Quranic Studies

Tulisan ini mengkaji tentang buku Interpreting the Qur'an Towards A Contemporary Approach karya Abdullah Saeed yang menawarkan sebuah metodologi interpretasi konteksual, yang dia sebut sebagai contextual approach, secara lebih rinci dibandingkan para pengkaji Qur'an kontemporer lainnya. Dalam buku tersebut, dia menawarkan sebuah hierarki nilai dalam rangka memahami ayat-ayat ethico-legal. Penulis merasa adanya kebutuhan mendesak untuk mengenal lebih jauh tentang interpretasi kontekstual Abdullah Saeed sebagai counter atas maraknya interpretasi tekstual yang mewabah di kalangan umat Islam dewasa ini. Untuk itu, artikel ini akan mengkaji metodologi interpretasi kontekstual yang digagas oleh Abdullah Saeed secara umum, dan konsep hierarki nilai yang dia tawarkan secara khusus. Penulis melihat bahwa konsep hierarki nilai yang dia perkenalkan sebenarnya adalah kelanjutan dari 'general principles' yang digagas oleh Fazlur Rahman. This writing is study about book by title : Interpreting the Qur'an Towards A Contemporary Approach whose was written by Abdullah Saeed. He offers a methodology of contextsual interpretation, clearly he mentioned as contextual approach, specifically he made it in more detail than other. In his book, he present the hierarchy values in understanding ethical-legal verses. I assume that this method of is as counterpart of textual interpretation which popular in fundamentalist. This paper focus on method of contextual interpretation which contents of hierarchy values where I think it is continuity from ideas of Fazlur Rahman as general principles.

This paper discusses the Qurʾānic verses about the Jews and the people of Israel in terms of the naming and the content. Key questions to be addressed are: What is the purpose of the frequent mention of the people of Israel in the Qurʾān? What is the context and the content of the verses about the Jews and the people of Israel both in Meccan and Medinan sūrahs? What message or messages are intended to or can be conveyed by these verses?

Quran translation into Western cultures is a high volatility intercultural act. In it many of the translator’s choices are not purely dictated by linguistic necessity alone, but, rather, are due to the Text’s shifting dynamic of reception, they are contextually overdetermined. Here the dialectic of the translator’s invisibility vs agency comes into sharp relief, as the translator’s discursive presence is overtly superimposed. The global context and extra-textual contradictions and fissures between the source and the receptive milieus necessitate that the translator come out of the shadows and heavily intervene, taking on a peacemaker role. Otherwise, his/her translation endeavour is superfluous at best, or aggravating to an already intense cross-cultural engagement at worst. Given the hard facts of today’s world, Quran translations have, out of necessity, become more exegetical in nature. Within this context, translation is literally about creating a new way for putative readership to access a Text that is central to the believer’s identity as well as the outsider’s understanding of a central religious tradition. This chapter sets out to examine English Quran translations that were published in the aftermath of 9/11 and the tension between worldviews that sprang to a global scale thereafter. In particular, it zooms in on recent renditions of the key term Islam and passages of the Original having a bearing on issues that could prove to be contentious and challenging. Against this global backdrop, all recent English Quran translations simply could not run the risk of going about it without intervening to accommodate for the contextual alongside the textual.

This translates Paul Casanova, "Mohammed et la fin du monde", collected and published in Paris, 1911. This is just the main section with footnotes; not the Complementary Notes. I have further corrected some typo's, and for the footnotes I have redirected what I could find into modern and/or English references.

▶ L'authenticité du texte coranique repose sur l'efficacité de la tradition orale islamique, qui aurait permis de le transmettre à l'identique depuis la mort du prophète de l'islam

▶ La découverte de manuscrits coraniques anciens met en cause la plausibilité du récit de cette transmission orale, en montrant par des preuves matérielles que le texte coranique a subi tout un processus d'écriture, de correction et de réécriture

▶ L'étude critique de la tradition orale supposée qui aurait permis la transmission des hadiths révèle en fait que l'on a à faire non à une tradition orale mais bel et bien à une tradition écrite

▶ Le Coran et la tradition de l'islam procèdent en fait d'un processus d'écriture centralisée, dirigé par le pouvoir califal.

This study conducts a literary analysis of the traditions and comments of al-Tabari with regards to Muhammad's Night Journey and Ascension is undertaken within the context of al-Tabari's exegesis of Qur'ān, 17:1. The linguistic particularities of the verse reveal notions of divine agency in the Qur'ān of which the Night Journey is one instance; manifesting the hand of God in the life of Muhammad. The hadith traditions therein as presented by al-Tabari are examined both linguistically and thematically. It becomes apparent, in the case of al-Tabari the Night Journey and Ascension of Muhammad marked a key turning point in his status as a Prophet; requiring a fantastical opening of Muhammad's chest. Motifs of angelic surgery and the removal of " black spots " from the heart of Muhammad shed further light upon the dogmatic debates surrounding the question of infallibility (al-'ismah) or immunity from sin as an indicator of Muhammad's Prophethood. Al-Tabari also, presents traditions rich with imaginative apocalyptic and eschatological motifs which infuse the story of Muhammad's heavenly journey with

This article contrasts techniques from non-narrative, poetic and Qurʾānic texts with the narratives of Qiṣaṣ al-anbiyāʾ (the Stories of the Prophets) in order to interpret passages on Sulaymān/Solomon in pre-and early Arabic-Islamic texts. Beginning with the renowned non-narrative Sulaymān passage in the pre-Islamic poet al-Nābighah al-Dhubyānī's ode of apology to the Lakhmid king al-Nuʿmān ibn al-Mundhir and several Qurʾānic passages concerning Sulaymān, the article compares these to the eminently narrative prose renditions of Solomonic legend that appear in Qurʾānic commentary and the (related) popular Stories of the Prophets (Qiṣaṣ al-anbiyāʾ). I argue that verbal structures and rhetorical techniques characteristic of non-narrative forms such as poetry and the Qurʾān have the effect of preserving and stabilizing the essential panegyric (poetic) or salvific (Qurʾānic) message in a manner that the constantly mutating popular narrative forms neither strive for nor achieve.

This work draws upon a host of late antique and medieval sources to examine selected Muslim exegeses of Moses in the Quran. The Muslim exegetical image o f Moses in the Quran is linked with ancient Sumerian stories o f Gilgamesh, var- ious versions of the Alexander Romance (Ethiopic, Syriac, Persian), Aramaic translations of the Abraham story in Genesis, and rabbinic accounts of the Ten Lost Tribes in the Talmud and the Midrash. Muslim exegetes associate Moses with the Jacob story in Genesis, Dhu al-Qarnayn 's visit to the cities at the ends of the Earth, and the Prophet Muhammad as caretaker in the garden of Eden. In doing so, the Muslim exegetes do not confuse and mistake earlier sources, but they intentionally use non-Quranic elements thick in Biblical allusions to delineate a particular image of Moses, the Torah, and the Israelites. It is an image of Moses, drawn in contrast to the Biblical and Jewish image o f Moses, which the Muslim exegetes use to identify and authorize themselves as linked to the different image of the Prophet Muhammad. Using approaches from Biblical Studies, History of Religions, Folklore Studies, and Judeo-Arabic Studies, this book suggests how Muslim exegesis ofthe Quran is purposeful in its appropriation and adapta- tion ofelements consonant with Jewish and Christian interpretation and theology of the Bible.

Employing the tools of postcolonial studies, this paper examines the manner in which the legacy of colonialism continues to influence the analysis of the Quran in the Euro-American academy. While Muslim lands are no longer directly colonized, intellectual colonialism continues to prevail in the privileging of Eurocentric systems of knowledge production to the detriment and even exclusion of modes of analysis that developed in the Islamic world for over a thousand years. This form of intellectual hegemony results in multifaceted epistemological reductionism that denies efficacy to the analytical tools developed by the classical Islamic tradition. The presumed intellectual superiority of Euro-American analytical modes has become a constitutive and persistent feature of Quranic Studies, influencing all aspects of the field. Its persistence prevents some scholars from encountering, let alone employing, the analytical tools of the classical Islamic tradition and presents obstacles to a broader discourse in the international community of Quranic Studies scholars. Acknowledging the obstacles to which the coloniality of knowledge has given rise in Quranic Studies can help us to develop more inclusive approaches in which multiple modes of analysis are incorporated and scholars from variegated intellectual backgrounds can build a more transnational field of Quranic Studies.

According to most classical Muslim commentators the Quran teaches that Jesus did not die. On the day of the crucifixion another person – whether his disciple or his betrayer – was miraculously transformed and assumed the appearance of Jesus. He was taken away, crucified, and killed, while Jesus was assumed body and soul into heaven. Most critical scholars accept that this is indeed the Quran's teaching, even if the Quran states explicitly only that the Jews did not kill Jesus. In the present paper I contend that the Quran rather accepts that Jesus died, and indeed alludes to his role as a witness against his murderers in the apocalypse. The paper begins with an analysis of the Quran's references to the death of Jesus, continues with a description of classical Muslim exegesis of those references, and concludes with a presentation of the Quran's conversation with Jewish and Christian tradition on the matter of Jesus' death.

The past few decades have witnessed a proliferation of theories on the origins of Islam which have called into question long-held scholarly axioms. One such axiom is the traditional date of 632 CE for the death of the prophet Muhammad, which some scholars have now sought to redate to after the beginning of the Muslim conquests on the basis of the evidence of non-Muslim sources. The present contribution aims to demonstrate that the prima facie disharmony between these sources and Muslim accounts of Muhammad’s life and the conquests is a product of the reading imposed on both sets of data, which primarily has to do with the fact that, more often than not, modern scholarship unsuspectingly operates within the rigid framework of the classical periodisation of early Islamic history. Therefore, a revision of either the traditional date of Muhammad’s death or the starting date of the conquests based on this evidence is uncalled for.

In his objective study of the texts, Maurice Bucaille clears' away many preconceived ideas about the Old Testament, the Gospels and the Quran. He tries, in this collection of Writings, to separate what belongs to Revelation from what is the product of error or human interpretation.

His study sheds new light on the Holy Scriptures. At the end of a gripping account, he places the Believer before a point of cardinal importance: the continuity of a Revelation emanating from the same God, with modes of expression that differ in the course of time. It leads us to meditate upon those factors which, in our day, should spiritually unite rather than divide-Jews, Christians and Muslims.

As a surgeon, Maurice Bucaille has often been in a situation where he was able to examine not only people's bodies, but their souls. This is how he was struck by the existence of Muslim piety and by aspects of Islam which remain unknown to the vast majority of non-Muslims. In his search for explanations which are otherwise difficult to obtain, he learnt Arabic and studied the Quran. In it, he was surprised to find statements on natural phenomena whose meaning can only be understood through modern scientific knowledge.

He then turned to the question of the authenticity of the writings that constitute the Holy Scriptures of the monotheistic religions. Finally, in the case of the Bible, he proceeded to a confrontation between these writings and scientific data.

The results of his research into the Judeo-Christian Revelation and the Quran are set out in this book.

Almost 75 years after the initial publication of Theodor Nöldeke's Geschichte des Qorâns, Abū ʿAbd Allāh al-Zanjānī (1892–1941), an Iranian religious scholar, made a brief reference in the final chapter of his Tārīkh al-Qurʾān to an edition of Nöldeke's work revised by Schwally, Bergsträsser and Pretzl. He described Nöldeke as a great scholar and his Geschichte des Qorâns as a valuable contribution. Al-Zanjānī’s work also included an outline of Nöldeke's discussion on the order of the revelation of the suras. It is probably safe to say that al-Zanjānī’s book is the first independent work on the history of the Qur'an by a Muslim scholar. This fact leads one to wonder about the apparent lack of previous interest in the historiography of the Qur'an among Islamic scholarship. The present paper seeks to address this question and offer an overview of historiographical scholarship on the Qur'an contributed by Muslim writers both before and following Nöldeke

Keywords. Historiography of the Qur'an, Qur'anic historiography, Qur'an in the Muslim World, Theodore Noldeke, Noldeke, Nöldeke, Abū Àbd Allāh al-Zanjānī, Geschichte des Qorâns

Au fil de sa lecture du Coran, de la tradition musulmane et de discussions avec des musulmans, Odon Lafontaine (dit Olaf) n’a pu empêcher la montée d’un sentiment diffus de malaise et d’incompréhension vis à vis de cette religion à mesure qu’il en découvrait ce qui était pour lui des contradictions et des invraisemblances, historiques comme logiques.

Pour tâcher de les expliquer, il a voulu en apprendre davantage sur les origines historiques de l’islam. C’est ainsi qu’il a découvert le travail d’Édouard-Marie Gallez c.s.j., docteur en théologie et histoire des religions, et qu’il s’est mis à son école. Sa thèse, intitulée Le Messie et son Prophète, et leurs échanges lui ont fait découvrir quantité de recherches historiques passionnantes. Elles ont transformé sa vision de l’islam en révélant une tout autre histoire que celle que le discours ambiant veut faire croire : l’islam n’est pas le résultat d’une révélation divine – ou de la prédication de Mahomet – mais celui d’un processus très long et très complexe de réécriture de l’Histoire, s’enracinant dans des croyances juives et chrétiennes dévoyées, et manipulées par les califes pour satisfaire leurs visées de domination politique.

Cette découverte restait encore à ce jour quasi inconnue du public. La faute sans doute à la complexité du sujet et à son caractère très sensible qui l’ont confinée dans les cercles discrets de la recherche. Comment alors la rendre accessible au plus grand nombre ? Comment l’expliquer et la replacer dans une perspective historique ? Comment s’articule-t-elle avec les recherches les plus récentes à ce sujet et les découvertes nouvelles qui ne cessent de s’accumuler ces dernières années ? C’est ce à quoi tente de contribuer cette importante mise à jour « 2020 » de l’ouvrage de vulgarisation qu’est Le Grand secret de l’islam, fruit d’un long travail personnel d’Odon Lafontaine et de sa collaboration avec Édouard-Marie Gallez et d’autres chercheurs.

Au monde de découvrir maintenant quel est le grand secret de l’islam

Opposition of the prophet Moses: killing Horus /
Kadim Mısır, üç bin yıllık tarihi boyunca kutsanmış bir politik otoritenin yönettiği güçlü bir medeniyeti ifade eder. Binlerce yıl süren Mısır krallarının iktidarının temelinde, kozmogoni mitleriyle kurgulanmış bir firavunluk ideolojisi yer almıştır. Bu ideolojiye göre, ülkeyi firavunların şahsında yöneten, Mısır’ın iktidar tanrısı Horus’tur. Ülkede düzen ve istikrarın sağlanması, Horus’un bedeni olan firavunun yönetimdeki başarısını ifade etmiştir. Kadim çağın bir döneminde Hz. Yusuf’tan haberi olmayan bir firavun, Mısır’daki İsrail halkına karşı soykırım başlatır. Hz. Musa, İsrailoğullarına yaptığı zulüm nedeniyle firavuna çeşitli mucize ve musibetlerle karşı koyar. Onun eliyle ortaya konan her mucize ve musibet, firavunluk ideolojisinin bir yönünü zayıflatan sembolik bir anlama sahiptir. Nihayet firavun, kaçmakta olan köle bir kavmin peşinden giderken Kızıldeniz’in sularında boğulur. Hz. Musa’nın muhalif tutumu karşısında boğularak ölen aslında Horus mitolojisidir. Bu kitapta İsrail halkının Hz. Musa öncülüğünde Mısır’dan çıkış kıssası Kur’an, Tevrat ve Kadim Mısır mitolojisi çerçevesinde ve tarihsel bağlamıyla ele alınmıştır.

This paper provides updated digital images of four Qurʾān fragments from Chicago's Oriental Institute Museum (OIM) that appeared in Nabia Abbott’s Rise of the North Arabic Script, and calls attention to features of their paleography and vocalization which are not apparent from her original black-and-white plates. In doing so, it demonstrates that these four fragments all belong to the same copy of the Qurʾān, which is also the same Qurʾān as nineteen leaves in Paris’ Bibliothèque Nationale de France (BNF) and two leaves in Doha’s Museum of Islamic Art (MIA). All twenty-five folios of this Qurʾān contain a unique vocalization system that represents /a/ and /u/ with miniature red forms of alif and wāw. This system of “letter-form” vocalization signs is unattested in other Qurʾān manuscripts and corresponds with a type of vocalization which medieval sources describe as shakl al-shiʿr: “the marking of poetry.” The subsequent discussion analyzes the features of this shakl al-shiʿr system and contextualizes it within the history of both this Qurʾān manuscript and Arabic writing as a whole.

Article is open access with full manuscript images available on the JNES site here: https://doi.org/10.1086/712876

يحاول هذا الكتاب استبطان التاريخ الحضاري للأمة والعوامل المؤثرة في مسيرتها والأبعاد الغائية في حركتها من أجل تفسير أسباب العجز ‏والتصور في بناء مشروع الإصلاح. و قد توصل الكتاب إلى نتائج هامة من وراء تلك الأسباب، و منها غياب الطفل و ما يتعلق به في ‏الفكر العلمي التربوي في منظور سلم الأولويات، و انحصار الخطاب الإسلامي في الدائرة الوعظة والمعرفية للبالغين الذين يستعصون على ‏التغيير و الاستجابة الوجدانية لمتطلبات الإصلاح... وحدد الكتاب أهم وجوه التشوه الثقافي الذي انتهى بالأمة إلى التمزق والتدهور ‏وضمور العقلية العلمية وقتل الإبداع. كما حدد وجوه التحديات التي تواجه الأمة وسبل مواجهتها.‏

This thesis (1999) delves into Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd's hermeneutics of the Qur'an, which was, at that time, not yet systematically formulated. It tries to reconstruct his theories of text and interpretation based on his works, and gives some examples in which he implemented his hermeneutics, such as the issues of  evil forces (jinn, shayâtîn, sihr and hasad), ribâ and interest, slavery,  polygamy, and women's Inheritance. Abu Zayd's contribution to Qur'anic hermeneutics is important in developing critical Qur'anic scholarship.

The study of Jesus in the Qur'an might profitably begin with the fact that there he is called not the expected Arabic Yasu' but rather the unaccountable 'Isa. From there the reader of the Qur'an may wonder to what extent the writer of the materials on Jesus was familiar with the canonical Gospel accounts that had circulated widely and extensively in the Middle East during the six centuries preceding the emergence of Islam. The Qur'anic portrait of Jesus is full of mysteries, lacunae, and intriguing questions.

The following article surveys a few treatises regarding the salvation of the Prophet Muḥammad’s uncle, Abū Ṭālib b. ‘Abd al-Muṭṭalib (d. circa 619 CE). The controversy concerning Abū Ṭālib’s place in the hereafter stems from a wealth of reports condemning him to hell due to his refusal to convert to Islam and others which testify to his lifelong belief in God and the prophethood of Muḥammad.  The first group of reports was canonized in the collections of Bukhārī and Muslim, while the second group largely appeared in sīra and Shī‘ī ḥadīth literature.  Although Shī‘ī thinkers have upheld the faith and salvation of Abū Ṭālib from the earliest periods of Islamic history, very few Sunnīs shared this opinion despite transmitting some of the same proof-texts cited in Shī‘ī works.  According to most Sunnīs, these proof-texts were either inconclusive or insufficient in proving Abū Ṭālib's conversion to Islam or his salvation.  However, there is a remarkable shift in the sensibilities of some Sunnīs after the ninth century hijrī (fifteenth century CE). In contrast to early Sunnīs who considered such a possibility to be unlikely or flatly denied it, a few Sunnīs over the past five centuries have joined their Shī‘ī co-religionists in their commitment to the salvation of Abū Ṭālib.  This article introduces the relevant proof-texts and theological arguments that classical Shī‘ī and modern Sunnī writers have utilized to advocate the belief in Abū Ṭālib’s salvation.

The utterance of “ahl al-kitap” (people of book) as a noun clause, is one of the words that  Quran made it a term and uses for a special meaning. When we analyse the verses that contains  “book” at Quran, we can see, the noun clause “ahl al-kitap” (people of book) ise suitable to be name for every society has a scripture from Allah; but  Quran especially use this noun clause as the name of especially two society : The owns of Torah and the owns of Gospel. When we analyse the informations that Quranic verses give us about duration of going away of the owns of two books, from affirming the unity of God  -the right way that Prophets thought them-; we can meet some belief problems. İn those verses Quran deals with theese problems sometimes in particular events in history of sons of İsrael, and generally in the events lived at the time in Quran revealed. In this thesis we established that Quran uses two words Judaism and Christianity (al-Yahud ve an-Nasara) not for persons that believes affirming to unity of God and saves the original scripture of Torah and Bible and saves the right way of Prophets; but especially uses for only the societies that those belief problems have completely located in. So we think it must be considered the conceptual framework in Quran, If we use the utterance “ahl al-kitap” as a term of Quran. According the outcomes of this thesis it must not be used “Judaism and Chirsitianity” words for describing the peoples that the verses of Quran speak about “ahl al-kitap” in possitive context. We emphasize; in Muslim’s conception “Judaism and Christianity” (al-Yahud ve an-Nasara) words are special terming of Quran’ for the peoples have  negative belief positions against the original  Torah and Gospel and against the affirming to unity of God, the right way that prophets thoght their sincere believers.
Key words: “Ahl al-kitap”(peoplo of book), “Torah”, “Gospel”, “Sons of İsrael”, “Judaism”, “Christianity”.

Özet : “Ehl-i kitap” lafzı bir isim tamlaması olarak, Kur’an’ın nüzul sürecinde kavramsallaştırarak özel bir anlamda kullandığı Kur’an lafızlarındandır. Kur’an ayetlerinde “kitap” kelimesinin geçtiği ayetlerden hareketle “ehl-i kitap” tamlaması kendisine ilahi vahiy verilmiş tüm toplulukları kapsayabilecek bir niteliğe sahip olmakla birlikte, bu kelime özellikle Tevrat ve İncil adlı kutsal kitabı sahiplenen iki gurubu tanımlamak için kullanılır. Bu iki kitabı sahiplenen toplulukların kendilerine bu kitapların vahyedilmesine vesile olan peygamberlerinin getirdiği tevhid yolundan uzaklaşma süreçlerine dair Kur’an’ın bize verdiği bilgilerde yer alan meselelere baktığımızda karşımıza bazı inanç problemleri çıkar. Bu inanç problemlerine temas eden ayetleri Kur’an hem İsrâiloğullarının tarihindeki bazı tikel olaylara atıfla, hem de nüzul sürecinde yaşanmış bazı olaylar üzerinden ele alır. Bu tezimizde Yahudilik ve Hristiyanlık kelimelerini Kur’an’ın Tevrat ve İncil adlı kutsal kitapların tevhide dayanan orijinal halini muhafaza edenler için değil, tespit ettiğimiz inanç problemlerinin yerleşik bir hal aldığı topluluklar için özellikle kullandığını belirledik. Bundan ötürü tezimizde “ehl-i kitap” kavramının itikadî bir terim olarak Kur’an ayetleri referans alınarak kullanılması noktasında, Kur’an’ın ortaya koyduğu kavramsal çerçevenin dikkate alınması gerektiğini düşünüyoruz. Yine bu tezde ulaşılan sonuca göre Yahudilik ve Hristiyanlık kelimeleri de “ehl-i kitap” la ilgili olumlu hususların işaret edildiği ayetlerde anlatılan meselelerde kullanılmamalıdır. Kur’an’ın bu kelimeler için tercih ettiği üzere bu iki kelimenin Müslümanların tasavvurlarında Tevrat ve İncil’e varis olanların inanç açısından olumsuz bir konumda olanlarına yönelik bir özel isimlendirme olduğunu vurguluyoruz.
Anahtar Kelimeler : “Ehl-i kitap”, “Tevrat”, “İncil”, “İsrâiloğulları”, “Yahudilik”, “Hristiyanlık”.

"À première vue, les descriptions de Jésus que l’on observe dans le Coran apparaissent ambiguës. D’un côté, elles semblent adhérer à l’hagiographie chrétienne, de l’autre elles nient sa nature divine. Pour saisir les convictions musulmanes aux VIIe-VIIIe siècles, il faut garder en mémoire les siècles de querelles dogmatiques qui venaient de secouer la chrétienté."

این پژوهش، مروری است بر ارتباط سیاق و اسباب نزول؛ ارتباطی متقابل که گاه به تردید در یکی از این دو قرینه منجر می‌شود. این نوشتار، به بررسی موقعیت سیاق و اسباب نزول و رابطه‌ی این دو در تفسیر آیه‌ی احصار می‌پردازد؛ گرچه معترفیم که بحث سیاق و اسباب نزول را نمی‌توان در پرتو یک آیه به نتیجه‌ی نهایی رساند. 
    در تعارض سیاق و اسباب نزول آیه، گاه سیاق منجر به تردید در سبب نزول منقول برای آیه می‌شود و گاه سبب نزول باعث تردید در برقراری سیاق در آیه می‌گردد. در آیه‌ی احصار، از زاویه‌ای که ما به آیه نگریستیم، در سه مقطع گمان تعارض این دو قرینه وجود داشت که در این موارد، به دلائلی که در متن مورد بحث قرار گرفته است، جانب اسباب نزول ترجیح داده می‌شود.  بدیهی است که پیش فرض این گفتار آنست که هر کدام از این دو قرینه، به تنهایی دارای حجیت هستند.

The Hebrew translation of the Quran by Uri Rubin, (1944-2021) was first published in 2005. In 2016, the translator after 11 years, published its edited version. The importance of this translation, regardless of linguistic
debates, is the existence of a lot of footnotes under the verses; the content of some of them will definitely help interpretive-Intertextuality
discussions, but in some cases the footnotes have conflict with the Muslim views. In fact, the final text is something beyond translation,
but a commentary.
The content of the footnotes can be categorized in four main parts: I. Purely explanatory texts for literal explanation of the meanings of verses; II. Referring to exegetical views and disagreements of commentators; III. Referral to similar verses in the text of the Qur›an; IV. Referring to the similar concepts in Torah, and Midrash. The present article focuses on this new version and its changes in two subjects of basic issues and its references to pre-Islamic texts.

This paper will discuss the differences between the characteristics of mushaf written with rasm ‘Uthmani (‘Uthmani orthography) and mushaf written with rasm al-imla’i (Arabic orthography). Even though there are only six basic differences between these two types of mushafs, the researchers found out that many people are still confused in determining them. Thus, this study aimed to explain the differences between them and clarify the confusion. This study found out that the confusion originated from people’s misunderstanding of the differences between the science of rasm mushaf (the writing form of the Qur’an) and the science of dabt mushaf (determining the conventional signs of vocalization of the Qur’an). This also led to the misconception that dabt mushaf is the yardstick to determine the differences between rasm ‘Uthmani mushaf and non-rasm ‘Uthmani mushaf. In fact, rasm ‘Uthmani mushaf, which was written by the sahabah, did not contain the conventional signs of vocalization like the mushaf that we have in hand nowadays. The signs were actually applied to the Qur’an by the scholars at a later time.

"A number of Islamic associations have put a quick end to their collaboration with a professor -- and trainer of people who are supposed to teach Islam in German high schools -- who has expressed his doubt that Muhammad ever lived. Islam scholar Michael Marx spoke with SPIEGEL ONLINE about what lies behind the debate and the historical person of the Prophet. "