Abraham, they were at least trying to stay away from the bad habits of Jāhiliyya, such as drinking and adultery. Also, they did not accept any god other than Allah.
One of the Ḥanīfs was Zayd b. ‘Amr who lived and died during the Jāhiliyya. He is a remarkable person because of his characteristics such as criticizing the Meccans for their beliefs, not eating the meat of animals slaughtered on behalf of idols, and saving baby girls who were wanted to be killed by their families. Since there is not any independent study on Zayd b. ‘Amr in Turkey, we thought that it would be appropriate to examine this precious person, who was ahead of his contemporaries in terms of both mentality and behavior.
It is not known that when he was born and how old he was when he died. He is a makti person because his mother married her step-son and Zayd b. ‘Amr was born by this marriage. Both his explanations and the testimony of other people show that he was the only person who was Ḥanīf in Mecca during his lifetime.
As he pointed out in some of his poems, he had shown respect to idols like his fellow citizens at one time. There is not any information on whether he went through an experience that dissuaded him from this opinion or whether he started believing in the unity of Allāh through his own intellectual deductions. When he realized that it was wrong to worship idols, he visited many towns and sought a right religion. As far as we understand from the narrations, these trips were made more than once to find a right religion. It is understood that he visited many regions such as Yathrib, Khaybar, Fadak, Ayla, Shām, al-Mawṣil, al-Jazīra, Balḳāʾ and Ḥirāʾ to find the right religion. Zayd b. ‘Amr could not find a religion that made him satisfied during these trips and decided to become committed to the religion of his ancestors, the Prophet Abraham and the Prophet Ismāʿīl, as far as he could access the information on it. Because the intervening years had caused this religion to be forgotten, he tried to worship Allāh with the very limited knowledge that he had. According to the sources, he made some rituals such as performing prayer and making pilgrimage. In addition, like a person who can think clearly, he tried to stay away from bad customs and habits such as drinking, adultery and usury.
After Zayd b. Amr began to criticize his fellow citizens because of wrong practices and beliefs, he was exposed to hostility of Meccans, especially his uncle and his paternal half-sibling called K̲h̲aṭṭāb b. Nufayl. Moreover, he had to live in a cave on Ḥirāʾ Mountain or to set up in a tent because he was not allowed to enter Mecca.
Zayd b. Amr had one of the most beautiful behaviors that conducted was to save the baby girls who were wanted to be buried by their families and to give these families money to dissuade them from this idea. This behavior is sufficient to show that he was a person to be ahead of his age in terms of mentality and behavior.
After his death, the way of Islam chosen by his wife Fāṭima bint Baʿd̲j̲a, and his children, Saʿīd b. Zayd and ʿĀtika bint Zayd shows that he affected his family members positively.
Before the prophecy, Prophet Muḥammad met with Zayd b. Amr and helped him to start questioning the customs of Jāhiliyya.
Although there are different narrations on the subject, it is thought that Zayd b. Amr probably died in Mecca when the Prophet Muḥammad was around thirty five years old and buried at the foot of Ḥirā Mountain. In many narrations coming from the Prophet Muḥammad, it is stated that he will be resurrected as a single ummah. There are also narrations that he deserves heaven.
Keywords: History of Islam, Zayd b. ‘Amr b. Nufayl, Prophet Muḥammad, Ḥanīf, Jāhiliyya.
Hz. Peygamber’in risâlet ile gönderilmesine yakın zamanlarda Mekke’de ve Arabistan’ın çok büyük bir kısmında putperestlik yaygındı. Ancak hâlâ Hz. İbrâhîm’in tevhit inancına bağlı olan küçük bir zümre bulunuyordu. Hanîf ismi verilen bu kişiler Putperestlik, Hristiyanlık ve Yahudilikten uzak durmaya çalışıyor, güçleri yettiğince ve bilgisine ulaşabildikleri ölçüde Hz. İbrâhîm’in dinini devam ettirmeye çalışıyorlardı. Aradan geçen uzun yıllar Hz. İbrâhîm’in şeriatını büyük ölçüde unutturmuş olsa da onlar en azından Câhiliye’nin içki ve zina gibi kötü alışkanlıklarından uzak durmaya çalışıyorlardı. Allah’tan başka bir tanrıyı da kabul etmiyorlardı.
Câhiliye döneminde yaşamış ve vefat etmiş olan Hâniflerden biri de Zeyd b. Amr’dı. O, Mekkelileri inançları dolayısıyla eleştirmesi, putlar adına kesilen hayvanların etlerini yememesi ve aileleri tarafından öldürülmek istenen kız çocuklarını kurtarması gibi özellikleri sebebiyle oldukça dikkat çeken bir şahsiyettir. Ülkemizde Zeyd b. Amr b. Nüfeyl hakkında müstakil bir çalışma yapılmadığı için hem zihniyet hem de davranış açısından çağdaşlarının bir hayli ilerisinde olan bu kıymetli şahsiyeti özel olarak incelemenin uygun olacağı kanaatine vardık.
Zeyd b. Amr’ın ne zaman doğduğu ve kaç yaşında vefat ettiği konusunda bilgimiz bulunmamaktadır. Annesi üvey oğlu ile evlenip bu evlilikten Zeyd b. Amr dünyaya geldiği için kendisi maktî bir kişidir. Hem kendi ağzından hem de başka şahısların şahitliği onun yaşadığı dönemde Mekke’de Hanîf olan tek kişi olduğunu göstermektedir.
Bazı şiirlerinde de ifade ettiği üzere kendisi bir dönem diğer hemşerileri gibi putlara tazimde bulunmuştur. Onu bu görüşünden vazgeçiren bir olay yaşanmış mıdır, yoksa kendi aklî çıkarımları sayesinde mi Allah’ın birliğine inanmaya başlamıştır, bu konuda kaynaklarımızda herhangi bir malumat bulunmamaktadır. Zeyd b. Amr putlara ibadet etmenin yanlışlığının farkına varınca pek çok beldeyi ziyaret ederek doğru bir din arayışına girmiştir. Rivayetlerden anladığımız kadarıyla doğru bir din bulabilmek için yapılan bu seyahatler birden fazla kez gerçekleşmiştir. Zeyd b. Amr’ın doğru dini bulabilmek için Yesrib, Hayber, Fedek, Eyle, Şam, Musul, Cezîre, Belkâ ve Hîre gibi pek çok bölgeyi ziyaret ettiği anlaşılmaktadır. Yaptığı bu seyahatler esnasında kalbini mutmain eden bir din bulamayan Zeyd b. Amr bilgisine ulaşabildiği ölçüde ataları Hz. İbrâhîm ve Hz. İsmâîl’in dini üzere kalmaya karar vermiştir. Tabi aradan geçen uzun yıllar bu dinin gerekliliklerini unutturduğu için o, sahip olduğu oldukça sınırlı bilgi üzerinden Allah’a ibadet etmeye çalışmıştır. Kaynaklarımızda onun namaz ve hac ibadeti konusunda yaptığı bazı uygulamalardan bahsedilmektedir. Ayrıca o salim bir aklın da bulabileceği içki, zina ve ribâ gibi kötü adet ve alışkanlıklardan da uzak kalmaya çalışmıştır.
Zeyd b. Amr belli bir noktadan sonra hemşerilerini de yanlış uygulama ve inançları yüzünden eleştirmeye başlayınca Mekkelilerin, özellikle de amcası ve anne bir kardeşi olan Hattâb b. Nüfeyl’in düşmanlığına maruz kalmıştır. Hatta kendisi Mekke’ye sokulmadığı için Hira Dağı’nda bir mağarada veya bu bölgede kurduğu bir çadırda yaşamaya mecbur kalmıştır.
Zeyd b. Amr’ın yaptığı en güzel davranışlardan birisi de aileleri tarafından gömülmek istenen kız çocuklarını kurtarması hatta bu uğurda bazen bu kız çocuklarının ailelerine para vermesidir. Bu davranışı da zihniyet ve davranış olarak çağının oldukça ilerisinde bir insan olduğunu göstermesi açısından yeterlidir.
Zeyd b. Amr’ın vefatının ardından eşi Fâtıma bint Ba‘ce’nin ve çocukları Saîd b. Zeyd ve Âtike bint Zeyd’in ilk dönemde İslâm’a girmiş olmaları onun aile üyelerini de olumlu yönde etkilediğini göstermektedir.
Zeyd b. Amr nübüvvetten evvel Hz. Peygamber ile görüşerek onun da Câhiliye adetlerini sorgulamaya başlamasına vesile olmuştur.
Yine konu ile ilgili farklı rivayetler bulunmakla birlikte Zeyd b. Amr muhtemelen Hz. Peygamber otuz beş yaş civarındayken Mekke’de vefat etmiş ve Hira Dağı’nın eteğine defnedilmiştir. Hz. Peygamber’den gelen pek çok rivayette onun tek başına bir ümmet olarak haşredileceği ifade edilmektedir. Yine onun Cennetlik olduğuna dair rivayetler de bulunmaktadır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: İslâm Tarihi, Zeyd b. Amr b. Nüfeyl, Hz. Peygamber, Hanîf, Câhiliye.

La poésie antéislamique marque la littérature arabe et lui sert essentiellement de base. La poésie antéislamique de son nom arabe الشعر الجاهلي signifie explicitement la poésie de l'âge de l'ignorance ( ignorance religieuse particulièrement ?).  Il s'agit d'un concept faisant référence à la période d'avant l'avènement de l'islam en l'an 610.  La poésie antéislamique est communément connue -par emprunt à la langue arabe- sous le nom de poésie Jâhilîte.

Abstract
Hajj has been practiced since Adam’s coming down to earth. After the Prophet Abraham rebuilt the Kaaba with his son, Ishmael, and he invited the people who spread all over the world to this holy town by the order of Allah. The place of the pilgrimage (mašْʿar) and the practices related to the pilgrimage (manāsik) continued for centuries as the Prophet Abraham taught. However, in the 4th century AD, Amr ibn Luhay, introduced Arabs to the belief of idolatry and came with idols placed in Safa, Marwa, Mina and especially in the Kaaba. The original rules of pilgrimage were distorted along with other newly invented rituals. In this process, while some of Abraham's order was preserved, some of it was abolished. On the one hand, new virtues are being created. On the other hand, the formally correct acts of worship have been conserved.
About three centuries after Amr distorted Abraham's religion, a significant event took place in world history, and Muhammad (Pbuh) was sent as the last prophet. Thus, Islam, which is the religion preached by all the prophets from Adam to the Day of Judgment, was completed. The hajj as a pillar of Islam was confirmed. The pilgrimage distorted in the era of Jahiliyya was corrected with the relevant verses in the Quran and the Sunnah of the Prophet. Like Abraham, he revisted the Kaaba made the pilgrimage rules clear for all Muslims. It is essential to examine comparatively the pilgrimage's correction process in the transition from Jahiliyya to Islam. This will allow us to see the importance of preserving Sunnah as a way of conserving the religion.
There were several falsification aspects of the hajj administration. The place oriented changes such as the waqf during the Hajj; time-related distortions such as leaving time of Muzdalifah etc. were corrected. Worship or virtues such as naked tawaf, clapping hands around Kaaba, not entering the house through the front door on the return of pilgrimage and running to Muzdalifah, for instance, are prohibited. Practising Talbiyah, al-Saey, sacrificing the animal between Safa and Marwah was also formed by Islam to purify them from shirk. In this paper, I discussed the change of pilgrimage after Abraham and the pilgrimage practices that were abolished, created or distorted in Jahiliyya and how they were corrected by the Prophet (Pbuh).