Norway oil and gas

Noruega, al igual que el resto de países nórdicos, es mundialmente famosa por su alto nivel de vida y su compromiso con el medio ambiente. En efecto, sus iniciativas a favor del cambio climático y el desarrollo sostenible fueron notables sobre todo en los años 80 y principios de los 90. Destaca su fomento de los coches eléctricos, y el uso de las energías limpias. En su matriz energética destaca el uso de la energía hidroeléctrica, renovable y no contaminante, pero carece del desarrollo de otras energías renovables que sus vecinos nórdicos sí han comenzado a explotar. Además, no hay que olvidar que es uno de los mayores exportadores de hidrocarburos, cuyo comercio le ha reportado importantes beneficios económicos y es clave para la actividad de empresas manufactureras y de servicios que forman una cadena de proveedores para la industria petrolera. En esta comunicación trataremos de repasar tanto los aspectos positivos de la política energética noruega, como sus puntos negativos y el discurso contradictorio y a veces hipócrita de las autoridades respecto al tema medioambiental, que los propios noruegos denuncian pero es poco conocida a nivel internacional. Palabras clave: Noruega, hidrocarburos, gases de efecto invernadero, energías renovables, vehículos eléctricos

This chapter assesses the importance of civil society involvement and public debate for Norwegian petroleum governance. It finds that during the early years of the country’s oil and gas development most important choices were made by a small number of decision-makers in government with little input from the broader society. The attitude of government officials was therefore decisive for Norway’s early successes. During the two first decades of Norway’s petroleum era, also economists at the Ministry of Finance, the Norwegian School of Economics, Statistics Norway and the University of Oslo played important roles. One of the greatest successes of Norwegian oil and gas governance, the sovereign wealth fund, was created by technocrats in interaction with politicians. However, over time, and in a way similar to the Netherlands, civil society and public debate came to play more influential roles. What characterizes contemporary Norwegian petroleum governance is that it has many legs to stand on: an active and diverse civil society, free and diverse media, many political parties representing differing interests, numerous institutions of research and higher education and, importantly, a strong technocracy inside and outside government. In combination, these legs provide for both reliability and dynamism, as Norwegian petroleum governance is constantly evolving. Finally, a key aspect of Norway’s Nordic model is constant compromise – which is difficult to achieve in more polarized societies.

Eléments de géographie physique et économique La Norvège, avec ses 385.199 km2, dont 307.860 km2 de terre, représente une superficie un plus plus grande que celle de l'Allemagne C'est un pays septentrional de l'Europe qui, à l'instar de la france, est géographiquement largement tourné vers la mer, mais qui ne possède pas la même profondeur terrestre que l'hexagone. 47% de son territoire sont couverts par les Alpes scandinaves, 32% se situent au-dessus de la limite des arbres et seulement 3% du pays sont cultivables. A contrario, les côtes norvégiennes réprésentent plus de 2.500 km pour la partie continentale, mais près de 83.000 km si on y inclut le littoral des îles. Cette dimension maritime est renforcée par l'interaction permanente entre mer et terre, de par le nombre de fjords trouant en quelque sorte le pays, offrant des possibilités de ports en eau profonde, et par l'étendue de sa zone économique exclusive, évaluée à près de 819.620 km2. Le pays dispose en outre de plusieurs zones de pêche représentant au total 1.878.953 km2, dont celles autour de l'archipel de Svalbard et l'île Jan Mayen. En avril 2009, la Commission des Nations unies pour la délimitation du plateau continentale a de surcroît approuvé les revendications de la Norvège sur une superficie supplémentaire de 235.000 km2. C'est donc d'un immense domaine terrestre et maritime dont la Norvège peut jouir et sur lequel son économie peut s'appuyer, cad. 2.770.404 km2, soit le 17 ème rang mondial, ceci pour une population inférieure à 5 millions d'âmes. Dans une optique géoéconomique, il faut rappeler que la Norvège exerce également une partie de sa souveraineté sur les îles arctiques de l'archipel de Svalbard et l'île Jan Mayen. La souveraineté sur le Svalbard repose entre autre sur le traité du Svalbard de 1920, qui ne s'applique pas à l'île de Jan Mayen, et qui suppose un partage avec la Russie. L'île Bouvet dans l'Atlantique sud et l'île Pierre Ier et la Terre de la Reine-Maud en Antarctique sont des dépendances externes, mais ne font pas partie du Royaume de Norvège. Mais c'est spécialement la dimension septentrionale des possessions norvégiennes qui représentent un enjeu gigantesque pour l'avenir. Rappelons que l'Arctique s'étend sur une surface gigantesque d'environ 24 millions de km², dont 17 d'océan, un peu plus de 3 de continent et près de 4 d'îles éparses, des Aléoutiennes au Labrador. Une évaluation réalisée en 2008 par l'US Geological Survey montre que l'Arctique renferme 13% du pétrole encore non découvert (soit 90 milliards de barils de pétrole non découvert et techniquement extractible), 30% du gaz naturel (47,3 billions de mètres cubes de gaz naturel techniquement extractible) et 20% des liquides du gaz

Noruega es un país conocido por su apuesta por las energías renovables y su conciencia ecológica. Sin embargo, es el mayor productor de petróleo y gas natural de Europa. El desarrollo de este sector y la exportación de crudo generan una política medioambiental contradictoria y suscita una gran variedad de opiniones dentro del país. Por un lado, los empresarios y los dos grandes partidos políticos apuestan por impulsar dicho sector para crear empleo y generar riqueza. Por otra parte, las ONG, académicos y movimientos ambientalistas denuncian la hipocresía de la política energética actual. En este artículo pretendemos presentar la visión de este segundo grupo y señalar que hasta ahora parece que la postura de los empresarios y políticos a favor de corriente industrialista y creación de empleo ha
prevalecido.

Fluvial sandstones are an important reservoir type for the petroleum industry. In the late 1970's and early 1980's, large hydrocarbon discoveries in the Norwegian North Sea in fluvial strata prompted the need for generating geologically meaningful, stochastic, object-based models of fluvial deposits. The aim of this focus was to allow the geologist to provide the reservoir engineers with a more realistic representation of permeability contrasts within channelised, fluvial deposits by being able to use appropriate measurements from outcrop analogues as direct input data into the modelling software. This initiative resulted in the development of a suite of geologically driven, stochastic modelling algorithms supported by an extensive fieldwork program aimed at collecting stratigraphic and quantitative data from ancient outcrop analogues to support enhanced reservoir characterisation and geological modelling. Today, these reservoirs are still important hydrocarbon producing fields with accurate reservoir description and 3D modelling capabilities playing a vital role in targeting remaining oil, especially now that many of the fields on the Norwegian continental shelf are past peak production and are in a decline phase. As both computing capabilities and quantitative outcrop analogue studies have increased the understanding of, and the ability to model fluvial reservoirs, so have stochastic modelling techniques continued to provide the most suitable and robust means of building geologically realistic 3D reservoir models that incorporate increased geological understanding and heterogeneity complexity. In the recent past, a multitude of data, such as seismic and production data have been used to condition the stochastic algorithms. This review paper aims to outline the role of stochastic algorithms in building geologically-realistic, 3D fluvial reservoir models and highlight the success of these developments with case studies from both producing fields and ancient outcrop analogue studies. Finally, the paper will allude to possible improvements in stochastic fluvial modelling and future directions in the modelling of fluvial petroleum reservoirs. These include the use of physical or process-based models, high-resolution near wellbore models, and multi-point statistics, that allow for more realistic representations of heterogeneities of fluvial deposits at a variety of scales and by a variety of methods.

The paper is a comparative regulatory analysis of the Alaska Heritage Trust Fund, the Alberta Permanent Fund, and the Government Pension Fund of Norway as developed country natural resource fund (NRF) models. Its objective is to examine how NRFs are regulated. To achieve this objective, it explores and compares the socio-political contexts and regulatory features of the three NRFs, drawing lessons along the way. Given the dearth of publications on the domestic as opposed to transnational regulation of NRFs, it carries out an original review of primary and secondary policy sources, both legal and non-legal documents, along with a synthesis of representative bodies of literature. It finds that NRFs are mainly regulated by laws and institutional support which constitute four key regulatory features: legal frameworks and objectives, ownership regimes, structure and functionality, and governance and operation. The conclusion is that how NRFs are regulated, based on these features, determines their outcomes.

The aim of the article is to discuss the Norwegian Model of hydrocarbon management and its impact on building a just and equal society. Since 1972, the model has been based on the separation of policy, commercial, and regulatory functions. Within each area there is state-controlled institution with its own distinct role. This model of separation of duties is however combined with other unique features which cannot be easily copied by other counties. These include a long tradition and high level of democratic cooperation , intergovernmental checks and balances, socio-democratic traditions of strong public involvement, mature institutional capacity (mainly a competent bureaucracy) and highly developed model of cooperation between government, business and research institutions.

The political relationship between Norway and Russia will influence the development of Barents Sea oil and gas. The state plays a decisive role in both the Norwegian and Russian parts of the sea. It does so as a regulator, through taxation, and through the national oil and gas companies, Gazprom, Rosneft, and Statoil. Thus, if the two states have a good relationship characterized by mutual trust, they can coordinate, search for complementarities, and mitigate issues that arise. Furthermore, due to the rising cost of oil and gas production in the Arctic, many oil and gas fields there may deliver small returns on investments. Scale economies brought about by coordinated development, joint infrastructure, and information sharing can tip projects from being commercially unviable to viable. But this depends on the ability and willingness of the two states to actively work together.

The aim of this study is to help a group of actors from the Stavanger region to map international expertise in the field of energy security with focus on the energy-security and climate-change nexus. This is the first step towards setting up an international think tank to conduct joint studies on EU energy security and climate policy, on the links between European climate policy and future energy supplies, on the patterns of interaction between the EU importers and their main suppliers of oil and gas and the role of technology in enhancing the resource base for oil and gas supplies and in creating new opportunities for renewables and energy efficiency.

The study was commissioned by the University of Stavanger (UiS), International Research Institute of Stavanger (IRIS), Stavanger Chamber of Industry and Commerce, and Greater Stavanger Economic Development, and carried out jointly by the Fridtjof Nansen Institute (FNI) and the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI). The study was conducted in the period between February and June 2009 and is based on both quantitative and qualitative analysis of information on energy related research.

In the preparatory phase of the project it was agreed that the study’s geographical scope should be limited to the areas of greatest importance to Norwegian energy interests – Europe (including Russia) and North America. It was also decided that the mapping should focus on research institutions that potentially could be invited to partner with the planned think tank.

The report is divided into six parts and has three appendices. The first and introductory part outlines the goals of the project and presents the structure of the report. In the second part, an assessment of the current state of the European debate on energy security is presented. The focus is on how the policy area ‘European security of energy supply’, has been understood and treated by politicians, both at the EU and national levels. This background chapter informs our conclusion that different problems and approaches to solutions taken by different research actors reflect different political understandings of the problem, and vice versa. The focus is on key policy-makers in Europe, the EU Commission and central member states, as well as Russia as the major gas exporter to the EU (and one major cause of the security of supply concerns in Europe) and the United States, as the EU’s main interlocutor on traditional security issues. This chapter starts by discussing the historical background of the European debate – and action – on energy security, and then goes on to a detailed account of the current state of the debate and the contemporary processes that shape the European debate and policies. Part of the chapter is dedicated to the inherent tensions in the formulation of EU energy policy, pointing out the lack of coherence due to the national vs supranational approaches.

In the third part of the report we explain our methodological approach to identifying the most important research institutions in international research on energy policy. A three-step approach was adopted combining both quantitative and qualitative elements. In the first step, we put together a preliminary gross list of 57 institutions that may play a role setting the international research agenda in this area. In the next step, we ranked the web sites of theses institutions quantitatively, according to their visibility on the internet. Subsequently we carried out a reputational expert survey of the importance of these institutions in the international research and policy community. In the fourth part of the report the results of the expert survey are presented.

Learning architecture from Fehn in Oslo during early '70s was valuable foundation for the architectural vocabulary that emerged in Norway decades later. My travelogue about Oslo Opera brought back much memories and it was a worthwhile journey.

Sovereign Wealth Funds that emerged in the mid-twentieth century and whose numbers have largely grown since then, have become an important issue at the heart of discussions today. In this context, The Government Pension Fund-Global, established under the name of Government Petroleum Fund in 1990, attracts the attention as the largest sovereign wealth fund in the world today. Particularly good governance, transparency, importance of ethical values in investments, consistently dynamic structure are the main factors that feature in the development of the fund. Hence, in the study, The Government Pension Fund-Global has been examined in terms of guiding to Turkey Wealth Fund, established in 2016 and one of the world's newest fund.

Esta tesis doctoral aborda la relación entre los problemas asociados a la inserción externa de las economías ricas en hidrocarburos y el uso de políticas públicas capaces de lidiar con las secuelas nocivas de la especialización en dichos recursos a través del estudio del sector petrolero y las políticas macroeconómicas de Noruega. Nuestro objetivo es determinar en qué medida la actuación del fondo soberano de inversión noruego coordinado con políticas fiscales y monetarias anticíclicas contribuyó a la mitigación de los ciclos económicos ocasionados por la volatilidad de los precios petroleros entre 1990 y 2015.
La hipótesis de la tesis plantea que el funcionamiento del fondo soberano de inversión noruego, llamado Government Pension Fund Global (GPFG), y la coordinación de las políticas monetaria y fiscal condujeron a un crecimiento económico sostenido y sin desequilibrios macroeconómicos destacables en Noruega durante el período comprendido entre 1990 y 2015, y especialmente entre 2001 y 2015, cuando quedó establecido el nexo entre el GPFG y los presupuestos fiscales mediante la regla fiscal del 4% y la política monetaria de metas de inflación y tipos de cambio flotantes. La metodología de investigación consiste en un estudio de caso.

Pieniądze zawsze miały znaczenie w polityce zagranicznej, ale bodaj nigdy państwa nie miały ich w swoich rękach aż tyle. Ten wzrost wielkości kapitału kontrolowanego przez kraje sprawił, że coraz częściej sięgają one po instrumenty ekonomiczne do osiągania swoich celów na arenie międzynarodowej. Jednym z przejawów tego zjawiska jest szybki rozwój tzw. Państwowych funduszy majątkowych (PFM), czyli rządowych lub kontrolowanych przez rząd funduszy inwestycyjnych. Oficjalnie mają one efektywnie pomnażać zgromadzone w nich środki, ale… nie jest to cała prawda o ich działalności.
W oparciu o liczne przykłady autor niniejszej pracy pokazuje, jak PFM są wykorzystywane w polityce zagranicznej. Analizuje zarówno formy politycznego użycia funduszy, jak i warunki, które muszą być spełnione, żeby było to możliwe. Tym samym praca udowadnia, że zagrożenia związane z politycznym wykorzystywaniem kapitału państwowego są bardzo realne, co powinno się spotkać z adekwatną odpowiedzią członków społeczności międzynarodowej.

Striking the right fiscal balance is the critical endeavour. If the tax rate is too high, it can lead to sub optimal investment and therefore to less tax revenue in the long run. If the tax rate is too low, then too much of the nation’s valuable resource is given away to the investor.

The Taxation of Upstream Oil provides insights into the complex and evolving world of upstream taxation. It offers an understanding of the fiscal analysis from the perspective of both Government and industry.

What are the fundamental fiscal constructs? What factors drive fiscal choices and what can we expect in the decades to come in terms of further fiscal evolution?

The report explains the characteristics of oil and gas operations which in turn shape fiscal outcomes. It highlights the evolution of petroleum fiscal regimes since the beginning of the oil industry.

Throughout, the report provides examples of fiscal behaviour from major oil producing countries to help illustrate the issues.

Chapter headings include:
Importance of Upstream Oil Taxation
Fundamental Features of Oil Exploration and Development
Government and Investors’ Objectives
Types of Fiscal Regimes
Additional Forms of Upstream Charges and Pseudo Taxes
What Determines the Fiscal Structure and Regime Choice?
What is an Ideal Fiscal Regime?
Characteristics of Fiscal Change
Prospects and Trends for Upstream Taxation

The Barents Sea has long been a testing ground for cooperation between Russia and Norway. Driven by mutual economic
interests, the two states have worked together in previous decades to oversee a shared commercial fishery. More recently, off-shore oil production has become a Russo-Norwegian focus. Emerging petroleum production provides an opportunity to assess environmental stewardship in the region. In particular, this study explores the differences and influences in Norwegian and Russian offshore oil-spill prevention policy in the Barents Sea. The study focuses on how each state’s national and economic strategic objectives translate into domestic policy, and how such influences are reflected in operational mandates and behavior. Principal-agent (a.k.a. agency) theory and case studies provide the framework for this study through a defined view of the contractual relationships between the governments (principals) and industry (agents). Findings indicate that 1) there is no mutual policy for the shared environment, 2) there should be, and 3) divergent issues can be identified and potentially overcome. Additionally, the approach to prevention policy by Russia’s governmental authorities yields concerns regarding operational intent while Norway’s public-sector principles likely instill more confidence in outcomes. As the Barents Region continues to foster a convergence of bilateral (and multilateral) interests, this study helps identify relevant prevention policy decision-making factors while contributing to further understanding and expectations for activities in the Barents Sea.

What are some of the possible futures for Barents Sea oil and gas? This chapter draws upon the key trends and issues covered by the book’s thematic chapters and presents three scenarios on the prospects for Norwegian–Russian cooperation in the Barents Sea. Ultimately human interaction will play a large part in how the Barents Sea is developed, and we have therefore given the scenarios metaphorical titles related to interaction between people:
(1) "After you, Sir"
(2) “Parallel Play, Not Only for Children”
(3) “Let’s Dance, but Where Is the Music?”

Sovereign Wealth Funds are large institutional investors that have experienced a huge growth during the last decade. They have been surrounded by rejection in many countries; however, the developed world has focused less on their role as policy instruments in economies that face the challenges related to hydrocarbon dependence. This paper aims to introduce SWFs as macroeconomic stabilization and savings funds, used to spread resource wealth across generations. We highlight the Norwegian case, perhaps one of the most successful experiences in managing oil wealth by establishing the Government Pension Fund Global, the world's biggest

This introductory chapter establishes the analytical framework for the edited volume "Public Brainpower". The literature on the resource curse and institutions is briefly discussed, along with the work on civil society and the public sphere by Almond and Verba, Dahl, Habermas and Putnam. Drawing on these classics, the theoretical concept of ‘public brainpower’ is formulated. The main pillar of public brainpower is polycentricity, or the coexistence of many different public actors freely expressing their thoughts: individual citizens, political parties, trade unions, charities, companies, research institutes, religious institutions, mass media and government institutions. The more polycentric a society is, the greater is its brainpower: its memory becomes more comprehensive and multifaceted, different actors can perform quality control of each other’s ideas and arguments, and it is more difficult to repress challenging views. Above all, a polycentric society has a broader base for creativity. The greater the public brainpower of a society, the better its management of natural resources. Finally, the book's 18 case studies of oil- and gas-producing countries are briefly presented, along with the methodology and definitions of key terminology used throughout the volume.

This essay is an effort to understand the dynamics behind a successful model of wealth distribution in one of the top oil producers in the world: Norway. The first part explains the concept of " resource curse " to describe the challenges that resource rich nations face in their economies. The next section describes the conditions in Norway since the late 1950s to make the point that efficient wealth management, savings, and distribution systems of a given country are usually based on three major initial aspects: comparatively low oil and gas production prospects in its initial phase of exploration, high level of economic and political development, and a political system that does not pressure the government to directly use the revenues obtained from natural resources to alleviate social, political, and economic problems. The third section explains the " Norwegian model, " as well as the future challenges to keep its good performance. Finally, after a few conclusions on the particularities of the Norwegian model, the essay provides a brief comparison with Mexico's oil and gas sector to assess which general policies could be replicated in the North American country in the context of the energy reform approved in December 2013. Este artigo consiste em um esforço para compreender a dinâmica por detrás de um modelo de sucesso de distribuição da riqueza em um dos maiores produtores de petróleo do mundo: a Noruega. Primeiramente, é explicado o conceito de " maldição dos recursos " para descrever os desafios enfrentados pelas economias ricas em recursos naturais. A seção seguinte descreve o cenário norueguês a partir do final da década de 1950, com vistas a fundamentar a noção de que gestão eficiente dos recursos, poupança e sistemas de distribuição estão geralmente baseados em três aspectos principais: perspectivas de produção de petróleo e gás comparativamente baixas na fase inicial de exploração, elevado nível de desenvolvimento econômico e político, e um sistema político que não pressiona o governo a usar diretamente as receitas obtidas a partir de recursos naturais para alívio imediato de problemas sociais, políticos e econômicos. A terceira seção explica o " modelo norueguês " , bem como os futuros desafios para a manutenção de seu bom desempenho. Finalmente, após apresentar algumas conclusões sobre as particularidades do modelo norueguês, o artigo apresenta uma breve comparação com o setor de petróleo e gás mexicano, com vistas a avaliar quais políticas poderiam ser replicadas no país norte-americano no contexto da reforma energética aprovada em dezembro de 2013.

This paper explores how an analytical focus on the governing of resources and mentalities based on the Foucauldian notion of governmentality widens the understanding of political processes relating to the creation of a knowledge-based approach to potentially opening for petroleum extraction in Lofoten, Norway. As pressure intensifies for extractive resource exploitation in the Norwegian Arctic, policy processes are characterized by the construction of governance regimes depending on techno-scientific knowledge upon which political decisions are to be made. Through analyzing the revision of the Integrated Management Plan for the Barents and Lofoten Seas (IMP-BL) in 2011, this paper addresses (i) that the continued construction of a nature/culture divide is an important basis for governance of nature and natural resources, where (ii) the rationale of scientific truth-telling practices are projected onto political processes, which in turn leads to a process of (iii) governing mentalities besides governing actions, and finally (iv) how the creation of a Scientific Forum Report as a basis for the management plan in effect is what Foucault identified as a technology of security, aiming ultimately at securing population,- a technique that reflects a specific power/knowledge nexus that necessitates processes of inclusion and exclusion of knowledge, values and stakeholder views.

A complete study of the petroleum system of the Tampen Spur area has been carried out. The approach used was a two-dimensional TEMISPACK analysis of a seismic line crossing the area where various hypotheses could be tested and later applied in a three-dimensional sense. The profile crosses from the deepest part of the 'Tampen Graben' across the Visund Ridge and the MarflØ Ridge to the Cogn Graben in the east. Four source rocks have been taken into account, two marine [the Draupne (the most prolific) and the Heather] and two deltaic [the Brent and the Dunlin]. Two different prospect types can be defined: the Brent at the top of the tilted blocks and Heather sand bodies at the foot of the eroded tilted blocks. Various hypotheses about the geometry of these sand bodies and about the contact between the rich Draupne source rocks and the sands have been tested. Maturation started in the middle Cretaceous, between 100 Ma in the deepest eastern part of the section (Sogn Graben) and 80 Ma for the Draupne on the Tampen Spur west graben. At this time, the structures were already sealed by the Cretaceous shales. Apart from the Visund Ridge, all the prospects are currently in the condensate or gas window. Overpressures are compatible with large closed faults. More data are required about the possible sealing of minor faults before any conclusions can be drawn. There is no easy migration path from the rich Draupne rocks to the Brent reservoir and various hypotheses are discussed to explain the regional petroleum potential. One possible explanation for the regional charge is the contribution of the other source rocks, the Heather, the Brent and the Dunlin

ÖZ
20. yüzyılın ortalarında ortaya çıkan ve sayıları bu süreçten sonra giderek
artan ulusal varlık fonları, günümüzde tartışmaların merkezinde yer alan
önemli bir konu haline gelmiştir. Başlangıçta kaynakları petrol ve gaz gibi
bir emtiaya dayanmış olsa da günümüzde bütçe, cari işlemler fazlası ve
özelleştirme gelirlerine dayanan birçok ulusal varlık fonu bulunmaktadır.
Ancak yine de emtiaya dayanan ulusal varlık fonları çoğunluğu
oluşturmaktadır. Bunlardan en büyük varlık değerine sahip olan ve en çok
tanınanı Norveç Varlık Fonu’dur. Norveç’in ulusal varlık fonu macerası
1969 yılında ülkenin kıta sahanlığı içinde petrolün keşfedilip işlenmesiyle
başlamaktadır. Bunun ardından oluşan gelir fazlasının nasıl
değerlendirileceği sorusu uzunca yıllar tartışılmıştır. Bu tartışmalarla
birlikte söz konusu gelir fazlasını değerlendirmek amacıyla 1990 yılında
Devlet Petrol Fonu adıyla bir ulusal varlık fonu kurulmuştur. 2006 yılında
Devlet Emeklilik Fonu Global olarak yeniden adlandırılan Fon günümüzde
emtia kaynaklı fonların yanı sıra tüm ulusal varlık fonları arasında en
büyük varlık değerine sahip olan bir fon haline gelmiştir. Bu çalışmada
2016 yılında ülkemizde kurulan ve yeni bir ulusal varlık fonu olarak kabul
edilen Türkiye Varlık Fonu’na örnek bir model oluşturabilmesi açısından
Norveç Varlık Fonu, işleyiş ve organizasyon yapısı yönünden incelenmiştir.
Özellikle iyi yönetim, şeffaflık, mali kural uygulaması ve dinamik yönetim
yapısı Fonun çarpıcı gelişiminde ön plana çıkan başlıca etkenler olarak
dikkat çekmektedir.

Abstract
Sovereign wealth funds that emerged in the mid-twentieth century and of
which numbers have largely grown since then have become an important
issue at the heart of discussions today. Although initially based on
commodities such as oil and gas, there are many sovereign wealth funds
based on budget, current account surplus, and privatization revenues
recently. Sovereign wealth funds based on commodities, however,
compose the majority. The Norwegian Wealth Fund has the largest value
of assets and is the most known of those. Norway’s adventure of
sovereign wealth funds began in 1969 with the discovery and processing
of oil within the continental shelf. Then, the use of excess revenue from
oil was discussed for many years. After these discussions, the Norwegian
Wealth Fund was established in 1990 with the name of the Government
Petroleum Fund to utilize the income surpluses. The fund, renamed as the
Government Pension Fund Global in 2006, has become the largest
sovereign wealth fund of all as well as the commodity-based ones today.
In this study, the Norwegian Wealth Fund has been analyzed in terms of
fund mechanism and organizational structure to provide an insight for
Turkey Wealth Fund which is established in 2016 and considered a new
Wealth Fund in the world. Particularly good governance, transparency,
implementation of a fiscal rule, and a dynamic structure of governance
are the main factors behind the development of the fund.

Noruega es un país mundialmente conocido por su apuesta en las energías renovables, la conciencia ecológica de la población y los avances científicos en la preservación del medio ambiente. No obstante, es el mayor productor de petróleo y gas natural de Europa. Su postura por el desarrollo continuo de este sector y su exportación de crudo genera una política medioambiental contradictoria y constituye un gran debate dentro del país entre empresarios –aliados con los políticos de los dos grandes partidos– por una parte, y las organizaciones no gubernamentales y académicos por otra. Hasta ahora parece que la postura de los empresarios y políticos que prevalece se sitúa en favor del industrialismo y la creación de empleo.

Denne artikkelen diskuterer hva som må gjøres når pandemien gradvis forsvinner, og livet går tilbake til en mer normal tilstand. Det er er spesifikt fokus på Agder fylkeskommune. Her sitter folk og venter, og det er ingen som tar opp hva som bør eller vil hende etter pandemien. Når dette skjer er det sannsynlig gjøres i offentlig og privat sektor. Organisasjoner i det sivile samfunn vil ikke bli invitert, og vil sannsynligvis heller ikke være interessert i å delta.
Dette er uheldig, siden det offisielle scenariet om å komme tilbake til situasjonen før pandemien er bare et scenarie. Ifølge et alternativt scenarie bør vi forstå dette som en unik situasjon, og heller fokusere på det grønne skiftet og realisere en lavkarbonøkonomi.

This article addresses what to do as the pandemic wears down, and life gradually returns to at least a semblance of normality. There is a specific focus on Agder County in southern Norway. Here, everybody is waiting it out, and no work on what will or should happen after the pandemic is taking place. Once this work begins, it will likely be between stakeholders in public sector and private sector. Civil society stakeholders will not be invited, and may also not want to be involved.
This is unfortunate, as the official economic thinking on how to return to the situation prior to the pandemic is but one scenario. According to an alternative scenario, we should instead see this as a unique situation, and focus on the so-called "green shift" and realize a low carbon economy.

Note: A revised and enlarged version of this newspaper article is available on my blog, Devblog, as follows:
English - https://www.devblog.no/en/article/agder-after-pandemic
Norwegian - https://www.devblog.no/no/article/agder-etter-pandemien

The aim of this study is to help a group of actors from the Stavanger region to map international expertise in the field of energy security with focus on the energy-security and climate-change nexus. This is the first step towards setting up an international think tank to conduct joint studies on EU energy security and climate policy, on the links between European climate policy and future energy supplies, on the patterns of interaction between the EU importers and their main suppliers of oil and gas and the role of technology in enhancing the resource base for oil and gas supplies and in creating new opportunities for renewables and energy efficiency. The study was commissioned by the University of Stavanger (UiS), International Research Institute of Stavanger (IRIS), Stavanger Chamber of Industry and Commerce, and Greater Stavanger Economic Development, and carried out jointly by the Fridtjof Nansen Institute (FNI) and the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI). The study was conducted in the period between February and June 2009 and is based on both quantitative and qualitative analysis of information on energy related research. In the preparatory phase of the project it was agreed that the study’s geographical scope should be limited to the areas of greatest importance to Norwegian energy interests – Europe (including Russia) and North America. It was also decided that the mapping should focus on research institutions that potentially could be invited to partner with the planned think tank. The report is divided into six parts and has three appendices. The first and introductory part outlines the goals of the project and presents the structure of the report. In the second part, an assessment of the current state of the European debate on energy security is presented. The focus is on how the policy area ‘European security of energy supply’, has been understood and treated by politicians, both at the EU and national levels. This background chapter informs our conclusion that different problems and approaches to solutions taken by different research actors reflect different political understandings of the problem, and vice versa. The focus is on key policy-makers in Europe, the EU Commission and central member states, as well as Russia as the major gas exporter to the EU (and one major cause of the security of supply concerns in Europe) and the United States, as the EU’s main interlocutor on traditional security issues. This chapter starts by discussing the historical background of the European debate – and action – on energy security, and then goes on to a detailed account of the current state of the debate and the contemporary processes that shape the European debate and policies. Part of the chapter is dedicated to the inherent tensions in the formulation of EU energy policy, pointing out the lack of coherence due to the national vs supranational approaches. In the third part of the report we explain our methodological approach to identifying the most important research institutions in international research on energy policy. A three-step approach was adopted combining both quantitative and qualitative elements. In the first step, we put together a preliminary gross list of 57 institutions that may play a role setting the international research agenda in this area. In the next step, we ranked the web sites of theses institutions quantitatively, according to their visibility on the internet. Subsequently we carried out a reputational expert survey of the importance of these institutions in the international research and policy community. In the fourth part of the report the results of the expert survey are presented.

Problem zmian klimatu ze względu na koszty społeczne i ekonomiczne staje się w ostatnich latach jednym z czynników antagonizujących bądź scalających narodowe systemy polityczne i występujące tam podmioty. Casus Norwegii jako czołowego w Europie producenta oraz eksportera ropy i gazu wydaje się zasługiwać na szczególną uwagę. Główne
podmioty polityczne w tym państwie, jak: Norweska Partia Pracy (DnA), Partia Konserwatywna (H), Socjalistyczna Partia Lewicy (SV), Chrześcijańska Partia Ludowa (Kr.F), Partia Centrum (S), Partia Liberalna (V) wyrażają w kwestii celów narodowej polityki klimatycznej dość istotną zbieżność, choć różnią się w kwestiach operacyjnych. Istotnym
wyjątkiem w podejściu do omawianej problematyki jest stanowisko Partii Postępu (Fr.P). Celem artykułu jest analiza założeń programowych w obszarze polityki klimatycznej i ochrony klimatu wszystkich ugrupowań parlamentarnych oraz ocena ich praktycznej implementacji w minionej dekadzie.