National Language

The  aim  of  this  article  is  to  interpret  the  changes  in  the
instrumentalisation and institutionalisation of Brazilian Portuguese brought about
by international cooperation treaties  specially those relative to Mercosul  ,
which place the Brazilian national language in a transnational extended space of
enunciation. We will focus on the new position of authorship of the Brazilian state
and  its  institutions,  mainly  the  educational  ones,  analysing  three  forms  of
circulation of linguistic knowledge: the coursebooks on Portuguese as a foreign
language published in Brazil, the certificate of proficiency Celpe-Bras and the
scientific associations. We will consider the National State and the Globalized
Market as two instances redefining the senses which the subjects establish with the
spaces of enunciation involved (national / transnational).

This is a scanned copy of Nils Erik Hansegård's very rare paper published in the journal Fenno-Ugrica Suecana, 1979, volume 2, pages 33-43. This reprint at Academia is presented with permission given by the current editorial board of the journal. This work describes the teaching of the Scandinavian languages to Finnish and Saamic populations, the situation during the year 1979, the policy making and thoughts regarding the historical and modern situation. How much has happened during the last forty years?

Benedict Anderson’s great work, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (Anderson 1983; hereafter IC) has been hailed as the “best known single work in nationalism studies” (Breuilly 2016: 625). His work has had an enormous impact throughout the social sciences. Much of Anderson’s formulation depends on observations about the importance of linguistics, communication, and standardization of language in community formation and identities. It is therefore paradoxical that few linguists have addressed Anderson’s work. Even rarer are discussions of the implications of Anderson’s work from the perspective of pragmatics. This essay is an attempt to begin
an exploratory discussion of the many pragmatic issues raised by the concept of Imagined Communities as laid out in Anderson’s important work.

Beeman, William O. 2018 Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities. In Östman, Jan-Ola and Jef Verschueren, Eds. Handbook of Pragmatics 21. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Pp. 81-110.

As was the case with many newly independent African nations, Somalia was beset by a language problem whose complexity had begun well before independence and the unification of British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland in 1960. With three languages (English, Arabic, and Italian) used as media of communication in government offices and in schools, various Somali administrations struggled to contain the impasse but found no tangible solution. Barely three years after Mohamed Siad Barre seized power in October 1969, he had his military regime introduce the Somali orthography in the Latin alphabet. Based on this milestone, Siad Barre's military rule is highly commended for taking a remarkable step forward in what came to be known as the Somalization project. However, officials of the government and Somali scholarship failed to

The Nigerian nation created since 1914, and independent sovereign nation since 1960, is yet to identify and develop an indigenous national language. It has continuously rejected the idea, citing heterogeneity as an excuse. This paper attempts to explore the possibility of adopting one local language as a National language in Nigeria.

This work is based on an online survey, submitted to inquire about Taiwanese people linguistics’ ideology and identity, in order to collect direct data on the view that Taiwanese people have on their languages.
The aim of the work is to analyze the historical facts and the linguistic policies that in history changed deeply the current situation of Taiwan languages. After a brief explanation on the history of Taiwan and the languages of Taiwan, the paper will try to underline the political use of the languages during the Japanese imperialist period and the following period of Guo Ming Tang rules, taking in partial consideration to the historical, social and cultural aspects that could have influence on nowadays socio-linguistic Taiwan panorama, such education policies, economy and development of the land. The concept of 国語 (Jap: kokugo, chn: guoyu), was considered fundamental to better understand where Japanese before and Guo Ming Tang later, failed and succeeded and how these policies are reflect on the view that Taiwanese people have on their languages now.
The data collected though the online survey was fundamental and are considered as the most direct sources to analyze Taiwanese people point of view and beliefs toward their languages and identity. In conclusion, the work will try to expose possible linguistic policies to adopt in order to preserve local languages that are (in this paper) considered fundamental aspects to preserve the unicity of the Taiwanese culture and identity. The advantage being a better understanding of how the use of a multicultural education could be positive to Taiwan’s future. From this papers point of view, Taiwan could represent a positive example of the possible advancement in multicultural cooperation that a multi lingual and multi-ethnic country education can offer, if government and population support this idea.

В статье на основе материалов по России подвергаются ревизии два постулата о роли этнического разнообразия и судьбе языков в мире. Выводы автора: а) этническая фрагментация населения и языковое разнообразие государств мира не имеют прямой корреляции с их уровнями демократии, бесконфликтности и экономической успешности; б) научные предсказания о скором вымирании большинства языков в мире оказались мифом, а международные кампании и декларации в поддержку языков, находящихся в опасности, были сильно политизированы. Происходит процесс ревитализации языков, получения ими более высокого статуса, признания и поддержки, в том числе на территории бывшего СССР, включая малые языки народов Дагестана, Севера и Сибири. Ключевую роль играет государственная политика обеспечения официального статуса для региональных языков, а также этнический компонент федеративной системы в форме этнотерриториальной и национально-культурной автономии для отдельных регионов и этнических сообществ. Приводится список языков, находящихся в опасности, объясняются мотивы и факторы ассимиляции в пользу русского языка в России. В статье пересматриваются такие категории и основанные на них общественные практики, как “родной язык”, “национальный язык”, в пользу множественных и взаимно не исключающих подходов.

This paper examines the motivations behind Malaysia's national language policy in theoretical terms to allow the Malaysian narrative to be positioned in an international context. To do this, it applies Spolsky's (2004) theory of what influences language policy making in contemporary nation-states, namely national ideology, the role of English in globalisation era, the nation's sociolinguistic situation, and an interest in linguistic minority rights. The paper argues that all factors are relevant in the Malaysian context. However, the domestic sociolinguistic situation only influences policy in so far as Malaysia's response to its ethnolinguistic minorities is limited to minimal linguistic rights in the education system. This limited acceptance of linguistic diversity continues a tradition of protecting what Malaysian law sees as the supremacy of Malay culture and language. The paper concludes with an invitation to apply this theory in the study of other nations in the region to foster a robust body of comparative data on national language policies in Southeast Asia.

Садова Т. С., Руднев Д. В. Метафора государства и государственный язык // Языковая норма. Виды и проблемы: материалы V Международного педагогического форума (Сочи, 3–4 декабря 2018 года) / ред. кол.: Л. А. Вербицкая, С. И. Богданов, С. В. Друговейко-Должанская и др. — СПб.: Изд-во РГПУ им. А. И. Герцена, 2018. — С. 174–182.

См. на ту же тему: Руднев Д. В., Садова Т. С. Метафора государства и способы ее выражения в русской деловой речи // Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета. Серия 2, Языкознание. – 2023. – Т. 22, № 4. – С. 21–36: https://l.jvolsu.com/index.php/en/component/attachments/download/2805

Аннотация: В статье рассматривается влияние метафоры государства на все сферы его жизни. Исследуется прямая связь между существующей метафорой государства и содержанием языка государственной коммуникации. Постулируется неизменность метафоры государства-машины в устройстве Российского государства со времен Петра I. Определяются основные черты государственного языка как средства обслуживания государственной коммуникации.

Ключевые слова: государственный язык, язык власти, метафора государства, государственная коммуникация, деловой стиль, государство-машина.

STATE METAPHOR AND STATE LANGUAGE
Annotation: The article discusses the influence of the metaphor of the state in all spheres of its life. The direct connection between the existing metaphor of the state and the content of the state communication language is investigated. The immutability of the metaphor of the state-machine in the device of the Russian state since the time of Peter I is postulated. The main features of the state language as a means of servicing state communication are defined.

Keywords: state language, state metaphor, state communication, official style, state-machine.

En décadas recientes, el asunto de las identidades ha tomado por
asalto a las ciencias sociales, no obstante, a pesar de que existe mucha literatura en torno a las identidades y su relación con la ciudadanía o la relación entre identidad y lenguaje, existe relativamente poca información que analice la relación de estos tres conceptos y el papel que juega la identidad lingüística en la construcción de ciudadanía. Aunque a simple vista esta relación parece no ser muy importante, su papel se hace cada vez más evidente como resultado de las grandes olas migratorias y el avance de las tecnologías de la información y la comunicación. Hoy, más que nunca, el mito “un lenguaje, una nación” parece derrumbarse. Ante esta situación es fundamental que los
gobiernos, y las ciencias sociales, se replanteen preguntas que ayuden a redefinir los términos que legitiman la pertenencia a un estado-nación, es decir, preguntas que ayuden a crear nuevas formas de ciudadanía que apelen no solamente a un idioma o a una sola identidad, sino formas de ciudadanía que den cabida a las
múltiples identidades y lenguas que configuran actualmente los diversos estados nacionales.

Benedict Anderson’s great work, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (Anderson 1983; hereafter IC) has been hailed as the “best known single work in nationalism studies” (Breuilly 2016: 625). His work has had an enormous impact throughout the social sciences. Much of Anderson’s formulation depends on observations about the importance of linguistics, communication, and standardization of language in community formation and identities. It is therefore paradoxical that few linguists have addressed Anderson’s work. Even rarer are discussions of the implications of Anderson’s work from the perspective of pragmatics. This essay is an attempt to begin an exploratory discussion of the many pragmatic issues raised by the concept of Imagined Communities as laid out in Anderson’s important work. Beeman, William O. 2018 Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities. In Östman, Jan-Ola and Jef Verschueren, Eds. Handbook of Pragmatics 21. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Pp. 81-110.

The theme of nationalism in the works of Premchand, the pre-eminent Urdu–Hindi writer of the 1920s and 1930s, not only serves as an organising principle but also constitutes a protean and contentious field of study, which has resulted in conflicting interpretations. On the one hand, his nationalist narratives are categorically denounced for their apparent lack of radicalism, while on the other hand, they are unequivocally valorised for their so-called subversive content. Both these diametrically opposed schools of criticism, however, share a common lacuna, that is, both of them tend to conflate the writer’s nationalist narratives with his peasant discourse, thereby precluding the possibility of different themes yielding different interpretations. This article examines the theme of nationalism in Premchand’s works, in general, and the question of civil resistance in particular, in order to demonstrate how the writer’s politics of representation in his nationalist writings differs from the one that we find in his peasant narratives. It argues that as opposed to the authorial valorisation of the fictive peasant’s conformity to the exploitative status quo, civil resistance in Premchand’s nationalist narratives is not only necessary and desirable but also synonymous with dharma (moral duty) itself.

This paper presents an analytical review of scientific works devoted to one of the topical studies in cognitive and cultural linguistics, to the concept of "money" that is included in the corpus of basic concepts of European civilization. The framework consists of systematization of most of existing scientific results of verbal representation, structuring of the concept of "money" in the context of Russian, English, German, French languages. A comparative analysis of the ways and means of language representation of the concept "money" in Russian, English, German, French, sets the combination of versatile and specific features that embody the nature of the concept of "money" in these national languages. The obtained scientific findings represent the opportunities of an embodiment of the general cultural concept of "money" in national linguocultures. The practical value is determined by the fact that the obtained structured scientific data in the specified conceptual field can be used by scientists when developing linguoculturological dictionaries of basic concepts of European culture, as well as in the development of training courses, for which these dictionaries will become a content database.

Abstract: The article examines Polish translations of the Derridian term différance. Polish philosophical discourse uses the following renditions of différance: róż (ni (c) oś) ć by Bogdan Banasiak, różNICa by Tadeusz Sławek, gra-na-zwłokę-o-różnicę by Stanisław Cichowicz and the most popular: różnia by Joanna Skoczylas. Should a mistake be deliberately committed in Polish, as it was done in the original? Or should it be corrected, and if so–how to explain the correction?

Деловая речь Петровской эпохи: наследие прошлого или радикальное преобразование? // Литературная культура России XVIII века. Выпуск 8 / под ред. П. Е. Бухаркина, Е. М. Матвеева. СПб.: Геликон Плюс, 2019. С. 169–189.

Ключевые слова: деловая речь, русский язык XVIII в., государственная коммуникация, метафоры государства, история России.

В статье рассматриваются изменения в деловой речи Петровской эпохи с функциональной точки зрения. Происходившие изменения имели системный характер и были связаны, во-первых, с усилением роли документной коммуникации в управлении страной и с ее регламентацией. Во-вторых, они были обусловлены изменениями в принципах государственной коммуникации. В Петровскую эпоху происходила смена базовой метафоры государства: метафора государства-феодального дома сменялась европейской метафорой государства-часов. Наконец, в-третьих, славянизацию деловой речи, произошедшую в Петровскую эпоху, можно расценить не только как попытку найти новый код государственной коммуникации, но и как использование славянизмов в воздействующей функции. Изменения в государстве, слом традиций потребовали от властей и прежде всего от самого Петра привлечения мобилизационной и социализирующей функций государственной коммуникации.

D. Rudnev, T. Sadova. Official Language of the Petrine Era: Heritage of the Past or a Radical Transformation?

Keywords: official language, formal register, Russian language of the XVIIIth century, state communication, metaphors of the state, Russian history.

The paper examines the changes in the official language of the Petrine era from a functional point of view. These changes were systematic and were due, firstly, to the strengthening of the role of document communication in the country’s governance and to its regulation, i.e., to strengthening the regulatory function of state communication. Secondly, they were due to the changes in the principles of state communication: in the Petrine era the basic metaphor of the state — the family metaphor that explains the structure of the state in terms of a feudal family, was replaced by a new European metaphor that understood the state as the clock (the clock metaphor). Finally, thirdly, the Slavonicisation of official language, which occurred in the Petrine era, can be regarded not only as an attempt to find a new code of state communication, but also as the use of Slavonicisms in the affecting function. Changes in the state, breaking of traditions demanded from the authorities and, above all, from the tzar Peter the Great to draw mobilizing and socializing functions of state communication.

Bilingual education is understood as such an organization of the educational process when it becomes possible to use more than one language as the language of instruction. The second language, therefore, is not only an object of study, but also at the same time a means of communication, the language of instruction. It is known that bilingualism is "widespread" throughout the world much wider than monolingualism. Take the United States, for example. Most of the Hispanic population speaks both Spanish and English, or a variety such as Spanglish. Almost all speakers of other languages here also speak English: Germans, Chinese, Russians and representatives of other nations.

Под билингвальным или двуязычным обучением понимается такая организация учебного процесса, когда становится возможным использование более, чем одного языка как языка преподавания. Второй язык, таким образом, – не только объект изучения, но и одновременно – средство общения, язык преподавания. Известно, что билингвизм «распространен» во всем мире гораздо шире, чем одноязычие. Возьмем, к примеру, США. Большая часть испаноязычного населения говорит как на испанском, так и английском языках, либо на такой их разновидности, как спэнглиш. Практически все носители других языков здесь также говорят по-английски: немцы, китайцы, русские и представители других наций.

This book represents the first monograph-length study of the relationship between Protestant Bible translation and the development of Mandarin from a lingua franca into the national language of China. Drawing on both published and unpublished sources, this book looks into the translation, publication, circulation and use of the Mandarin Bible in late Qing and Republican China, and sets out how the Mandarin Bible contributed to the standardization and enrichment of Mandarin. It also illustrates that the Mandarin Union Version, published in 1919, was involved in promoting Mandarin as not only the standard medium of communication but also a marker of national identity among the Chinese people, thus playing a role in the nation-building of modern China.

Review Quotes:
'This volume is a welcome, well-researched addition to our understanding of the relationship between the translation of the Bible and the promotion of Mandarin as the national language of China during the late Qing and Republican periods. ...highly recommended.'
Stuart Vogel, NZJAS 19,2 (2017)

'This book has an extensive bibliography (38 pages), an index of Biblical verses, and a general index. Overall, this is a well-researched monograph, exploring the impact of Mandarin Bibles published from 1856 to 1919.'
T. Timothy Chen, American Journal of Chinese Studies (2018)

'George Mak's work is a significant contribution to the study of the modern Chinese language as well as the history of Chinese Protestantism and its relationship to Chinese culture.''
Robert Entenmann, Church History: Studies in Christianity and Culture (2018)

'...his argument is sophisticated and compelling. It is worth our attention. Mak’s work not only challenges our current understanding but also encourages us to rethink the dialectic relationship between Christianity and China’s nation-building.'
John Feng, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (2019)

'George Kam Wah Mak has taken on the admirable job of picking up where so many previous researchers into the history of the Chinese Bible have stopped by exploring how the great Chinese Bible, the Union Version, has influenced the development of the modern Chinese language...'

'...While this has long been known anecdotally, Mak has actually been able to track down three Mandarin school primers that include fragments of the Union Version. This is just one of the areas where Mak’s painstaking research has paid off...'

'...overall this book provides the long-awaited next stepping stone in the history of the Union Version, leading us to a better understanding of the undoubtedly great and lasting influence of one of the great Bible translations in the history of Christianity.'
Jost Zetzsche, Journal of Ecclesiastical History (2019)

'A classic of its kind, Protestant Bible Translation and Mandarin as the National Language of China makes great contributions to enrich our knowledge of the history and politics of Protestant Bible translation, involving the sophisticated networks of institution, ideology and patronage, against the backdrop of dramatic changes of the Chinese language, culture, and society. This fascinating study is a work to inspire research along similar lines, and will be of immense interest and value to scholars of Chinese Christianity, translation studies, and intellectual history of modern China.'
John T. P. Lai, Monumenta Serica (2020)

The paper examines three normative details in Hebrew from three perspectives – normative, linguistic, and sociolinguistic: (a) באם ‘if’ instead of normative אם; (b) בכדי ‘for, in order’ instead of normative כדי; (c) נקט ב- ‘take (measures, stand, etc.)’ instead of normative נקט (את). The first two are documented, from the seventeenth century onwards, in various genres of written Hebrew, both literary (e.g. Mendele Mokher Sfarim) and non-literary (e.g. the responsa literature and municipal posters). The third, originally a Babylonian Aramaic verb, is documented very sparsely from the sixteenth century onwards and becomes more widespread in late-nineteenth-century nonliterary genres, presumably as a result of analogy to the Hebrew verb אחז ‘seize’. All three are condemned as mistakes in the prescriptive literature of the 1950s and 1960s – but not anteriorly – and in the accompanying normativist discourse.
The study of these three seemingly unequivocal cases reveals two conduits that facilitated the infiltration of nonclassical elements into Modern Hebrew: formal nonliterary genres and popular satiric literature. It also suggests that, during the 1950s, following the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948, the Hebrew prescriptive discourse became nationalistic and necessitated a reevaluation of the inherited Hebrew inventory. From this new perspective, nonclassical elements such as the three discussed here were considered undesirable.

This paper examines the motivations behind Malaysia’s national language policy in theoretical terms to allow the Malaysian narrative to be positioned in an international context. To do this, it applies Spolsky’s (2004) theory of what influences language policy making in contemporary nation-states, namely national ideology, the role of English in globalisation era, the nation’s sociolinguistic situation, and an interest in linguistic minority rights. The paper argues that all factors are relevant in the Malaysian context. However, the domestic sociolinguistic situation only influences policy in so far as Malaysia’s response to its ethnolinguistic minorities is limited to minimal linguistic rights in the education system. This limited acceptance of linguistic diversity continues a tradition of protecting what Malaysian law sees as the supremacy of Malay culture and language. The paper concludes with an invitation to apply this theory in the study of other nations in the region to fost...

What would it take Nigeria and her people to come up with an agreeable national policy document that would require no more than 20 years to bear sustainable fruits and lead us to a path of perennial progress, Peace and shared prosperity? Look no further than the Genesis 41 economic policy mix model of Joseph Israel which implemented about seven major policies in/for a time of global crisis! It has all the ingredients that can drive Nigeria from top bottom and vice versa into greatness, self-sufficiency and parallel hand-over-fist of the States. Why? Because theirs was a hopeless situation, but they still had natural resources to save from and the people all agreed that it was either they solved it as a team in unity or starved to death in the near seven years’ future. In simple terms, if they didn’t come up with a national policy document agreeable to all, in fourteen years when the famine was over, they wouldn’t have had a nation, with most of them perished from starvation or become epitome of poverty. How Nigeria prepares for such a global crisis of the magnitude of what the world faced in the time Joseph became the governor of Israel, determined how fast we can lift our people from poverty.

Based on extensive observations of courtroom proceedings andmore limited observations of
arbitration practice, this study compares how each system approaches language disadvantage. InMalaysian
common law the usual constraints on courtroom discourse, institutionalised by de jure rules of speaking and
reinforced by professional practice, are supplemented by a language policy, enshrined in the constitution,
statutes and judicial directives, which requires the use of Malay while also allowing English where deemed
in the interests of justice. The result is a bilingual system, with all other languages admissible only
through interpretation. In the fast-growing alternative dispute sector, however, there are few hard and fast
rules governing either code choice or discourse. With most Malaysian arbitrations involving commercial
disputes, English is the dominant medium, but as in the courts, English-Malay code-switching is common.
Ways of speaking are generally more relaxed than in the courts, but with a majority of alternative dispute
resolution (ADR) advocates coming from common law, many discursive practices are carried over. While
the more relaxed atmosphere of ADR seems to encourage freer discourse than in the courts, there are some
indications that current practice may be underestimating the needs of participants who are less proficient in
English. The stricter rules imposed on courtroom discourse may inhibit free discussion but they do reveal
a high awareness of the problems of language disadvantage.

Over the years, the younger generations have accepted the English language as the medium of instruction. This paper was written during the time when the debate as to whether Pilipino or Filipino, the national language, should be used as the medium of instruction in the schools. Where absent before, now we have the Bisayan and Ilokano nationalism which objects to Tagalog (or Filipino) as the medium of instruction in the academe. This article had the assumption in 1985 that if we really were serious in wanting Filipino to be the medium of instruction, then we should probably look into the paper’s thesis.

The Routledge Handbook of Modern Japanese Literature provides a comprehensive overview of how we study Japanese literature today. Rather than taking a purely chronological approach to the content, the chapters survey the state of the field through a number of pressing issues and themes, examining the ways in which it is possible to read modern Japanese literature and situate it in relation to critical theory. The Handbook examines various modes of literary production (such as fiction, poetry, and critical essays) as distinct forms of expression that nonetheless are closely interrelated. Attention is drawn to the idea of the bunjin as a ‘person of letters’ and a more realistic assessment is provided of how writers have engaged with ideas – not labelled a ‘novelist’ or ‘poet’, but a ‘writer’ who may at one time or another choose to write in various forms. The book provides an overview of major authors and genres by situating them within broader themes that have defined the way writers...

In t r o d u c t io n ^ J ations, lan g u a g es, or states are so much part and parcel of the world in which we live nowadays that we hardly ever spare them a thought. These categories appear "transparent" to us, the "natural" building blocks1 from which our (social) world is composed, or-more aptly-constructed.2 Scholarly lit­ erature frequently suggests that a configuration of these three elements is the cornerstone of nationalism, or the sole ideology of statehood and peoplehood legitimation in today's world after the completion of decolonization and follow­ ing the breakup of the ideologically nonnational polity of the Soviet Union in the second half of the twentieth century. From the human perspective today's world is made of nation-states; the planet' s all inhabited and habitable landmass neatly apportioned among the extant polities. In this study, first, I aspire to "de-naturalize" the categories of nation, (a) language,3 and state (but I exclude from the analysis substate, suprastate, or "not-state-endow ed" nations and nationalisms). On this basis, I reflect on ethnic nationalism as a subspecies of the ideology of nationalism. According to common opinion, ethnic nationalism is quite closely, though in a largely unde­ fined and vague manner, associated with Central (and Eastern) Europe.4 In this pattern of things, the importance of language is customarily emphasized, often by reference to the seminal but rather rambling work Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit, 1784-91 (Outlines o f a Philosophy of the History o f I thank Andrea Graziosi, Michael Flier, and Frank Sysyn for their invaluable sug­ gestions and lengthy discussion of this article's argument, which allowed me to improve it considerably. Obviously, the responsibility is mine for any remaining infelicities.

This essay examines how translingual poetry by immigrant Romanian writers who live in or travel to the United States requires a transnational community framing rather than a national one and raises new questions about cultural and linguistic identity formation that reflect on both national and world literature issues. This analysis of the Romanian-American contemporary poets Mihaela Moscaliuc, Andrei Guruianu, Claudia Serea, and Aura Maru uses literary and rhetorical translingual theory to show that the “national literature” framing is no longer sufficient to address works created between two languages in a globalized world—Romanian and English, in this case. Born between two cultures and languages, their poetry does not belong entirely to either. In its turn, the national framing—both the Romanian and the American one—can become more porous and inclusive if read through a sociolinguistic “regime of mobility” lens that gives a more powerful voice to migrant writers.

Der vorliegende Beitrag widmet sich der Frage, wie sich das komplizierte Verhältnis von Sprache, Nation und Identität im ungarischen Reformzeitalter entwickelte. Dargestellt werden die Pest-Budaer Literaturlandschaft in der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts, die zu dieser Zeit im Königreich Ungarn kursierenden Auffassungen über die ‚Natio Hungarica‘ sowie das Schicksal jener Autor*innen, die sich trotz ihrer deutschen Muttersprache als Hungarus bekannten, aber die sich als Schriftsteller*innen nicht des Ungarischen bedienen wollten oder konnten. Als Beispiel dient Graf Johann Mailáth (1786-1855), eine transnationale Vermittlerfigur zwischen Pest-Buda und Wien und Anhänger der Idee des Staatspatriotismus im Sinne Hormayrs.

When Thomas Luckmann, a pioneer of the “linguistic turn” in sociology, regarded Émile Durkheim as a source for the sociology of language, he had lifeworldly community–building in mind. However, the French sociologist himself understood language in the context of civil society–building. To Durkheim, language was a “social thing in the highest degree” that enabled general ideas and intermediated them to people. Abstract human ideals like the civil religion since the French Revolution could be shared through (a common) language. Thus, Durkheim took the exclusive use of French in the Third Republic’s laic public education for granted, ignoring the patois in the country: This “child of the Enlightenment” considered French to be a universal language of Gesellschaft and, beyond ethno-communal elements, to work as a basis for the organic solidarity of French national civil society where the social division of labor was progressing. Durkheim’s theory was predicated on civil-linguistic, not ethnolinguistic, nationalism.

State formation and nationalism affect language contact in diverse ways, since different
political ideologies, articulated within different state structures, generate different types
of linguistic politics. Nevertheless, a few key issues dominate. First and foremost, linguistic
nationalism generally concerns not spoken language, but written language. The
literacy rate is therefore important: language contact between illiterate populations creates
different political conflict than does language contact between literate populations.
State sponsorship is also important: all states are multilingual, but to different degrees,
confronting governments with different administrative challenges. Which literary standardization
or standardizations does the government use in educational and/or state administration?
To what extent does the government seek to impose its favored language(s)
on speakers of other languages? How do minority language communities respond to
relative disenfranchisement? The answers to such questions vary from place to place,
but also from one historical era to the next. The strategies adopted to resolve such
difficulties illustrate the varied interactions between linguistic and national ideologies.

... en la vida cotidiana, 6 disminuye también la fuerza del discurso oficial, y deja paso a otras formas de entender la nación.(v. mapa 3). La primera forma se hace evidente en el grupo vascoparlante de Aulestia, donde los ... Vascas (original en 1906) • Jacob, James E.(1994). ...