Marcus Garvey

outdated Black Western imperialist/colonialist document carrying blatant insults and disregard to indigenous politico-religious governments nd sovereigns such as implying "backwads tribes of Africa" need "civilizing" and "conscientious spiritual worship" (Christianity). "Black nationalism" or "pan Africanism" had a foundation of Black colonial mentality built on INSULTING instead of CONSULTING indigenous Black civilizations, economic systems educational systems and utter disregard for indigenous governments as representing sovereign indigenous confederations/leagues/communities.

“Sun Ra deemed ‘Space is the place’ for the discovery of a self liberated from the earthly weight of prejudices and carnal inequities.” Norment, C. (2007), Pathways to Unknown Worlds, p.23. In this is essay, Aaron Sandhu has analysed and critically evaluated the influence Sun Ra had on the afrodiapsora and the philosophical ideologies of afrofuturism through his seminal work, ‘Space Is The Place’, within the framework of modernity and counterculture society.

The language is English, because Marcus M. Garvey wants to speak in a language that can reach the whole world. His Jamaican Creole, Patois, cannot have that outreach. He chose to speak in Standard English.

Jérémie Kroubo Dagnini considers that the use of “thou,” “thy,” “thine” and “thee” is typically Shakespearean. He is mistaken. This is an obvious influence from King James Bible because Marcus M. Garvey is totally possessed by this Bible which is, in his time, and still today, THE reference in Christian churches, chapels and cults. Marcus M. Garvey wants to be a Christian who quotes the Old Testament for prediction of the future, and Jesus more often than any other character, historical or not. So his Book of reference has to be King James’ Bible.

He uses that archaic second person singular pronoun for God, rarely, but mostly for the people or person he is talking to and never consistently: in the same sentence you very often have one or two of these archaic pronouns and the common “you” or “your” and even “ye.”

The general ideology you will find in these poems is simple. The white race is responsible for all the ills and unhappiness of the Black race. One word sums it all up: “slavery.” Then the Black race has to remain pure, just the same as the white race. He is for total separation of the two races, the white race may have America and the Black race will have Africa who will become the United States of Africa with its center in Ethiopia. In this desire to separate the two races he will go as far as meeting the leaders of the Ku Klux Klan and getting to some kind of agreement with them: let’s repatriate the Black race back to its nation or empire in Africa.

Note this absolute apartheid is in tone with H.G. Wells who preached in the same period the full elimination of all races of color, except the Jews (sic, sic, sic) because they intermarry, plus all those who are socially unproductive from alcoholics to mentally challenged people. Marcus M. Garvey did not request the elimination of any race, just their absolute separation. No surprise then that he advocates the absolute sexual separation of Blacks and whites in the name of racial purity.

In fact he has totally integrated the Post Traumatic Stress Syndrome of slavery and is turning it into a political project, a political project that will never come true because the Blacks in the USA, and the Blacks in Africa, have managed to find a way to go over their respective Post Traumatic Slave/Slavery Syndrome/disorder and Post Traumatic Colonial Syndrome/Disorder. And the future will be the future of humanity, all races equal and mixing equally.

By the way the term “race” is unacceptable. Humanity is one species, Homo Sapiens, and in this unique species there are some variations that fundamentally do not produce in anyway a different species, especially since the whole humanity comes from Africa and Africa only. All humans either are still in Africa, or all the others are the descendants of migrations of Africans out of Africa. We can know the time line of these migrations with some certainty if we consider the phylogeny of language and the successive three phylogenic phases of the development of language by Homo Sapiens, and even the routes followed by the various migrations. But one thing is sure: we are all coming from Africa and we all have Black ancestors even if it is 150,000 years ago.

I thus make these poems available in this document for everyone to see these main ideas and the way he heavily and consistently rejects Mussolini in spite of an early declaration (before the invasion of Ethiopia) asserting that Mussolini had copied the ideas of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) and that the UNIA was the original inventors of fascism (we have to reduce this fascism to the Italian Fascismo).

The aim of this thesis is to critically analyse the intellectual values of Marcus Garvey’s first trip to England (1912-1914), with focus on three distinct racial thinkers whose ideas he had learnt there. Doing so will evaluate the significance of their ideas in forming the central tenets of his ideology, both in the short and long term. By critically analysing the significance of England to Garvey’s ideological formation, this paper seeks to fill a substantial void in scholarly literature, whilst challenging the legitimacy of current scholarship. Chapter One addresses the significance of Booker T. Washington’s doctrine of “self-help”; Chapter Two offers comparative analysis of Dusé Mohamed Ali’s Pan-Africanist virtue; Chapter Three understands the theological influence of Edward Wilmot Blyden’s “Ethiopianism”. Notably, evaluating the significance of these three thinkers to Garvey’s ideological formulation will make re-analysis of the UNIA plausible. With new insight into the philosophical underpinnings of the UNIA, Chapter Four seeks to understand the meteoric rise of UNIA membership in America during the 1920s by analysing the attractiveness of Garveyism. 
By re-analysing Garveyism from these perspectives new insight into scholarly debates will be made possible. Ideas that will be addressed include Judith Stein’s neo-Marxian critique; Nicholas Patsides’ depiction of Garvey’s goals to achieving Jamaican self-government; Randall Burkett’s denotation that the UNIA represented a civil religion and more. Key themes throughout the thesis include the significance of World War One; ideas of Social Darwinism; understandings of class; nationhood and empire.
I anticipate that depicting England as the moment of Garvey’s ideological dénouement will explain the multi-faceted and sometimes paradoxical ideas underlying Garveyism. Furthermore, analysing the short and long term influence of three diverse predecessors will highlight the significance of context to Garvey’s ideology as well as the malleable nature of their ideas. Notably, I perceive that re-evaluation of the central tenets of Garveyism will provide new perspectives on Garvey’s ideology, suggesting that his espousal of “Back to Africa” was not just metaphorical, but sincere, founded on a basis of economic, imperialistic and theological understandings he had learnt in England.

In September-October 1925, there occurred in Panama a tenants' strike that helped define the development of the left and workers' movement in that nation. This article presents an overview of the strike—important because no synthetic English-language account exists—and then analyzes the role of black West Indians in the event. West Indians were prominent among the ranks of workers in Panama, and among the slums of Panama City and Colón. Nonetheless, they were not central to the rent strike. This absence reflects the historic relationship between West Indian and Hispanic workers in the isthmus, the effect of the recent defeat of strikes led by West Indians in the Panama Canal Zone, and the lack of attention paid to attracting West Indian support by the Hispanic leadership of the tenants' strike. This division between the West Indian population and the broader labor movement in Panama had lasting effects in the history of the Panamanian left, reinforcing divisions between the struggle for Panamanian self-determination and the struggle against racist oppression of West Indians and their descendants in Panama.

EARLY MY-STORY The RastafarI movement grew out of the darkest depression that the descendants of African slaves in Jamaica have ever lived in-the stink and crumbling shacks of zinc and cardboard that the tattered remnants of humanity built on the rotting garbage of the dreadful Dungle on Kingston's waterfront. Out of this filth and slime arose a sentiment so pure, so without anger, so full of love, the Philosophy of the RastafarI faith. It was a flower in a pigsty, watered by the nourishment of the Prophet Marcus Garvey, swayed by the wind of local political change, and cherished by the Black man's long-withheld desire to hold his head upright.
Freedom of Spirit, Freedom from Slavery and Freedom of Africa, was its cry. HAIL! JAH RASTAFARI!

Robert T. Browne (1882-1978) was an unprecedented mystery of a man, both during his life and after. Early on in life he was a religious and political activist, working with Marcus Garvey and others in Harlem for the Black Nationalist movement. Working for the US War Department, he was sent to the Philippines during WWII and captured by Japanese soldiers. For three years he was held captive and starved in an internment camp, where he taught esoteric meditation practices to other prisoners, helping them all to cope with starvation, anger, and madness. He was also an esoteric mathematician and author, with some attention garnered by his The Mystery Of Space. Known as "Mulla Hanaranda" or "The Blessed Master," Browne was also an influential religious leader. He single-handedly created his own religion, The Hermetic Society for World Service, which still operates internationally today. Like many, I first discovered Browne's work in Mitch Horowitz's brilliant Occult America. After contacting Browne's extant religious followers, discovering his own religious texts, and with heavy research in newspapers of his time, I have attempted to compile the most exhaustive portrait of Browne that is now available. His life is further contextualized in the broader role of esotericism in the African-American culture of Harlem during the early part of the 20th century.

In this thesis, the historical development of the Black Reparations Movement in the Caribbean and the US is investigated. This movement has demanded redress, compensation, acknowledgement and reconciliation after Trans-Atlantic slavery, post-emancipation oppression and subsequent socio- economic repercussions. Through three temporalities these demands are analyzed and contextualized with the emergence of “the coloniality of power”. I conclude that clearly defned demands for Black reparations have been voiced since the 1600s, and that reparationists have been worked against systematically by Euro-American governments ever since slavery. In addition, I concluded that my investigation has underlined how economy and eventually economic redress have been crucial to Black-White relations from slavery until today. In the beginning of the 21st century the movement has reached a broader, international political public, including the Caribbean Reparations Commission and the UN, which possibly indicates new possibilities for the cause of reparations in the future.

Two rapidly growing theological and cultural movements currently sparking global interest are Rastafari and Ibandla lamaNazaretha. Founded by the Zulu preacher Isaiah Shembe during the 1910s, Ibandla lamaNazaretha originated as a hierarchical church order that worships at outdoor temples in the province of KwaZulu-Natal and currently comprises a number of splinter groups centralized around the Southern African peninsula. Rastafari, however, born in Jamaica, commenced as a multi-headed ideology that blossomed in scattered pockets across the Caribbean island and stemmed from the interpretations of a prophecy generally attributed to Marcus Garvey about a king to be crowned in Africa (circa 1920) as applied to the 1930 coronation of Ras Tafari Makonnen as Haile Selassie I, 225th Emperor of Ethiopia. Today, Ibandla lamaNazaretha and Rastafari comprise adherents and sympathizers numbering in the tens of millions and their presences connote varying degrees of political, theological, social...

In 2000, the United States census allowed respondents for the first time to tick a box marked “African American” in the race category. The new option marked official recognition of a term that had been gaining currency for some decades. Africa has always played a role in black identity, but it was in the tumultuous period between the two world wars that black Americans first began to embrace a modern African American identity.

Following the great migration of black southerners to northern cities after World War I, the search for roots and for meaningful affiliations became subjects of debate and display in a growing black public sphere. Throwing off the legacy of slavery and segregation, black intellectuals, activists, and organizations sought a prouder past in ancient Egypt and forged links to contemporary Africa. In plays, pageants, dance, music, film, literature, and the visual arts, they aimed to give stature and solidity to the American black community through a new awareness of the African past and the international black world. Their consciousness of a dual identity anticipated the hyphenated identities of new immigrants in the years after World War II, and an emerging sense of what it means to be a modern American.

Winner, 2010 Biennial Victorian Premier’s Literary Award for First Book of History

Commended, 2010 W. K. Hancock Prize, Australian Historical Association (one of two books shortlisted)

Shortlisted, 2009 NSW Premier’s General History Prize (one of four books shortlisted)

Choice (magazine of the American Library Association), “Outstanding Academic Title,” 2009

For more than half a century, the African-based Rastafarian movement has existed and thrived. Since the early 1930s, Rastafari has developed, changed and gained enough supporters to be considered “one of the most popular Afro-Caribbean religions of the late twentieth century. According to a survey conducted in 1997, there are over one million practicing Rastafarians worldwide as well as over two million sympathizers. Rastafarians are concentrated in the Caribbean, though members of this diverse movement have settled in significant numbers all throughout the world. At present, there are large Rastafarian communities in New York, Miami, Washington DC, Philadelphia, Chicago, Huston, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Boston and New Haven as well as many large cities in Canada, Europe, South America and Africa. While Rastafari has maintained much of its original flavour, migration, globalization and a reinterpretation of philosophical dogma has created a space for white people to join this typically black movement.

Unlike previous scholarship on skin-bleaching advertisements conducted by scholars such as Lawrence Levine and Kathy Peiss, this paper finds those advertisements reflected a definite and widespread preference for light skin among African Americans in 1920’s Harlem. Newspaper records and historical archives demonstrate that tangible if permeable boundaries existed between “black,” “brown,” “light brown,” and “yellow” “Negroes” in 1920’s Harlem. Skin bleaching was far more than merely cosmetic: it was a profoundly micro-political form of self-masking and identity shifting mediated by the new mass market. The advertisements not only appealed to the desire to be beautiful but also to the desire to find a mate, get a better job, and associate oneself with the future, modernity, and progress. Skin bleaching was one practice in a universe of speech and speech-acts that constituted an African American version of the discourse of civilization. At one extreme, skin-bleaching represented part of a “Great White Hope” that light-skinned “New Negroes” might actually be able to escape their “Negro” past and become a new near-white “intermediate” race, as anthropologist Melville Herskovits pronounced them in 1927. Uncritical reconstructions of a unitary “black” subject position in 1920’s Harlem obscures the deep divides and antagonisms based on class and color that striated Harlem society. Recognizing these truths suggests that multiple “Negro” racial identities were constructed through quotidian actions both pedestrian and potent.

Black Nationalism has been one of the most enduring facets of black life since the early 19th century. It has seen many different proponents over the years, as well as many different interpretations. Although it is impossible to examine and analyze the many nuanced iterations this theory has seen throughout the history of the United States, it is certainly possible to examine the movement in three distinct time periods. This paper is bounded by a few different parameters. First of all, it is organized by three different focal points, three men, all of differing time periods. It investigates the historical social/cultural climate, works, and influence of Martin Delany, Marcus Garvey, and Malcolm X. These three men were not contemporaries; Delany lived and wrote in the mid to late 19th  century, Garvey the turn of the 20th century, and Malcolm X the Civil Rights Era of the second half of the 20th  century. Using the careers and works of these three great leaders and orators serves as a focus for research in three different time periods not only in the history of the United States, but in the history of the urban black populations of the United States. This study examines the social, political, and economic factors that influenced these men to speak out so vehemently and eloquently for the nationalistic aspirations of a group of people who were at the time, devoid not only of citizenship and basic human rights, but of a national consciousness.

Onder invloed van debatten uit het buitenland ontstond in Suriname tussen 1900 en 1930 een culturele emancipatiebeweging onder de zwarte bevolking. Aan de hand van onderzoek naar de Surinaamse tak van de internationale, panafrikanistische organisatie UNIA en naar toespraken gehouden op 1 juli-vieringen ter herdenking, wordt gekeken in hoeverre er sprake was van één emancipatiebeweging, waarbij Suriname in een transnationale context wordt geplaatst. De denkbeelden van emancipatoren zoals onderwijzer Comvalius, prediker Rier en straatprediker Rudolf Rijts kenden overeenkomende wortels uit het internationale panafrikanisme met een gemeenschappelijke focus op raciale trots, op religieuze uitverkorenheid en op de verbetering van de maatschappelijke positie van de Afro-Surinamers. 40 jaar na de afschaffing van de slavernij meenden zij dat ware emancipatie pas plaats zou vinden met een betere maatschappelijke positie van de zwarte bevolking. De beweging kende twee flanken: Comvalius en Rier waren op zoek naar acceptatie door de koloniale overheid, en sloegen vergeleken met panafrikanistische tijdgenoten in de Verenigde Staten en elders een gematigde toon aan. Aan de andere kant speelde de Surinaamse tak van de garveyistische beweging UNIA, een van de casussen van deze scriptie, met de 'back to Africa'-ideeën die die tijd elders in de Cariben, in de VS en in Afrika in zwang waren. De banden tussen de UNIA in Suriname en in de Verenigde Staten zullen daarbij directer blijken te zijn dan tot dusver is gebleken. Tegelijkertijd kende het bestuur achter deze beweging vele dwarsverbanden met de organisaties waar Comvalius en Rier deel van uitmaakten, waardoor er wel degelijk kan worden gesteld dat er sprake was van één beweging. De panafrikanistische ideeën in deze creoolse gemeenschap hadden een specifiek Surinaamse karakter, waarbij zowel plaats was voor internationale solidariteit met de Afrikaanse diaspora als voor loyaliteit aan het Nederlandse koningshuis en het koloniale systeem. In vergelijking met andere Caribische landen gaf de koloniale overheid van Suriname op haar beurt het panafrikanistische discours en met name de garveyistische UNIA in Suriname relatief veel ruimte. Een uitzondering vormt de strijd die in de jaren 1920 ontstond rond het gebruik van de publieke ruimte tussen de garveyistische Johan en Rudolf Rijts en de overheid. Deze broers veroorzaakten met hun straatpreken en –pamfletten onrust die de overheid met politiemacht en psychiatrische opnames probeerden in te perken. Tegelijkertijd was Rudolf Rijts tevens voorzitter van de UNIA, en is het de vraag in hoeverre er sprake was van werkelijke gekte of van dissidente stemmen waarvoor in Suriname geen plaats was.

This study is based on a paper read at the International Conference « The Caribbean, melting pot of the Americas : From upheaval and 'origins' to the historical future and its representations », held at The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad, from 13 to 15 October 2016, organized by Dr. Savrina Chinien (UWI) and Pr. Jean-Michel Devésa (Université Bordeaux Montaigne, France).

Faith and Science are often misconstrued to be at odds. However, faith involves both the intellect and the heart. Science also involves the heart as it seeks answers. Unfortunately, some in the faith community have sidelined cerebral matters as merely tangential to faith, while too often, the scientific community cancels out the faith factor which generates the formula for the creation and sustenance of life. Arguably, the most documented life-changing inventions and innovations have been accomplished by individuals of faith equipped with the tools of scientific research, motivated by their zeal to improve the well-being of their fellow-humans, and driven by their relentless quest to understand more about their creator and His creation.

African-American nationalism took several different forms, some of which were at odds with others. African colonization was endorsed by several American leaders, including Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, James Monroe, Henry Clay, and Abraham Lincoln. It was also endorsed by several religious groups such as the Society of Friends (the Quakers) and the African Methodist Episcopal (A. M.E.) Church. Yet others, including William Lloyd Garrison, Frederick Douglass, and Booker T. Washington opposed it. The American Colonization Society founded in 1816 succeeded in sending thousands of free African Americans to the west coast of Africa, where they created the colony and after 1847 the independent republic of Liberia. However, the American Liberians became an upper class in Liberia, displacing the indigenous African population and subjecting them to discrimination and even exploitation.

Despite its failures, the Liberian experience inspired a second-generation of black leaders including the Jamaican expatriate Marcus Garvey, who in turn, influenced Elijah Muhammad, the founder of the Nation of Islam. The most famous follower of the Nation of Islam was Malcolm X (previously, Malcolm Little), who later split with Elijah Muhammad and eventually embraced a multi-racial ideal of Pan-Islamism. Unlike Garveyism and the Nation of Islam, both of which endorsed a version of black separatism, i.e., segregation, the Harvard-educated W. E. B. Du Bois, who was one of the founders of the NAACP, favored integration as well as Pan-Africanism. During the Civil Rights protests of the 1960s, the Black Power Movement leaders Stokely Carmichael and Amiri Baraka (formerly, Leroy Jones) also embraced African Nationalism. Later in life both Du Bois and Baraka abandoned African-American nationalism, with Du Bois joining the Communist Party and Baraka embracing Marxist-Leninism-Maoism. Carmichael  embraced Socialism, while remaining a Pan-Africanist.

Prologue: A Premature Death Chapter One: Bury the Dead and Take Care of the Living Chapter Two: Almost an Englishman Chapter Three: In the Company of Negroes Chapter Four: An Ebony Orator in Harlem Chapter Five: No Flag but the Stars and Stripes - and possibly the Union Jack Chapter Six: If We Must Die Chapter Seven: How to Manufacture a Traitor Chapter Eight: Harlem Speaks for Scattered Ethiopia Chapter Nine: Flyin' Home on the Black Star Line Chapter Ten: A Star in the Storm Chapter Eleven: He Who Plays the King Chapter Twelve: Last Stop Liberia Chapter Thirteen: Not to Mention his Colour Chapter Fourteen: Behold the Demagogue or Misunderstood Messiah Chapter Fifteen: Caging the Tiger Chapter Sixteen: Into the Furnace Chapter Seventeen: Silence Mr. Garvey Chapter Eighteen: Gone to Foreign Epilogue

Le postcolonialisme, les Américains – Africains et l’afrocentrisme. L’afrocentrisme et Molefi Kete Asante. Les précurseurs : Marcus Garvey et George G. James. L’Afrique berceau de l’Egypte et de la Grèce antiques. Cheikh Anta Diop. “Black Athena” de Martin Bernal. Des divergences avisées : V. Y. Mudimbe, A. Mbembe, K. A. Appiah.

Uma abordagem crítica da noção de diáspora deveria levar em contas as distintas e complexas interconexões e passagensqueconstituemumhorizonteparaasposiçõesde sujeito, informadas pela história de trânsitos, migrações e reconexões. Menos do que admitir uma origem, como ponto de partida denido, seria importante reconhecer a emergência de cada identidade, ou ponto de vista, condicionados por exigências sociopolíticas. Explorarei aqui essas conexões a partir: 1) da consideração de um processo encontrado no Arquivo Histórico emMoçambique,emMaputo,quenosfalaarespeitodaprisãode dois moçambicanos, presos ao retornar da África do Sul em 1922, trazendo na bagagem exemplares do jornal garveysta “The Negro World:”; 2) da articulação discursiva em torno do nacionalismos moçambicanos, e da própria ideia de “nação africana”, tal como aparece nas páginas do jornal “O Brado Africano”; 3) da revisão das disputas simbólicas manifestadas no carnaval de Salvador da Bahia, no Brasil, em torno do signicado da África e da africanidade para os descendentes de escravos ao longo do século XX.

This paper complicates notions of anticolonial nationalist resistance by discussing images emerging within the performances of Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). Approaching the Garvey movement as a practice taken up by active subjects who engaged with and used its ideas, the paper contends that anticolonial resistance cannot be reduced to a single narrative, easily appropriated or overturned by dominant groups. An examination of anticolonial performance in the Garvey movement allows us to move beyond the binary of resistance versus accommodation because performances were productive in multiple ways. UNIA performances were marked by excesses, strategic collusions, contradictions and absences. It was precisely this instability that allowed subjects from diverse social locations to grasp alternative social possibilities and elaborate these in terms of the particular marginalization or exploitation that they faced. The multiplicity of narratives generated point to the difficulty of reducing Garveyite resistance to a set of fundamental fixed ideas.

Two examples bear out this argument. The first focuses on performances of gender in the movement. Spectacular parades taught the official position of the movement, privileging a militant, modernist image of black masculinity, ready to rule but reliant on subordinate, if active and organized, femininity. Women resisted these images of subordination, drawing on their training in the movement to advance a black feminist critique outside of the movement. Their struggles were simultaneously reformist and radical, for while they improved middle-class women’s lives, they overlooked the needs of working-class women. The second example focuses on challenges to middle-class respectability and sexual rigidity through variety concerts at Edelweiss Park. The result is that, through its performances, the UNIA facilitated multiple unruly forms of resistance and advanced different claims for change over time and space.

Ford-Smith, Honor. “Unruly Virtues of the Spectacular: Performing Engendered Nationalisms in the UNIA in Jamaica.” Interventions: International Journal of Post-colonial Studies, vol. 6, no. 1, 2004. pp. 18-44.

Using one of his images from the book Moby Dick, (Fig. 3) I illustrated the image of Marcus
Fig. 2 Rohan Patrick (b.1969), Marcus Mosiah Garvey, 2012, printmaking, Illustration in Context.
Mosiah Garvey, Jr., August 17, 1887 – June 10, 1940 (Fig. 4). Born in St. Ann's Bay, Jamaica, self-educated, Mr. Garvey founded the Universal Negro Improvement Association, dedicated to promoting African-Americans and resettlement in Africa. In the United States he launched several businesses to promote a separate black nation. After he was deported back to Jamaica, he continued his work for black repatriation to Africa. Mr. Garvey advanced a Pan-African philosophy which inspired a global mass movement, known as Garveyism.

Slavery and Abolition 40.1 (2020): 167-185.

This article situates Paul Robeson's performance as a photographic subject in the 1920s and 1930s within a tradition of revolutionary image-making by African Americans that has refuted and resisted regressive, primitivizing or otherwise exploitative representations of black subjects. Using Edward Steichen's images of Robeson as Emperor Jones, it identifies an aesthetic of risk at work in Robeson's multiple and multi-layered performances as an actor and a visualized subject. It examines risk as resistance in images that form part of a popular modernist project that steps away from the heroic characterizations of nineteenth-century portraiture, and explores the possibilities and limitations of Robeson's radical vision.

Steichen images referred to may be accessed here (copy and paste):

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/339092696_Pretending_to_catch_a_mouse_photographing_Paul_Robeson_the_aesthetics_of_risk_and_the_modernist_game

Other images referred to may be accessed by clicking on the relevant link in the endnotes.

Dirigida por Ryan Coogler y parte de la narrativa cinematográfica continua de Marvel Comics, Pantera Negra (Black Panther) incentivó enormes ríos de tinta antes y después de su lanzamiento en 2018. En este comentario, se retoman varias de estas discusiones, rastreando los orígenes del superhéroe en las historietas en la década de los sesenta, las inspiraciones africanas detrás de la vestimenta y la trama, las filosofías anticoloniales y antirracistas a las que remite su antagonista, y cómo, por todo lo anterior, la película se ha enmarcado dentro de la corriente filosófica, política y cultural del afrofuturismo