Maori history

At the juncture of 1823-24, thousands of people from the Heretaunga (Southern Hawkes Bay), Ahuriri (Northern Hawkes Bay) and Wairarapa communities of the lower East Coast of the North Island migrated to the Māhia Peninsula. Those who moved north to Māhia would stay for nearly 20 years in a migration common for many iwi and hapu affected by the upheaval, danger and violence, of the ‘Musket Wars’ that took place across Aotearoa New Zealand in the early nineteenth century. In the 1820s, Te Pareihe, a chief of the hapu Ngai Te Whatuiāpiti from the Te Aute area led a varied contingent of East Coast migrants to refuge at Māhia. This dissertation examines the reasons for this migration, paying particular attention to external threats and utu, the indefensibility of Heretaunga, Ahuriri and Wairarapa areas, the alliance with Te Wera Hauraki of Ngāpuhi, and the role of tohunga prophecy.  In addition to these issues, the study also deals with the reasons why Māhia was selected as the most suitable refuge.  This dissertation, then, offers an important reminder that Māori migrated internally, and frequently, within their traditional boundaries well before the more researched urbanisation migrations of the mid-twentieth century, and well after the multiple migrations well chronicled in early Māori history waka voyaging.  These migrations like those of Ngai Te Whatuiāpiti in 1823-24 included important reconnections with traditional papa kainga, and were not simply movements away from home.  Indeed, in the case of East Coast Ngāti Kahungunu Māori, the Nukutaurua migration signalled both a broadening of boundaries and strengthening of links within the hapu of Takitimu waka. This study draws on historical data and evidence, interview data, and the existing literature in East Coast Kahungunu indigenous history.

● NZ HERITAGE BOOK AWARD 2019
● Two KA PALAPALA PO'OKELA AWARDS 2019
● STORYLINES NOTABLE BOOK AWARD 2019
● Best of 2019 - Radio New Zealand National: 'absolutely one of the best books I have ever read'
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AUTHOR WEBSITE: https://authors.org.nz/author/andrewcrowe/
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The 6th of February is New Zealand's annual day of cultural performance par excellence.  It is not a rememberance and reflection of what is undoubtedly this country's most important historical moment, but instead an enactment of contemporary understandings of the Treaty of Waitangi by both Maori and the Crown.  Architecturally this performance is played out at, and between, Te Tii marae and the Treaty grounds at Waitangi.  The partnerships between Maori and the Crown is spatially expressed each year by symbolically important rituals being conducted and protocols observed at each specific site.  People gather, welcomes occur, addresses are given, entertainment provided, bridges crossed, debates take place, demands are made, and protests held.  The actions of the various parties are frequently beamed into households by the television networks and reported in the national newspapers, leading to a national construction of space that represents current perceptions of cultural and race relations.  The 1980s saw a significant shift in the construction of Waitangi as space.  Following the rise of the land rights movement in the 1960s and 1970s, Maori activists focussed their efforts on Waitangi and Waitangi Day more than ever before.  The government responded by denying access to the Treaty grounds, then retreating from Waitangi celebrations, and then eventually returning by the end of the decade.  Waitangi as space became a pawn in a political contest, and its place in the national psyche moved with each action and counter-action.

The failure of successive New Zealand regimes, both local and central government, to commemorate the true story of what happened in the modest Taranaki township of Waitara, resulting in two decades of devastation underscored by events at Parihaka in 1880, is a shame on the nation.

A rethinking of the events that led up to the first shots in the Land Wars in 1860 and the man, Te Witi Te Rangitaake (Wiremu Kingi)  who tried to stand by a promise to protect his family land only to be delivered of it through and illegal declaration of martial law.

In this essay I will be analysing the question ‘what is Māori history?’ with secondary questions such as: who writes it; who defines what Māori history is and what is recorded; and if all the histories that have been written by Pākehā about Māori, had been written by Māori, how different would that history be? I will be focusing on a particular part of New Zealand - Te Tau Ihu (the Top of the South Island) as an example of the issues surrounding Maori history and the literature written about it, and I will be using the Golden Bay Museum as a case study on the presentation (or lack thereof) of Māori history in a community.

Academic Reference:

Zuckermann, Ghil'ad & Monaghan, Paul (2012). "Revival linguistics and the new media: Talknology in the service of the Barngarla language reclamation", pp. 119-126 of Foundation for Endangered Languages XVI Conference: Language Endangerment in the 21st Century:Globalisation, Technology & New Media. Auckland, New Zealand.

------------------------------


Revival Linguistics and the New Media:
Talknology in the service of the Barngarla Language Reclamation


Ghil‘ad Zuckermann

Chair of Linguistics and Endangered Languages
School of Humanities, University of Adelaide, SA Adelaide 5005, Australia
[ghilad.zuckermann@adelaide.edu.au]


Paul Monaghan

Mobile Language Team
School of Humanities, University of Adelaide, SA Adelaide 5005, Australia
[paul.monaghan@adelaide.edu.au]


Abstract

Revival Linguistics is a new branch of linguistics, currently being established at Adelaide. It analyses comparatively and systematically the universal constraints and global mechanisms on the one hand (see Zuckermann 2009), and local peculiarities on the other hand, apparent in revival attempts across various sociological backgrounds, all over the world (see Zuckermann & Walsh 2011). A branch of both linguistics and applied linguistics, it combines scientific studies of native language acquisition and foreign language learning (language reclamation is the most extreme case of Second Language Learning).

The study: The Barngarla language (spelled Parnkalla by Schürmann 1844) is a no-longer spoken Thura-Yura Pama-Nyungan Aboriginal language of the Lakes Cultural Region of South Australia. Most recently Zuckermann, Monaghan and the Barngarla community have launched a reclamation of this sleeping beauty in three major rural/urban centres on the Eyre Peninsula, namely Port Lincoln, Whyalla, and Port Augusta. The presence of three Barngarla populations several hours drive apart presents the revival linguist with a need for a sophisticated reclamation involving ‘talknological’ innovations, such as online chatting, newsgroups, photo and resource sharing through a Barngarla wiki. This paper also examines the tensions accompanying the creation of a Barngarla ‘community of practice’ (cf. Wenger 1998) in a post-traditional Aboriginal context. In important ways, the new talknology poses a direct challenge to existing authority structures relating to the everyday management of knowledge, collaboration and participation. We predict that how the broader Barngarla community negotiates these issues will have an important bearing on the ultimate results of the reclamation project.




Revival Linguistics

Revival Linguistics is a new branch of linguistics, currently being established at Adelaide. It analyses comparatively and systematically the universal constraints and global mechanisms on the one hand (see Zuckermann 2009), and local peculiarities and idiosyncrasies on the other hand, apparent in revival attempts across various sociological backgrounds, all over the world (Zuckermann & Walsh 2011). A branch of both linguistics and applied linguistics, it combines scientific studies of native language acquisition and foreign language learning (language reclamation is the most extreme case of Second Language Learning).

Revival Linguistics complements the established field of documentary linguistics, which records endangered languages before they fall asleep. Revival Linguistics ought to revise the fields of grammaticography (writing grammars) and lexicography (writing dictionaries): Grammars and dictionaries ought to be written for language reclamation, i.e. in a user-friendly way, for communities, not only for linguists. For example, juxtapose Lutheran missionary Clamor Wilhelm Schürmann’s 1844 spelling of the Barngarla word nunyara ‘recovery’, which ignores the English environment, thus resulting in the pronunciation nanYAra rather than NOONyara.

Closely related to contact linguistics, Revival Linguistics changes the field of historical linguistics, e.g. by weakening the Family Tree model, which implies that a language ought to have only one parent. Assisting Aboriginal communities in a realistic, non-purisitic way, without selling them myths, Revival Linguistics promotes efficiency and efficacy in language reclamation.

Certainly Australia has been made the ‘Unlucky Country’ through the historical processes of linguicide (language killing) and glottophagy (language eating). These twin forces were in operation from the early colonial period. In her detailed study of the role missionary language practices in the early years of the South Australian colony, Scrimgeour quotes the following colonial language ideology: ‘Mr Forster afterwards adverted to the present mode of teaching the children in their own language. He, with all respect to the Missionaries, would say, on several grounds, that this was wrong. The natives would be sooner civilized if their language was extinct. The children taught would afterwards mix only with whites, where their own language would be of no use – the use of their language would preserve their prejudices and debasement, and their language was not sufficient to express the ideas of civilized life.  He gave the Missionaries full credit for their talents and zeal, but he thought it would be better to teach the children in English’ (from Report on a public meeting of the South Australian Missionary Society in aid of the German Mission to the Aborigines, Southern Australian, 8 September 1843; Scrimgeour, 2007: 116, italics added).

In the case of glottophagy, Governor George Grey noted: ‘The merchant in London who lays on a vessel for a certain port, regards the affair as a mere mercantile speculation, but could he trace out the results he effects in their remotest ramifications, he would stand astonished at the changes he produces.  With the wizard wand of commerce, he touches a lone and trackless forest, and at his bidding, cities arise, and the hum and dust of trade collect – away are swept ancient races; antique laws and customs moulder into oblivion.  The strong-holds of murder and superstition are cleansed, and the Gospel is preached amongst ignorant and savage men. The ruder languages disappear successively, and the tongue of England alone is heard around’ (Grey 1841: 200-201, italics added). Grey was a strong supporter of Aboriginal languages, encouraging Schürmann’s work documenting the Adelaide language (Kaurna) and Barngarla at Port Lincoln (see below).

With globalization, homogenization and Coca-colonization there will be more and more groups all over the world added to the forlorn club of the lost-heritage peoples. Language reclamation will become increasingly relevant as people seek to recover their cultural autonomy, empower their spiritual and intellectual sovereignty, and improve their wellbeing. There are various ethical, aesthetic and utilitarian benefits of language revival: for example, social justice, diversity and employability, respectively.

Zuckermann (2012) has enthusiastically called for Native Tongue Title and linguistic human rights, suggesting that the Australian government ought to compensate Indigenous people not only for the loss of land but equally importantly for the loss of language. Zuckermann has suggested to the Australian government to define Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander vernaculars as official languages.

Furthermore, it is predicted that in the future the very insights offered by Revival Linguistics will themselves become part of Indigenous Intellectual Property, when Slovenes and Estonians come to Australia and New Zealand to ask Aboriginal Australians and Maori to assist them in their own European language resurrection.

There is an urgent need to produce perspicacious LINGUISTIC and socio-linguistic insights relevant to language reclamation. Otherwise, linguists or language workers would not be able to offer, if asked by Indigenous people, efficient and efficacious advice. There are linguistic constraints applicable to all revival attempts. Mastering them would help revivalists and First Nations leaders to work more efficiently; for example, to focus more on basic vocabulary and verbal conjugations than on sounds and word order – see Zuckermann (2009: http://www.zuckermann.org/pdf/Hybridity_versus_Revivability.pdf.

Revival linguistics would assist revivalists to be more realistic and to abandon discouraging slogans such as "Give us authenticity or give us death!" The following are among the basic principles that the revival linguist encourages in Aboriginal communities:

i. If your language falls asleep: stop, revive, survive!
ii. If you revive a language, embrace the hybridity of the emerging tongue; and
iii. If your language is healthy, assist others in linguistic need.

One day we may invent devices to “inject” a language into our brains. But until then, any attempt to reclaim a hibernating language will result in a hybrid that combines components from the revivalists' and documenters' mother tongues and, of course, the target language. In the immortal words of Jerry Seinfeld: "Not that there's anything wrong with that!"

The Study


Figure 1: Map of Traditional Aboriginal Country after Norman Tindale (adapted from Hercus 1999)

The Barngarla language reclamation project has arisen through partnerships between the University of Adelaide (Linguistics and the Mobile Language Team) and the Barngarla people. Although still in its infancy, consultations began in September 2011, a number of very significant steps have been made towards reclaiming this ‘sleeping beauty’. Without doubt, the key challenge has been to develop a strategy for the reclamation of the language simultaneously and without favour in three major regional centres. In ways that will be elaborated below, this multi-sited, regional or peripheral reclamation makes demands that are very different to those often found in metropolitan reclamation contexts (e.g. Kaurna, cf. Amery...

I propose  the peace-making efforts of the missionaries, the printing and distribution of Bible books in te reo (the Maori language) and the eagerness of many chiefs to embrace the example of Jesus Christ (Ihu Karaiti),  were pivotal in countering the 'Musket Wars' killing that wiped out up to 20 percent of the Maori population.

Keywords: plough, Serres, Anthropocene, dust bowl, agriculture

This chapter has been prepared for inclusion in the Nick Holm and Sy Tassel edited anthology -

Ecological Entanglements in the Anthropocene: Working with Nature 

- as part of the Ecocritical Theory and Practice Series of Lexington Books.

This collection has been developed following the WORKING WITH NATURE, conference at Massey University in April 2015.

For Indigenous peoples, and Māori specifically, storytelling and oral history are crucial to the survival of our collective identities, culture and language. Retold across generations, our stories are often explicit and interwoven narratives of personal and collective memories. Drawing on Native American scholar Gerald Vizenor's (2009) concept of "survivance stories", this article explores a set of three oral history narratives of kaumātua from Ngäti Tiipa, one of the 33 iwi and hapü of the Waikato-Tainui confederation. Our analysis reveals how enduring connections to the river and land, the retention of whānau practices and the intergenerational transmission of tūpuna names have shaped contemporary expressions of Ngāti Tiipa identity and belonging. We explore how these testimonies reveal survivance as a repeated theme that has its own nuanced interpretation in individual and collective tribal oral stories.

In this essay I will cover governing strategies, opportunities for non-native speakers to learn Te Reo, fluency in more than one language, the use of Te Reo between staff members and to visitors, the use of Te Reo on exhibition labels and museum signage, and the use of Te Reo in social media posts. But to start this essay off, I will offer a brief history of the use of the Māori language in New Zealand so that it provides some context to my topic.

Attempts to impose a Constitution on Aotearoa New Zealand that would have overridden the Treaty of Waitangi and any plans for democratic self-governance were only averted by strong opposition from missionaries, Maori chiefs and senior officials.

The raft of legislation, passed by the British Parliament and expected to be adopted by Governor George Grey in 1846 would have seen the country come under strict British rule and strongly favoured the profit hungry directors of the fading New Zealand Company.
Even after the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi the New Zealand Company persisted with its plans for an independent New Zealand colony, and with the aid of one of Britain's top bureaucrats, it nearly achieved its aim. Edward Gibbon Wakefield had powerful backers for his "systematic colonisation" theories and illegal plan to colonise New Zealand including British MPs, Lords and bankers. Despite being told not to come by the Colonial Office, the Aborigines Protection Society and New Zealand missionaries, shiploads of settlers were already on the way before the Treaty signing.

Lawlor, I. T. (19 Jul 2018). Supplementary Statement of evidence by Ian Thomas Lawlor on behalf of the Appellants in the Environment Court Auckland [ENV-2017-AKL-000160], under Section 88 of the Heritage New Zealand Pouhere Taonga Act 2014, in the matter of an authority granted to Fletchers Residential Ltd to modify or destroy archaeological sites at 545-561 Ōruarangi Road Māngere under Section 48 of the Heritage New Zealand Pouhere Taonga Act 2014, between Betty King (Kuia of Makaurau Marae) First Appellant, Pania Newton on behalf of herself and other members of Makaurau Marae Second Appellant, Ngā Kaitiaki o Ihumātao Charitable Trust Third Appellant, SOUL Ihumātao Fourth Appellant, Heritage New Zealand Pouhere Taonga Respondent.

[The following text is from the introduction.]

This follows my original evidence which states if relevant records are located, that help improve our understanding of the HMS Pandora surveying activities in the Manukau Harbour from the 5th of February to the 3rd of May 1853, a supplementary statement will be prepared and submitted to the Environment Court hearing Appeal ENV-2017-AKL-000160 (refer to Lawlor 9 Mar 2018 p.27 para. 5.22).

Contrary to a statement made in my primary evidence (refer to Lawlor 9 Mar 2018 p.24 para. 5.10), a journal of detailed survey ‘Triangulations’ for the period when HMS Pandora crew were surveying on the Manukau Harbour in 1853, has been located and retrieved from the United Kingdom Hydrographic Office [UKHO] Archives Department in Taunton, Somerset England. This includes the triangulations for the trig points from which the Māori garden field systems located across Ōruarangi Special Housing Area [SHA] were surveyed.

In addition, an 1853 survey plan that overlaps with the Onehunga Channels plan [UKHO Archives L9372], that covers the SHA and was reviewed in my primary evidence, has been identified and retrieved, along with other HMS Pandora survey historic manuscripts (refer to Lawlor 9 Mar 2018 pp.27-30 para. 5.23-5.35).

3.4 To reiterate one conclusion from my primary statement of evidence (refer to Lawlor 9 Mar 2018 pp. 2-4, see para. 1.9 point g), the completed archaeological Assessment, Plan and Strategy are not robust (i.e. they are not fully researched, documented and recorded), to the point of being unable to be relied upon, and as a result HNZPT have failed in their statutory duty to protect archaeological sites, which cover the entire subject property.

摘　要
1992年聯合國教科文組織（United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization，下稱UNESCO）成立了世界記憶計畫，所謂的「世界記憶」指的是人類所記錄下來的集體記憶，即其文獻遺產，代表世界文化遺產的一大部分，UNESCO認為該計畫主要的目的在以最適當的技術促成世界文獻遺產的保存、普及、利用，並提升全世界對文獻遺產存在與重要性之意識（Edmondson，2002）。通常一份文獻遺產要列入世界記憶國際名錄，須具備全球重要性及影響力，否則僅能列入區域或國家名錄，截至2016年底為止，亞太地區已有84項文獻遺產列入國際名錄，其中包含了紐西蘭於1997年登錄的《懷唐伊條約》。
該文獻今日被紐西蘭稱之為「立國文獻」，現保存於國家圖書館，正本共有九份，其中7份是紙質、2份是羊皮紙。該文獻最初於1840年2月6日在群島灣由威廉．哈布森艦長與幾位英國移居者和大約45位毛利酋長共同簽署，經過九個月的巡迴，最後總計有超過500位酋長簽署了《懷唐伊條約》。雖然紐西蘭是唯一建立在原住民族與殖民母國簽署條約而成立的現代國家，但《懷唐伊條約》簽署後，並未納入紐西蘭的法律架構之下，導致1840年後，毛利族在漫長的一個多世紀裡，在英國殖民統治下漸漸失去土地、漁場、森林及財產。1975年毛利族酋長Dame Whina Cooper發起徒步長征（Hikoi），群眾自北島最北端逐漸聚集，形成龐大的抗爭隊伍，步行到北島最南端的首都威靈頓的國會大樓前，抗議的主題包含了履行《懷唐伊條約》、還我土地、毛利語、毛利文化以及民族主義等。終於迫使工黨政府改革原住民政策，通過「1975年懷唐伊條約法案（Treaty of Waitangi Act 1975）」，並據此成立懷唐伊法庭（Waitangi Tribunal） 調查皇室（Crown）及國家級機構違反條約的行為，就違法事實對政府提出建言。一但法庭調查屬實，毛利部落可要求與皇室簽定和解契約，包含恢復傳統領域及提出文化、商業等賠償。《懷唐伊條約》影響了紐西蘭文化、政治、社會超過170年，這段期間也是全球人類社會變動最為劇烈的年代，《懷唐伊條約》雖然只有短短三條，卻深深地影響著毛利族，甚至全世界的原住民社群。
本文將以《懷唐伊條約》為例，分析該項文獻遺產在不同的歷史發展進程中對今日紐西蘭所產生的影響，解讀毛利族與皇室及白人移居者在百餘年間如何詮釋該條約，探討UNESCO「世界記憶」計畫如何以二十一世紀的視角將國家及區域以文獻為基礎的集體記憶提升為全人類的世界記憶。

Abstract
The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) established the World Memory Project in 1992. The name of project "Memory of the World" refers to the collective memory recorded by mankind; the documentary heritage represents a part of the world's cultural heritage. UNESCO believes that the main purpose of the project is to promote the preservation, popularization and utilization of the world's documentary heritage with the most appropriate technology and to raise awareness of the existence and importance of documentary heritage around the world (Edmondson, 2002). Usually a documentary heritage registered by International Memory of the World which must have global importance and influence. Otherwise, it can only list to regional or national directory. As of the end of 2016, there are 84 documentary heritages in the Asia-Pacific region registered in the international directory. It includes the Treaty of Waitangi, which New Zealand government entered in 1997.
Nowadays, The Treaty of Waitangi is in its position of New Zealand’s founding document, and is now kept in the National Library. There are nine originals, seven of which are paper and two of which are parchment. The first document was originally signed on February 6, 1840 in the Bay of Islands by Captain William Habson and 45 Māori chiefs. After nine months of island-wide tour, a total of more than 500 chiefs signed the Treaty of Waitangi in different copies.  Although New Zealand was the only modern country established by the signing of a treaty between the indigenous and the colonial mother country, it was not included in the legal framework of New Zealand after the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi.  After 1840, the Māori people gradually lost their land, fisheries, forests and property under British colonial rule for more than a century. In 1975, the Māori chieftain Dame Whina Cooper launched the Hikoi, a protest march or parade, and the masses gathered from the northernmost part of the North Island to form a huge resistance team.  They walked to the Congress building in Wellington, the southernmost of the North Island as well as the capital of New Zealand.  The theme of the protest included The Treaty of Waitangi, returning my land, te reo Māori (Māori Language), Māori taonga, and nationalism.  Finally, the Labor government was forced to reform the indigenous policy.  In 1975, the “1975 Treaty of Waitangi Act” was passed, and the Waitangi Tribunal was established to investigate the treaty violation of the Crown and state agencies.  The acts of the Waitangi Tribunal make suggestions to the government based on the facts of violations. Once the court investigation is true, the iwi (Māori tribe) can request a settlement agreement with the Crown, including the restoration of traditional fields and the submission of cultural and commercial compensation.  The Treaty of Waitangi has influenced New Zealand's culture, politics, and society for more than 170 years.  This period is also the era of the most dramatic changes in the human society.  Although the Treaty of Waitangi is only three articles, it has a profound impact to the Māori, and even the indigenous community of the world.
This paper will take the Treaty of Waitangi as an example to analyze the impact of the documentary heritage on today’s New Zealand over different historical developments, and how the treaty was interpreted by the Māori, Crown agent and settlers government over the past 100 years. How are they interpreted to explore how UNESCO's “Memory of the World" program promotes the national and regional literature-based collective memory to the world's memory of all mankind from the perspective of the 21st century?

The report presents the results of an archaeological assessment of four ‘soft’ options proposed to stabilize ongoing erosion and promote better conservation management of the southwest rim and slopes of ‘Te Pūkakitapu o Poutūkeka’, otherwise known as the Pūkaki Lagoon explosion crater, located near Māngere in South Auckland. Much of this 3ha area originally formed part of the Manukau Harbour, and it contains the historic Pūkaki Urupā (Cemetery) and Pā (archaeological site R11/548) being a wāhi tapu or sacred place of Te Ākitai-Waiohua Iwi. The work was commissioned by Biran (Birandra) Singh (Auckland Council Parks South) and Maraea Jo Wilson (Pūkaki Māori Marae Trust Committee), and the fieldwork was completed by Ian Lawlor (SHC Limited) working with Nigel Denny (Te Ākitai Waiohua Kaitiaki Manager) on the 18th of June and 19th July 2014.
Research has included a review and analysis of records relating to historic and recent modifications of the Pūkaki Lagoon study catchment. Discovered evidence indicates that present-day erosion problems are primarily the result of the Auckland Harbour Board having leased Pūkaki Lagoon to George Henning (a prominent Auckland automobile businessman) in 1925, to enable a dam to be constructed across the outlet, for the lagoon to be drained, and a motorcar and cycle speedway to be built; when the dam was under construction Kahupāke Rongonui, a Te Ākitai-Waiohua kaumatua (elder) from Pūkaki, repeatedly wrote and made representations to Government petitioning for the desecration of their sacred grounds to be stopped, and the remains of their ancestors to be left alone, but their appeals and pleas went unheeded. The track opened on the 23rd March 1929 and ‘Henning’s Speedway’, or the Māngere Speedway as it was known, became Auckland’s first purpose-built dirt or ‘cinder’ motor racing venue. The first ‘official’ event was held on the 21st of January 1933, but the track closed shortly after on the 12th April 1934, and then it was only used for informal activities and events up to 1944, when the land and lease-area was sold and then farmed. A detailed review of newspaper articles and photographs of the day show that dam construction included quarrying Pūkaki Wāhi Tapu Burial Ground, a demarcated area identified and named on the earliest survey plans from 1866, and recently re-discovery wood and stone taonga (artefacts), together with parts of human skeletons that were recovered from the swamp at the Māngere Speedway and deposited with the Auckland Museum in 1931, provide evidential proof that the original Te Ākitai-Waiohua kaumatua concerns about this ancient sacred site were entirely justified.
In addition to the earthwork remains of one previously recorded pā (site R11/548), located within Pūkaki Urupā, the archaeological survey identified five other places of cultural interest. These were two patches of taro, interpreted as ‘modern’ wetland gardens being situated in the middle of what was once Henning’s Speedway track, and three archaeological sites (evidence of human activity pre-dating 1900) including: a copse of old fig trees associated with a small scatter of shells, interpreted as part of the 1831-1863 Pūkaki village thought to have been located immediately west of the assessment area; and two eroded and collapsed cultural deposits, thought to be of pre-historic age, located directly below Pūkaki Urupā where a track was recently bulldozed. All places and sites have been evaluated as being of high Māori cultural, spiritual, historic and archaeological significance.
Archaeological assessment results show that the proposed erosion control options can be undertaken so as to avoid adverse effects on the identified historic places and areas: one stock exclusion plot can be modified to include the copse of historic fig trees; the ponga-log facing wall can be pegged along a length of recently bulldozed tack to stabilise collapsed and exposed cultural deposits; and recommendations are made to create an additional stock exclusion plot below Pūkaki Urupā and Pā and initiate a programme of vegetation regeneration using native plant species so as to safe-guard this part of the southwest rim from further collapse, and minimise potential adverse effects on contemporary graves within the cemetery. Further archaeological site survey of ‘Te Pūkakitapu o Poutūkeka’ Reserve is recommended to provide comprehensive information for good conservation management and restoration planning of this significant historic place.

Keywords: Maori music / Brass bands / Ratana bands / Juji Nakada

Genre: Original cross-national historical research.

Discusses: "some musical implications of the historical relations between Maori prophet Tahupotiki Wiremu Ratana (1873-1939) and Japanese Rev. Juji Nakada (1870-1939), as reflected in contemporary brass bands and liturgical practices."

This article provides a background to the 1820 journey to England by Maori Rangatira, Hongi Hika, his relative Waikato, and CMS Missionary Thomas Kendall, as well as a detailed comparison of three carved wooden busts, purported to have been carved by Hongi himself during his 1814 trip to Sydney, Australia.

A NZFS Auckland Conservancy Archaeologist summary statement about archaeological site management in Waiuku State Forest 186 located at Maioro on the north side of the Waikato River mouth. The history of the area is outlined and both archaeological and traditional sites are described and recommendations made for their future management.

The management of sites within Waiuku Forest is complicated by the fact the NZ Steel Limited is progressively mining the forest sands for ire ore. It is therefore very important that archaeological sites and traditional sites are identified, and if need be, protected. They can be incorporated into both Forest Service and NZ Steel Limited management proposals.

Ian Lawlor
10 Sep 2014

This thesis focuses on the implication 'space' has on defining one's identity, analysing how Māori urbanization was fundamental to Māori Renaissance, and to the development of a qualitatively speaking distinct Māori society — the urban Māori. It focuses on the positive aspects of urbanization, rather than the already well-known negative effects, and tries to show how Māori urban praxis (mentality, discourses, and actions) is distinct and unique in Māoridom by comparing pre- to post-urban political praxis.

In a private conversation I once had with Professor Pumla Dineo Gqola at the launch of her book Rape: A South African Nightmare, Gqola said something interesting to my ears at the time and very necessary for the discussion about masculinity on which this paper is based. She said that she has no problem with masculinity, as she feels it is a necessary part of a man's identity. She then added, that however, it is hyper-masculinity that provokes a severe concern in her. It is the intention of this paper to engage the differences between the two masculinities and the roles they play in Tamahori's film. Although Tamahori's film engages with many aspects of twenty-first century urban New Zealand life, this paper chooses to focus solely on the portrayal and interactions that are experienced by the male bodies in Once Were Warriors.

Paradoxically, the Kohimarama Conference of 1860 stands in contemporary historiography as a shining example of Maori interaction with the Crown and of what might have been possible if the government was not being so dastardly in its other pursuits. However, the month-long conference, attended by over 100 Māori chiefs, was not a “ratification” of the Treaty of Waitangi as argued by some historians, but an attempt by the government, then under extreme pressure during the first Taranaki war, to avert a more wide-spread conflict, and to advance its colonial project. Using both Maori and English-lnguage newspapers, the conference, the largest propaganda effort and political theatre directed towards Maori, was further projected out to the Maori and Pakeha reading publics.

This thesis explores the customary freshwater fishing rights of the New Zealand Māori through detailed examination of Māori evidence as to the nature and extent of these rights, and of Pākehā interpretations based upon both observation and upon Māori evidence.  Most of the recorded evidence from Māori who exercised customary fishing rights in the nineteenth century was given in Pākehā institutions, notably the Native Land Court.  The legal, political and intellectual context in which Māori gave their evidence is important for an understanding of Pākehā interpretations constructed from Māori evidence, and for the analysis of this evidence.

In the first part of the thesis, modern reinterpretations of customary Māori rights (based on both traditional Māori knowledge and recent research) are examined for an understanding of Māori concepts of their freshwater fishing rights.  The development of successive Pākehā interpretations of Māori customary rights from the beginnings of Pākehā settlement is then traced and contextualized.  Particular attention is paid to the Native Land Court minutes, the most comprehensive source for Māori statements on fishing rights.  The impact of the Court on the way Māori gave evidence and on Pākehā interpretations of Māori tenure and rights, the Court’s legislative framework and key methodological issues are analysed.

The second part of the thesis comprises four local case studies, which use Court evidence given by Māori to analyse in depth the nature and extent of freshwater fishing rights.  Wairarapa Moana provides examples of both a large seasonal eel fishery, and a smaller-scale fishery in the fringing swamps.  Lake Taupō is an example of a large lake fishery with a range of species, while the Whanganui River had a large and varied river fishery.  The themes explored include the derivation of title and rights, the scale of fishing rights, relationships between land and fisheries, and issues of property rights, management and control.

An early evaluation and critique of the framework, guidelines and content of the new Marautanga o Aotearoa New Zealand History Curriculum that will become compulsory in all schools from 2023. Written as a basic analysis of the process and submissions leading to the final document and the challenges now facing students and teachers as they are required to take a more indigenous and holistic view of history and take into account matauranga Maori concepts.. Initially written ahead of a lecture at Hastings Christian School  Zoomed to teachers across the lower North Island on April 1, 2022

Zuckermann, Ghil'ad and Walsh, Michael 2011. ‘Stop, Revive, Survive!: Lessons from the Hebrew Revival Applicable to the Reclamation, Maintenance and Empowerment of Aboriginal Languages and Cultures’, Australian Journal of Linguistics 31.1: 111-127.

LINK TO THE ARTICLE: http://www.zuckermann.org/pdf/Revival_Linguistics.pdf

Final version:
http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/content~db=all~content=a932426202~frm=titlelink

DOI: 10.1080/07268602.2011.532859

Australian Journal of Linguistics (AJL)
Volume 31, Issue 1, January 2011, pages 111 - 127

Stop, Revive, Survive: Lessons from the Hebrew Revival Applicable to the Reclamation, Maintenance and Empowerment of Aboriginal Languages and Cultures

GHIL‘AD ZUCKERMANN and MICHAEL WALSH

University of Adelaide and University of Sydney


ABSTRACT

The revival of Hebrew is so far the most successful known reclamation of a sleeping tongue and is a language movement that has been in progress for more than 120 years. By comparison, language revival movements in Australia are in their infancy. This article provides comparative insights and makes information about the Hebrew revival accessible to Australian linguists and Aboriginal revival activists.

Needless to say, the first stage of any desire by professional linguists to assist in language reawakening must involve a long period of thoroughly observing, carefully listening to the people, learning, mapping and characterizing the specific indigenous community. Only then can one inspire and assist. That said, this article proposes that there are linguistic constraints applicable to all revival attempts. Mastering them would be useful to endangered languages in general and to Aboriginal linguistic revival in particular.

This article contributes towards the establishment of Revival Linguistics, a new linguistic discipline and paradigm. Zuckermann`s term Revival Linguistics is modelled upon 'Contact Linguistics' (<language contact). Revival linguistics inter alia explores the universal constraints and mechanisms involved in language reclamation, renewal and revitalization. It draws perspicacious comparative insights from one revival attempt to another, thus acting as an epistemological bridge between parallel discourses in various local attempts to revive sleeping tongues all over the globe.


Keywords: Revival Linguistics, Language Revival, Aboriginal Studies, Hebrew, Social Empowerment, Hybridity and Multiple Causation, Purism versus Compromise, Language and Identity, Contact Linguistics, Yiddish, Aboriginal English, Anthropological Linguistics, Sociolinguistics, Language Endangerment, Resilience Linguistics, Revitalization, Renewal.


Dedicated to Professor Michael Clyne z"l



ARTICLE

"I must study politics and war that my sons may have liberty to study mathematics and philosophy. My sons ought to study mathematics and philosophy, geography, natural history, naval architecture, navigation, commerce, and agriculture, in order to give their children a right to study painting, poetry, music, architecture, statuary, tapestry, and porcelain."

(John Adams, 1735–1826, second president of the United States)


The main aim of this article is to suggest that there are perspicacious lessons applicable from the relatively successful Hebrew revival to the reclamation, maintenance and empowerment of Aboriginal languages and cultures. 'Language is power; let us have ours', wrote Aboriginal politician Aden Ridgeway on 26 November 2009 in the Sydney Morning Herald. Previous revival efforts have largely failed (for obvious reasons, we are not going to single out specific failures here). While there have been some good results from several projects since 1992 (e.g. Kaurna, see below), Aboriginal people overall do not see as many positive outcomes from revival programmes as they would like. In large part this is the result of shortage of sufficient (continuity of) funding, lack of technical expertise, and lack of integration of school-based programmes with community language programmes. However, there are purely linguistic reasons too: Many revival efforts were not supported by a sound theoretical understanding of how successful language revival works. As pointed out by Thieberger (2002), decisions about the appropriate target for language maintenance programmes are too often driven by structural linguistics, where the supposed ideal is intergenerational transmission of the language with all its original structural complexity retained, thus creating unrealistic expectations among the Aboriginal community.

This article is the first of its kind as it will innovatively draw crucial insights from 'Modern Hebrew' (henceforth, Israeli – see Zuckermann 1999), so far the most successful known reclamation attempt of a sleeping tongue. Zuckermann's (2008a, 2009, 2010, 2011) research on Israeli demonstrates which language components are more revivable than others. Words and conjugations, for example, are easier to revitalize than intonation, discourse, associations and connotations. We should encourage revivalists and Aboriginal leaders to be realistic rather than puristic, and not to chastise English loanwords and pronunciation, for example, within the emergent language. Applying such precious conclusions from Hebrew will closely assist Australian revivalists in being more efficient, urging them not to waste time and resources on Sisyphean efforts to resuscitate linguistic components that are unlikely to be revivable.

While the results the endeavors we are proposing here have considerable value as a research enterprise, one can also consider them in terms of a cost-benefit analysis (Mühlhäusler and Damania 2004, Walsh 2008): Language revitalization contributes to social reconciliation, cultural tourism (Clark and Kostanski 2005), capacity building, and improved community health for Indigenous peoples (Walsh forthcoming B). In the process of language revival, some Aboriginal people will go from being dysfunctional (cf. Sutton 2009) to well-balanced, positive people. The benefits to the wider community and to Australian society are immense.

Reversing language shift (RLS) (Fishman 1991, 2001, Hagège 2009, Evans 2010, Walsh 2005a, Zuckermann 2011) is thus of great social benefit. Language revival does not only do historical justice and address inequality but can also result in the empowerment of people who have lost their heritage and purpose in life.

Some Aboriginal people distinguish between usership and ownership. There are even those who claim that they own a language although they only know one single word of it: its name. Consequently, some Indigenous Australians do not find it important to revive their comatose tongue. We, on the other hand, have always believed in Australia’s very own roadside dictum: ‘Stop, revive, survive!'


Background: The Hebrew Revival

I suppose the process of acceptance will pass through the usual four stages: 1. This is worthless nonsense. 2. This is an interesting, but perverse, point of view. 3. This is true, but quite unimportant. 4. I always said so. (Haldane 1963: 464)

'Hebrew' is the most quoted example of a successful language revival. On the other hand, if we are to be brutally truthful with ourselves, the modern-day vernacular spoken in downtown Tel Aviv is a very different language – both typologically and genetically – to that of the Hebrew Bible (Old Testament) or of the Mishnah, the first major redaction of Jewish oral traditions.

Hebrew was spoken since approximately the 14th century BC. It belonged to the Canaanite division of the northwestern branch of the Semitic languages, which constitute a branch of the Afro-Asiatic language family. Following a gradual decline, it ceased to be spoken by the second century AD. The failed Bar-Kokhba Revolt against the Romans in Judea in 132-5 AD marks the symbolic end of the period of spoken Hebrew. We believe that the Mishnah was codified around 200 AD because Hebrew was then dying as a mother tongue. Rabbi Judah haNasi and his collaborators might have realized that if they did not act then to redact the oral tradition, it would soon have been too late because Jews were already speaking languages other than Hebrew. (In fact, the Gemara, the other component of the Babylonian Talmud, which was codified around 500 AD, was written in Aramaic rather than in Hebrew.)

For approximately 1,750 years thereafter, Hebrew was ‘clinically dead’. A most important liturgical and literary language, it occasionally served as a lingua franca – a means of communication between people who do not share a mother tongue – for Jews of the Diaspora, but not as a native language.

Fascinating and multifaceted Israeli, which emerged in Palestine (Eretz Israel) at the end of the nineteenth century, possesses distinctive socio-historical characteristics such as the lack of a continuous chain of native speakers from spoken Hebrew to Israeli, the non-Semitic mother tongues spoken by the Hebrew revivalists, and the European impact on literary Hebrew. Consequently, it presents the linguist with a unique laboratory in which to examine a wider set of theoretical problems concerning language genesis, social issues like language, identity and politics, and important practical matters, such as whether it is possible to revive a no-longer spoken language.

The genetic classification of Israeli has preoccupied scholars since its genesis. The still regnant traditional thesis suggests that Israeli is Semitic: Hebrew revived. The revisionist antithesis defines Israeli as Indo-European: Yiddish relexified; that is, Yiddish, the revivalists’ mother tongue, is the 'substratum', whilst Hebrew is the 'superstratum' providing the vocabulary (cf. Horvath and Wexler 1997). According to Zuckermann's mosaic (rather than Mosaic) synthesis, Israeli is not only multi-layered but also multi-parental. A Semito-European, or Eurasian, hybr...

The translation and printing of the Bible in te reo Maori, the indigenous language of New Zealand is an epic journey. 

It is filled with disappointments, hardship and false starts, infighting, gun-running, wars, tribal and denominational conflicts, conspiracy and immorality, but like every good drama, there are heroes who run the race with patience and ultimately there are history changing breakthroughs.

The availability of Bible books encouraged Maori literacy and was instrumental in New Zealand’s own ‘great awakening’ as the Gospel spread across the country from 1834 onwards, mainly through the agency of Maori teachers.

The essay first provides a quantitative over-view of Māori discussion of hāwhekaihe (half-castes) within the Māori-language newspaper corpus (1842-1933), and then discusses selected articles, in order to reveal a number of key points. First, hāwhekaihe were not generally viewed as a distinct racial group, and in many respects were well-integrated within Māori communities. Second, colonialism produced a number of tensions over land within Māori tribal groupings, where members at times attempted to exclude others from land rights. Divisions between Māori and hāwhekaihe over land were most apparent in the South Island. Third, the competition for mana within the parliamentary political arena at times resulted in the two groups criticizing each other from the late 1860s. This tension between Māori and hāwhekaihe over land and mana was expressed within a “discourse of blame” that emerged in the later nineteenth century in which both groups blamed each other for the ills that had befallen the Māori people. Fourth, while a number of Pākehā spoke out against “miscegenation”, there is only one article in the niupepa specifically appealing to Māori not to marry Pākehā. Unlike the Pākehā commentators, the writer is more concerned with Māori extinction through absorption, and the loss of Māori land. Most discussion about hāwhekaihe appears in the last three decades of the nineteenth century, and tensions between Māori and hāwhekaihe appear to have largely dissipated by the early twentieth century.