National Security Law

Hai-Nyzhnyk P., Chupriy L., Fihurnyi Y., Krasnodemska I., Chyrkov O. (2018). Aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine: ethnonational dimension and civilizational confrontation. Saarbrucken (Germany): LAP Lambert Academic Publishing. 229 p.

The expert-analytical study analyzes the preconditions, course and contemporary socio-political consequences of the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine and the Ukrainian nation, which has signs of not only direct and covert, but also inter-state conflict and even civilizational confrontation.

Congress’s national-security legislation will often require clear and specific congressional authorization before the executive can undertake certain actions. The War Powers Resolution, for example, prohibits any law from authorizing military hostilities unless it “specifically authorizes” them. And the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 required its own amendment or repeal of its "exclusive means" provision before authorizing warrantless electronic surveillance. But efforts to legislate clear-statement regimes in national-security law have failed to induce compliance. The Clinton Administration inferred congressional "authorization" for the 1999 Kosovo War from an appropriations statute that failed to specifically authorize the conflict. And the Bush Administration inferred congressional "authorization" for the NSA surveillance program from ambiguous language in the post- September 11th Authorization to Use Military Force. In both situations, executive-branch lawyers employed expansive theories of implied repeal and constitutional avoidance to evade the codified clear-statement requirements, and Congress and the courts acquiesced to the President's actions. Recent proposals to strengthen the clear-statement requirements in Congress's national security framework legislation are unlikely to be effective without institutional mechanisms, such as points of order, that can deter future legislators from enacting vague or ambiguous legislation from which the executive might claim implicit congressional" authorization," and that can induce Congress to confront Presidents who act without specific congressional authorization. Simply enacting more narrow or explicit clear-statement requirements, or adding funding restrictions to Congress's framework legislation, fails to counter the aggressive interpretive doctrines that executives of both political parties have used to concoct congressional "authorization" from vague or ambiguous statutory language.

Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badań w zakresie prawnoustrojowego statusu Sił Zbrojnych w Konstytucji RP. Analizie została poddana rola Sił Zbrojnych RP w realizacji głównych celów państwa polskiego i ich relacje do innych zasad ustrojowych oraz obywatelskiego obowiązku obrony Ojczyzny. Ponadto omówione zostały kompetencje naczelnych organów państwa w aspekcie obronności i bezpieczeństwa oraz cywilnej i demokratycznej kontroli nad Siłami Zbrojnymi, a także zasady pełnienia służby wojskowej w kontekście praw i wolności obywatelskich. Następnie polskie rozwiązania konstytucyjne zostały poddane analizie prawnoporównawczej z przepisami konstytucji wybranych państw członkowskich Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckiego – Niemiec, Francji, Hiszpanii, Grecji, Danii, Norwegii, Estonii i Czech.

The article presents the results of research of the legal status of the Polish Armed Forces in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The key problems include the role of the Armed Forces in the implementation of the main goals of the Polish state and their relations to other constitutional principles and the duty to defend the Homeland. The article also presents the competences of the executive and legislative authorities in the aspect of defence and security as well as civil and democratic control over the Armed Forces. Polish legal solutions were compared with the constitutions of NATO member states – Germany, France, Spain, Greece, Denmark, Norway, Estonia and the Czech Republic.

Многие страны мира пытаются противостоять экстерриториальному применению экономических санкций, вводимых другими государствами, запрещая или ограничивая действие соответствующих иностранных законов на своей территории. C 2012 г. Россия сама является объектом односторонних экономических санкций. Можно ли применить опыт других стран к России? Какие шаги для защиты национального суверенитета предпринял или может предпринять отечественный законодатель?

Monografia prezentuje wyniki badań naukowych na temat estońskiego systemu obrony narodowej. Autor ukazuje jakie uwarunkowania historyczne, polityczne, społeczne i kulturowe wpłynęły na koncepcję obrony narodowej Republiki Estonii oraz wyjaśnia jakie zjawiska i zdarzenia (zewnętrzne i wewnętrzne) z lat 1991-2018 ukształtowały ten system. Ponadto autor analizuje strategiczne dokumenty planowania obronnego oraz rozwiązania prawno-organizacyjne Republiki Estonii i wskazuje na ich podstawie charakterystyczne cechy estońskiego modelu obrony narodowej. Organizacja systemu obrony narodowej Republiki Estonii przedstawiona jest w podziale na obronę militarną i niemilitarną. Autor wyszczególnia również zadania i kompetencje naczelnych organów państwa oraz instytucji odpowiedzialnych za bezpieczeństwo (m.in. Estońskie Siły Obrony, Estońska Liga Obrony, Policja i Straż Graniczna, służby specjalne, Urząd ds. Systemów Informatycznych i inne). Oprócz aspektów naukowych monografia ma za zadanie umożliwienie polskiemu czytelnikowi lepszego poznania i zrozumienia Estonii i Estończyków.

Die Polizei erprobt Methoden künstlicher Intelligenz bei Videoüberwachung und Datenauswertungen. Dieser Beitrag untersucht anhand der jüngst reformierten Polizeigesetze, wie das Polizeirecht den Einsatz von KI sachgerecht einhegen kann.

The German Police uses methods of artificial intelligence for video surveillance and data analysis. This article discusses how to regulate the use of AI for police purposes and examines some relevant provisions in the reformed German Police Laws.

"Autor se bavi razvojem bezbednosne misli u sklopu nauke o međunarodnim odnosima. Ovaj rad ima za cilj da na jednom mestu prikaže bitne aspekte razvoja, odnosno preoblikovanja bezbednosne misli kroz prikaz rasprave između teoretičara najuticajnijih pristupa teorije međunarodnih odnosa: realizma, liberalizma i kritičkih teorija. Shodno tome, u radu su prikazani osnovni stavovi i konstatacije najistaknutijih predstavnika realističkih, liberalnih i kritičkih teorija bezbednosti.

Ključne reči: bezbednost; nacionalna bezbednost; realizam; liberalizam; kritičke teorije"

This paper both introduces the first major academic symposium on the NSA surveillance programs disclosed by Edward Snowden and lays out the evolution of constitutional and statutory law that positioned the NSA to argue that its programs are lawful.

RESUMO: Com a saída dos militares do centro do governo e o fim da guerra fria ganha corpo um debate sobre o papel das Forças Armadas no Brasil contemporâneo. Nessa direção, o presente trabalho começa abordando o que se convencionou chamar de crise de identidade militar como uma porta de entrada à análise da construção de novas missões de ordem e segurança internas pela instituição militar no panorama pós-guerra fria. Ao lado disso, com uma agenda específica para as Forças Armadas latino-americanas, os EUA passaram a propugnar e pressionar o envolvimento dos militares em tarefas policiais rotineiras em detrimento da clássica função de defesa externa. Dentro desse quadro mais amplo, a "Operação Rio" foi utilizada como importante teste crítico às forças sociais interessadas na questão da participação das FFAA em missões de tipo policial. Efetivamente, ela viria a abrir as portas a uma participação mais ativa dos militares nas mais distintas missões ligadas à temática interna durante o primeiro governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso, com a definição prática de uma missão militar de ordem interna e o início da superação da crise de identidade militar então existente. Tal como está configurada hoje, a missão militar acha-se assentada em bases precárias, sendo o principal traço a destacar o da manutenção da vocação interna, sobretudo por intermédio do Exército.

The Caspian Project is a weekly digital magazine organized by the online analytical resource, Modern Diplomacy. Dr. Matthew Crosston is the Senior Editor of the project, which aims to acquaint people with this critically undervalued region of the world. The analyses go far beyond the standard issue of energy and encapsulates economics, politics, culture, religion, global affairs, conflict and peace.

This edition of the Caspian Project testifies to the enormous wealth of analytical opportunity seen all across the region. While in the past we have enjoyed producing single-issue specializations (which we did over the past two weeks with The Russian Debate and The Persian Gambit, to great fanfare and applause), the true essence of the Project is to have great diversity for the readers every issue. No. 11 as it turns out is something of a hybrid of these two aspects: readers with this issue get quite a bit of diversity while also getting to enjoy a mini-specialization, as a number of the articles inside deal with different aspects of the Russian intelligence community, namely, the Federal Security Service or FSB.

So, on top of some very thought-provoking and hard-hitting articles dealing with the ethics, surveillance, and transnational activities of Russian intelligence, readers ALSO get to learn more in this issue about the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Turkmenistan’s human rights record, and Kazakhstan’s entrance into the WTO. It is an issue, therefore, that cuts across domestic politics, global affairs, security, economics, and international organizations. This is something we at Modern Diplomacy hold dearly when it comes to the Caspian Project: so much that is happening in the world today, affecting so many countries, transects in one way or another the greater Caspian sea region. It shall always be a hub of activity and importance, far beyond the standard call about energy and natural resources.

While the term –‘security law’ has not been commonly used in the law enforcement literature, it is an apt term to use, to describe the entire cadastre of laws relating to security and crime control. Applying such an elastic term to cover the various laws bearing on security could also facilitate productive conversation between diverse entities and help us to better understand and ingrain the legal issues affecting these entities.

"El paper desarrolla los problemas de la ponderación del derecho de acceso a la información pública en relación a la protección de la seguridad de la nación.
Primero describe la naturaleza de derecho fundamental del acceso a la información pública y el carácter de bien público constitucionalmente protegido de la seguridad de la nación.
Luego analiza los niveles de ponderación entre ambos principios en disputa."

RESUMEN La actividad de inteligencia en América Latina ha tenido una evolución interesante en los últimos años. Surgida o desarrollada en la mayoría de los países de la región durante la Guerra Fría, sus características fueron influidas por los conceptos en defensa y seguridad vigentes en Latinoamérica en dicha época. La restauración de la democracia en la región inició un proceso de institucionalización a través de la sanción de leyes que establecieron en muchos casos controles e incluso límites, y que procuraron brindar nuevos objetivos a la actividad. No obstante, persiste en la mayoría de los casos la amplitud y concentración de facultades, advirtiéndose poca eficacia en los controles y en diversos países su empleo en la política coyuntural, así como superposiciones y confusión entre las actividades de inteligencia y seguridad pública. ABSTRACT Intelligence activity in Latin America has had an interesting evolution in recent years. Emerged or developed in most countries of the region during the Cold War, their characteristics were influenced by the existing concepts of defense and security in Latin America at that time. The restoration of democracy in the region began a process of institutionalization through the enactment of laws that, in many cases, established controls and even limits, and also sought to provide new objectives for the activity. However, in most cases, persist the extent and concentration of powers, ineffectiveness in controls, and the use of the activity in everyday politics, as well as an overlapping and confusion between the activities of intelligence and public security.

Since 9/11 American intelligence has evolved in a changing atmosphere of modern tactics and techniques of information collection. This atmosphere, coupled with massive leaps in technological advancement such as social media, mobile communications, processing analytics, large-form solid-state data storage and novel computational hardware and software equipment, has thrust the Intelligence Community into a strange new world of multi-dimensional intelligence.  With the implementation of new technologies and the expansion of those technologies to public access whereas they were once reserved specifically for governments or major conglomerations, intelligence collection methods have increased far beyond than the traditional human intelligence capability. In addition, the incorporation of science and technology into a loosely termed ‘Technical Intelligence’ (TechInt) has become a major contributor to both data and strategy.  While science and technology and human capability both remain valuable facets of the same overlapping intelligence construct, there is a growing trend of diametrically opposed camps setting one method over the other. This article explains how in terms of field application and intelligence information processing/analysis, both HumInt and TechInt are maximized by a mutual cooperation that at present does not exist.

Since 2006 I have led training in National Security Law and Policy.  Generally, the aim of this course is to introduce students, particularly professionals, involved in force-based training, national security, intelligence, law enforcement, investigations, defense, judicial and parliamentary oversight roles to the contemporary field of security and intelligence law. 
The security law program focuses on the role of law in security and intelligence matters.  The course features a rigorous and innovative curriculum designed to enable students gain a deeper and practical understanding of the world's most pressing security law challenges.

Recommended  Text - Dickson on Principles of Security  Law: Text, Cases and Materials  (2016)
Recommended  Text - Dickson's Handbook on Security (2016)

This post will reveal the history of Ukraine’s continuing warning to Europe, and in particular to German authorities about the security dangers of the violent Russian regime and politics. It will demonstrate how the ignorant and weak reaction of German politics to these threats (given the prevalence of economic interests over security and European values) indirectly supported the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and how the Russian regime abused European languidness and neutrality to launch a large-scale war in Europe. This blogpost is not so much about condemning the mistakes of European politicians, but about suggesting ways to solve these problems, taking into account the experience with obvious mistakes.

Autor se u radu bavi pitanjem pojma i elemenata nacionalne bezbednosti. S tim u vezi, autor najpre ukazuje na sam pojam bezbednosti uopšte, analizirajući na koji način autori iz oblasti bezbednosnih nauka definišu ovaj pojam, pristupajući mu sa različitih aspekta. Nakon toga, autor se bavi pitanjem definisanja nacionalne bezbednosti analizirajući različite pristupe u određenju značenja ovog pojma. Na kraju rada autor ukazje na na elemente, odnosno segmente nacionalne bezbednosti u skladu sa savremenim trednovima nauke o bezbednosti.

Ključne reči: bezbednost, nacionalna bezbednost, zaštita, elementi nacionalne bezbendosti.

In the paper author deals with the issue of the concept and elements of national security. In connection to this, the author first points to the concept of security in general, analyzing how the authors from the field of security sciences define this concept, approaching it from different aspects. After that, the author deals with the issue of defining national security by analyzing different approaches in determining the meaning of this term. At the end of the paper, the author points to the elements, or segments of national security, in line with the modern security science principles.

Key words: security, national security, protection, elements of national security.

Formal university and college Intelligence Studies degree programs have experienced a pronounced growth in recent years, exhibiting a richness in diversity and engagement in both institutional type and instructional delivery. At face value American academia seems about to embark on a new era of cooperation and understanding with the U.S. Intelligence Community (IC). But in seeking to determine whether progress in this development is as significant as is hoped in Washington, DC, this study reveals a persisting historical concern and academic bias that constrains the latent collaboration.

American national security is a priority that crosses partisan lines. Americans of all races, ethnicities, and religions are equally concerned with ensuring our country is safe from violence – whether politically motivated terrorism, state violence, or violent crime. Furthermore, we all share an interest in preventing violence before it occurs. Toward that end, citizens and elected officials have a responsibility to carefully examine whether the methods we are using to prevent terrorism are effective.

In 2011, the Obama administration initiated a “Countering Violent Extremism” program purportedly aimed at tackling the underlying causes that may contribute to terrorism domestically and abroad. According to the White House, “CVE efforts address the root causes of extremism through community engagement” and “the underlying premise of the approach to countering violent extremism in the United States is that (1) communities provide the solution to violent extremism; and (2) CVE efforts are best pursued at the local level, tailored to local dynamics, where local officials continue to build relationships within their communities through established community policing and community outreach mechanisms.” In January 2017, the Trump administration announced it would change the name of the program to “Countering Islamic Extremism” to reflect his administration’s intentions to focus exclusively on terrorism committed by individuals claiming to be Muslim, while excluding terrorism committed by others including White Supremacists. Notwithstanding the outcry by civil rights advocates on Trump’s renaming of the program, CVE has always been focused on Muslim communities in the United States. Trump’s actions merely validated what critics of the program claimed all along.

Despite the Obama administration’s lofty rhetoric, this article argues that CVE programs are fundamentally flawed for three reasons: they are counterproductive, unnecessary, and a waste of government resources. Government programs seeking to build community resilience are most effective when administered by social service agencies with the requisite expertise, not law enforcement agencies.

Accordingly, this article addresses four fundamental flaws with CVE:

1) CVE programs securitize Muslim communities and validate terrorists’ narratives that America is at war with Islam;

2) CVE programs are unnecessary to prevent domestic terrorism;

3) CVE programs are a waste of government resources; and

4) government funds for community development and resilience should be funded and administered by social service agencies without law enforcement control.

The IC's history is one of competiveness among the DoD intelligence agencies, the FBI, and the CIA.  The government has studied organizational issues and modified the IC multiple times, including enhancing the powers of the chief intelligence official.  Vignettes are provided detailing specific incidents of intelligence failure that resulted from or were enhanced by an IC unwilling to work together.

When those swept up in counter-terrorism operations try to hold governments accountable for rights violations, their efforts are frequently derailed by legal secrecy doctrines such as the state secrets privilege and public interest immunity. This paper shows the effects of legal secrecy doctrines on efforts to hold officials accountable for rights violations in counter-terrorism cases.  It sets out the limits imposed by international human rights law on these secrecy doctrines, and it explores how these limits are handled in U.S. and British courts.  Finally, it sets out requirements in order for legal secrecy practices to comply with international human rights law.

The intent of this chapter is to re-imagine and apply the term " civil disobedience " to the cyber domain. The full extent of how it can apply will be analyzed in a framework of the evolutionary rights of protest. Traditional civil disobedience is a " performance " via visual and physical mediums, while cyber disobedience is essentially a digital performance with difficulty in attributing true ownership of the act. This is an interesting antithesis to the physical protestor, who uses strategic visibility, threat of arrest, and popular backlash against state behavior as vital aspects of the disobedience. These variables are noticeably absent in cyber disobedience.

The Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) is the area vital to national security. However, unlike the law of the sea, no international legal instrument or law has been addressed the scope of the ADIZ. This paper suggests that there should be an international legal framework to govern the scope of the ADIZ and the activities relating to national security. This aims to standardize, regulate, and unify practices, rules, requirements and scope of application of the ADIZ among states. More importantly, the concrete international legal framework will prevent the state to arbitrarily claim the excessive ADIZ which might cause an international conflict in the airspace. This paper will explore different paradigms of the ADIZ and states’ power over the ADIZ. The paper further attempts to address national and international security problems which could occur in such areas, such as piracy, migrant smuggling, illicit trafficking in persons and drugs, including future concerns relating to national and international security in the airspace.

Our third edition of the renamed ‘Greater Caspian Project’ is the fullest blossoming to date of just how expansive and important this region is to the world in general. The greater Caspian region encompasses areas of the world that extend all the way from the Atlantic to the Pacific when you consider the geostrategic tentacles that come from the decisions made. This issue lets readers see that process in explicit detail as subjects cut across Russia, Iran, the Middle East, South Asia, all the way out to Eastern China. As is often the case in the world of global affairs and international relations, the tiniest of decisions can have subtle consequences that grow into huge consequences. GCP No. 20 shows us all how real that is.

Truly, this edition may have the largest coverage of disparate countries to date, with our readers learning subtle foreign policy issues and diplomatic nuances from Russia to Iran to Saudi Arabia to Syria to Kazakhstan to India to China to North Korea. Whether considering strategies to end war in Syria, preventing war in North Korea, stopping degradation in Kazakhstan, or ameliorating tension between major rivals in the Middle East, No. 20 makes us all realize just how complicated the world is today and why local problems often turn into regional discord which explodes into global tension and conflict.

In the end, we here at Modern Diplomacy and the GCP remain steadfast and true to the idea that no idea is sacred, no one position is the ultimate truth, and our only true purpose is exposing ever more people to the world as it really is, to the intricate actions and inner workings of states in the global neighborhood game as they actually transpire. We hope it always helps our readers become more informed and more refined in their thinking and perspectives.

The recently enacted Law of the People’s Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (NSL) is unique in global perspective: it was both drafted by and adopted from a jurisdiction espousing an entirely different type of legal system. In this article, I consider the NSL as a potential socialist legal transplant from the People’s Republic of China to its Special Administrative Region of Hong Kong upon its promulgation in June 2020. I consider why, in the criminal law context, the NSL bears certain socialist characteristics and may even be classified as a socialist law. I also consider whether the NSL might be the world’s first ever socialist criminal law transplant into a common law jurisdiction, and discuss what this might mean for legal interpretation and comparative law scholarship more generally. While existing comparative law scholarship on legal transplants has focused, where relevant, on transplants into States espousing socialist legal systems or between such systems, rarely have scholars encountered and analysed laws making their way across legal boundaries in the other direction. This article uses the example of the NSL, enacted by the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress in Beijing and applied to Hong Kong’s common law legal system, to begin to fill the gap.

The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) section 702 program collects vast amounts of information—some on citizens located inside the United States—without requiring a judicially authorized search warrant. Over one hundred federal terrorism prosecutions have involved evidence gathered through section 702 warrantless interceptions. However, this program may violate the Constitution's Fourth Amendment prohibition on unreasonable searches. Consideration of section 702's use is timely, as federal courts have signaled that they are ready and willing to rule on its constitutionality. Federal courts and government oversight panels, relying on jurisprudence established in prior foreign intelligence cases, have narrowly approved section 702 interceptions. However, two significant shifts in constitutional jurisprudence that courts have yet to consider cast doubt on whether warrantless wiretaps under section 702 are consistent with the pro-tections provided in the Fourth Amendment. First, the Supreme Court has increased scrutiny on traditional criminal wiretaps searches based on rationales that are also applicable to FISA section 702. These cases constrict the government's ability to conduct surveillance without judicial approval. Second , the Supreme Court has moved away from the previous " deference " given to the executive branch in areas of national security. While past courts might have created exceptions to domestic criminal wiretap rules that would have protected searches conducted for national security purposes from constitutional scrutiny, the present judiciary is unlikely to do so. Courts now freely venture into areas at the heart of national security and rule on these issues where past courts would have demurred. Both of these developments create a very real possibility that a future court will find that FISA section 702 violates the Fourth Amendment.

Police reform over the past thirty years has been guided by the
philosophy of “community policing,” or the theory that police
departments overcome poor community relations by engaging in
initiatives that build mutual trust. The advent of the War on Terror
brought about the intermingling of federal policing initiatives with local
law enforcement. The clashing goals of federal and local police entities
undermine local police goals and reformation initiatives based on
“community policing.” Using San Francisco as a case study, I argue that
overbroad surveillance and information gathering by local police
fundamentally undermines trusting relationships between police and the
community. I also maintain that police legitimacy depends in part on
procedural fairness. Therefore, to the extent the police engage in
surveillance practices without clear standards, oversight, and
accountability, they are perceived as being less legitimate in the eyes of
the community. This, in turn, undermines the trust-building goals of
community policing.

Since 9/11, the United States has created a framework that allows for indefinite detention under the law of war and prosecution in military commissions as alternatives to charging terrorism suspects in federal court. These alternatives have affected how federal courts are represented and perceived. Proponents of using federal courts, for example, increasingly emphasize their toughness as a way of demonstrating their continued viability as a forum for terrorism prosecutions. At the same time, federal courts are criticized for risking disclosure of classified or other sensitive information, infringing on executive prerogatives, and undermining military and intelligence operations. These criticisms have not only helped legitimize military alternatives to federal criminal prosecution for the long-term incapacitation of terrorism suspects; they have also supplied justifications for denying civil litigants - particularly, victims of torture, arbitrary detention, and other forms of mistreatment - a judicial remedy and for dismissing legal challenges to controversial government programs under various justiciability doctrines.

This Article explores how Guantánamo and the war on terror more generally have altered the perception and operation of federal courts. Part I describes the growth after 9/11 of a new type of military detention system that provides an alternative to Article III-court prosecutions of terrorism suspects. Part II examines how this parallel military detention system has affected the way federal courts are defined and represented as a forum for terrorism prosecutions. Part III looks at federal courts from the perspective of their role in providing a forum for plaintiffs seeking redress for torture, unlawful detention, and related abuses. It describes how many of the same reasons cited in opposition of federal criminal prosecution of terrorism suspects are invoked - often by federal judges themselves - to prevent federal court adjudication of civil damages litigation arising out of government misconduct during counterterrorism operations. Part IV examines federal courts from another vantage point, describing their engagement with the new, post-9/11 military detention system through the exercise of habeas corpus jurisdiction. Here, federal courts have performed two, inter-related functions: first, articulating general rules and principles to govern military detention and trial, and second, acting as quasi national security courts by reviewing the validity of individual prisoners’ military confinement. While federal courts have imposed some constraints on the government’s ability to hold terrorism suspects outside the criminal justice system, they have largely accommodated the new forms of military detention that emerged after 9/11 under the rubric of the war on terrorism and have shown considerable deference to the government’s allegations in individual cases.

Cyberspace is everywhere in today’s world and has significant implications not only for global economic activity, but also for international politics and transnational social relations. This compilation addresses for the first time the “cyberization” of international relations - the growing dependence of actors in IR on the infrastructure and instruments of the internet, and the penetration of cyberspace into all fields of their activities. The volume approaches this topical issue in a comprehensive and interdisciplinary fashion, bringing together scholars from disciplines such as IR, security studies, ICT studies and philosophy as well as experts from everyday cyber-practice.

The Caspian Project is a weekly digital magazine organized by the online analytical resource, Modern Diplomacy. Dr. Matthew Crosston is the Senior Editor of the project, which aims to acquaint people with this critically undervalued region of the world. The analyses go far beyond the standard issue of energy and encapsulates economics, politics, culture, religion, global affairs, conflict and peace.

The 10th edition of The Caspian Project is now out and it has several unique distinctions: it is the first edition with an editorial introduction and takes a more holistic and adversarial approach to investigating Iran's entrance into the global community given the recent nuclear accord. It is a great example of the diversity and discord that exists in global affairs, testifying to how there is no one single simple answer to such complex interactions within the international system.

Section 102 of the FISA Act covers surveillance of foreign persons or agents of foreign powers.  This section was modified following 9/11 to meet the US Government's needs in the War on Terror.  However, there appears to be a far stretch of the imagination for even US legal advisors to claim that Section 102 authorizes mass collection programs such as PRISM.