Pogroms

Pogrome sind keine Naturkatastrophen die nach Gesetzmässigkeiten auftreten müssen. Sie sind von Menschen gemacht und können von Menschen verhindert werden. In dieser Arbeit soll das judenfeindliche Pogrom von 1349 in Zürich untersucht werden. Wer waren die Akteure? Und welche Handlungsmöglichkeiten gab es für diese Akteure? Welche Rolle spielte die städtische Obrigkeit beim Pogrom? Oder war es der „Pöbel“ der das Pogrom erzwang? Wie ist die Position von König Karl IV. zu bewerten? Handelte es sich beim Pogrom um eine Zäsur für das jüdische Leben in Zürich?

Documents from the 1949 Trial of 22 Defendants Accused of Participating in the
Massacre of Jews in Jedwabne. Selected and introduced by Krzysztof Persak.

The documents related to this case amount to 814 individual sheets of paper, most often handwritten and double-sided. All of the documents relevant for understanding the circumstances of the massacre of the Jews in Jedwabne, the investigation and criminal trials have been selected for publication. These are records of testimonies by witnesses and defendants, decisions of the court, indictments, protocols of the main trials and sentences handed down by the court in all stages of the trials. In addition, there are also various requests, statements and other documents written by the defendants, their friends, neighbors and attorneys and addressed to the Security Office (UB), public prosecutors, courts or other authorities.
Also included are sixteen documents related to the case’s investigation and supervision originating from the District Security Office in Lomza. Those are internal UB reports related to the investigation, information about suspects in the crime and the testimonies of several witnesses and suspects that were not included as part of the case’s main investigation. Published here are also the requests for appeal made on behalf of the defendants by their attorneys from SupremeCourt documents, now housed in the Archive of New Records (Archiwum Akt Nowych).
Most of the evidence consists of the suspects’ statements. The investigating authorities had difficulty finding eyewitnesses to the events. It is likely that several dozen people from the town and nearby villages took part in the massacre of Jews in Jedwabne. It is not surprising, then, that no one later wanted to testify against their own neighbors.
From just the testimonies of the suspects and witnesses, one cannot learn much about the role of the Germans in the events of July 10, 1941. Information about their activities, and those of the gendarmes, is scant, and also contradictory. Most often, it is said that the Germans participated in rounding up the Jews and were present on the market square. Germans are hardly ever mentioned as participating in the final stage of the massacre of the Jews. It was the suspects who most often spoke of the Germans, justifying themselves by saying they had received an order from them to participate in the action against the Jews. This is the line of defense they adopted.
Twenty-two suspects were included in the indictment. In 1941, the three youngest defendants were from 19 to 22 years old, and the rest from 29 to 52 years old. (Half were younger than 39, and half were older; their average age was 40). All except two were from that region, and the majority was from Jedwabne and nearby villages. All were married, except for one bachelor and one widower. Like most of Jedwabne’s population at that time, they had little education, and four of them were illiterate. During their questionings, ten either said they were artisans, or it became clear from their accounts that in 1941 this had been the case. Some also worked in
agriculture. Two were traders and one was a janitor. Two described themselves as workers, and two others worked as bricklayers in 1941. Five were farmers.
The District Court in Lomza sentenced twelve of the defendants for having participated in
the massacre. One of the defendents received the death penalty (and was later acquitted), and
the court sentenced the others to prison terms of from eight to fifteen years

This article describes the course, scope, and results of the exhumation/archeological excavation conducted in 2001 at the crime scene at Jedwabne and also the conclusions those works pointed to. The outcome of those works has never been presented to the public in
a methodical and exhaustive way. Nevertheless, the issue of the uninished exhumation of the victims of the 1941 pogrom of Jews constitutes one of the key elements in the revisionist current of the debate on Jedwabne. This article explains, for instance, the origin of the firearm ammunition elements found at the crime scene, the presence of which constitutes one of the fundamental arguments in the negationist discourse. The source basis for this text is mostly the files of the investigation conducted during 2000–2003 by the Białystok branch of the Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation.

We normally associate Saint Valentine's Day with romantic love and Christian charity and why not? Even so the same day gives cause to ponder the nature of the inhumane acts that have occurred on this date in medieval times and even more recently..
Relevant book:  http://www.lulu.com/shop/julian-scutts/a-universe-of-symbols/paperback/product-24422526.html

Сумгаит. Говорят свидетели - азербайджанцы, Ер.., 2018
http://karabakhrecords.info/sumgait_prigovor.html

Неполный список жертв Сумгаита:
http://sumgait.info/sumgait/sumgayit-list-victims.htm
Точное количество жертв сумгаитской резни трудно установить по причине отказа руководства Азербайджана в помощи.

(Here is version 3.0, updated 8/27/2017)

This is an interim report, commissioned by a colleague working on the history of medicine, on the idea that Hep! Hep! originates as an acronym of the Crusader-Latin phrase Hierosolyma est perdita (Jerusalem is Lost or Destroyed).

I'd be grateful for any comments, corrections, or counter-evidence! (This is a working paper only.)

The German Federal Archives (Bundesarchiv) contain nine photographs of the Iaşi Pogrom of June 28-30, 1941. The photographs are part of a file belonging to the Bundesarchiv-Außenstelle Ludwigsburg. The original photographs were taken by an unknown photographer, on July 1, 1941, at the train station in Târgu Frumos, where one of the two “death trains” stopped, by which the Jews arrested in those days in Iaşi were transported and in which many of them died. Now, they are kept in the Photo Archive (Bildungsarchiv) of the Bundesarchiv Koblenz. This article makes a presentation of the nine photographs, by comparing them with the photographs kept in other archives in Romania and abroad and by placing them in the context of the events of those days, and publishes two of these pieces, from which one can be found only in the Bundesarchiv. At the same time, the article describes an investigation into these photographs and the person who possessed them (a former Wehrmacht soldier) carried out in 1965-1966 by the Central Office of the Judicial Authorities of the Federal States for the Investigation of National Socialist Crimes in Ludwigsburg (Zentrale Stelle der Landesjustizverwaltungen zur Aufklärung Nationalsozialistischer Verbrechen). On that occasion, this German judicial institution became interested in the Pogrom in Iaşi and it is understood that the documents created by it mention this tragic event.

PROF. Irfan Ahmad is a political anthropologist with a broad range of theoretical and ethnographic interests in research, teaching, writing, and speaking. Currently a professor of Anthropology-Sociology, Ibn Haldun University, Istanbul, he was previously a senior research fellow at the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity, Göttingen, Germany. Before that, he worked as an associate professor of political anthropology at Australian Catholic University, Melbourne, and a senior lecturer in politics at Monash University, also in Melbourne, where he taught for five years (2009–13). Before moving to Australia, he taught at Utrecht University, Netherlands, and the University of Amsterdam. In this email interview, he speaks of Muslim backwardness, radicalisation, and similar shibboleths in vogue today and why he believes “the Hindu question” must be addressed before “the Muslim question” can be solved.

This article reconstructs the events leading up to the killing of Jewish survivors in the night of May 26 and early morning of May 27, 1945, who returned to their home town Przedbórz, near Radomsk after they had survived the Holocaust. This careful examination rests on both oral witness accounts and written sources, including interrogations and trial documentation, deposited at the Institute of National Remembrance, Poland. It examines what was one of earliest pogroms in Poland after WWII as well as the events that followed to propose a new interpretation of postwar anti-Jewish violence. Doing so, this article sheds new light on how collective violence effects communal belonging, directly after the events and decades later.

This essay makes two arguments. First,there is a hidden politics that the name ‘riot’ performs. It institutes a false equalization that flattens the gigantic power inequality between Hindus and Muslims, and in a single stroke makes them both equally capable and responsible for riot, itself wrongly viewed as between two communities. This false equalization stands on a pervasive but incorrect idea that a ‘balanced’ approach entails condemning both minority and majority communalism, which supposedly mirror each other. Given this notion of resemblance, in The Algebra of Warfare–Welfare, I call this received wisdom the ‘ditto theory. Second, there is a prior theory of violence rooted in the composition and history ofnationalism and almost independent of incidents of violence. An academic theory about ‘communal’ or ‘Hindu–Muslim’ violence presupposes and partakesin that epistemology rather than simply collect ‘data’ about specific cases of violence as an ‘objective’ scholar or analyst. This essay explores the crucial subject of the politics of naming over longue durée. In so doing, it puts forward an original argument that seldom has much of social science made. This argument is derived from as well as extends my larger monographic work on political violence. It is not feasible to lay bare full detail of my claim here. In part, this is because the regnant doxa my argument is positioned against is not limited to a specific field of inquiry, discipline, or a set of authors. My contention instead pertains to the very ubiquitous nationalist epistemology to which almost every discipline, field, or most authors pledge their affiliation. This nationalist epistemology as a knowledge/power matrix with Hindu Orientalism as its lynchpin is, moreover, international.

The essay accompanies and expands on a talk at Belfast's Feile an Phobail (at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hdrpAi-Z3bk). It analyses research by Anne Dolan, Terence Dooley, Diarmaid Ferriter, Brian Hanley, Fearghal McGarry, Eunan O’Halpin and Tim Wilson, published between 1986 and 2018.

Over nearly thirty years, historians mistakenly depicted the IRA's killing of Kate Carroll in April 1921 in Monaghan as sectarian. Carroll was one of three women the IRA executed between 1919-21 during the War of Independence, out of approximately 196 in total.

The essay discusses errors of fact and of interpretation, and also how treatment of Carroll's death represents a symptomatic failure by revisionist historians in Ireland. The essay reproduces for the first time an explanation of why Kate Carroll was killed. The information had been in the possession of one of the historians discussed in the essay, but was not detailed in his available research on the subject.

The essay also discusses the phenomenon of historians’ interest in alleged sectarian attacks on Protestants in southern Ireland, compared with relative disinterest in anti-Catholic pogroms in and around Belfast in the new territory of Northern Ireland, whose 100th anniversary falls in 2020-22.

Niall Meehan is the author of The Embers of Revisionism (https://www.academia.edu/34075119). 31 August 2023, typo corrected p2, some sentences re-written, pp2-3. Earlier, in noting historians who mistakenly concluded that no Protestants were elected to the senate, I wrote that six were. That should have been five (p3, see n17).

India has no answer to communalism, which has been one of the evils affecting life of millions of Indians. India was partitioned because of this, and after independence taking life of millions of Indians. India was partitioned because of this, and after independence in August 1947, many pogroms and communal riots has claimed thousands of innocent lives in the country. . The social fabric is so fragile that it takes just a rumor of any kind to spread and Hindus and Muslims living side-by-side, rise against each othermost of the time for trivi-Hindus and Muslims living side-by-side, rise against each othermost of the time for trivial reasons. Recently one police officer was lynched in broad daylight, in the presence of his al reasons. Recently one police officer was lynched in broad daylight, in the presence of his junior and subordinate policemen in the province of Uttar PardeshIndia's most populous junior and subordinate policemen in the province of Uttar PardeshIndia's most populous statebecause he was a Muslim (Zia-ul-Haque) and worse, he was probing a communal riot, statebecause he was a Muslim (Zia-ul-Haque) and worse, he was probing a communal riot, which had taken place near the state capital Lucknow. In the last one year, there have been 27 which had taken place near the state capital Lucknow. In the last one year, there have been 27 communal riots in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, and curfew was clamped in many cities. communal riots in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, and curfew was clamped in many cities. In eastern state of Bihar, one opposition Member of Legislative Assembly (Akhtar-ul-Iman) In eastern state of Bihar, one opposition Member of Legislative Assembly (Akhtar-ul-Iman) was branded a Pakistani agent by the ruling Bhartiya Janta Party / NDA minister for protest-was branded a Pakistani agent by the ruling Bhartiya Janta Party / NDA minister for protesting against the state government's directive to government schools for making ing against the state government's directive to government schools for making Suryanamaskar Suryanamaskar (offer of prayer to Sun god) compulsory. The opposition MLA was contesting that the order (offer of prayer to Sun god) compulsory. The opposition MLA was contesting that the order was against the teachings of Islam, and an example of government interfering in the religious was against the teachings of Islam, and an example of government interfering in the religious matters of the citizens and influencing young minds. In Hyderabad, a Muslim MLA (Akba-matters of the citizens and influencing young minds. In Hyderabad, a Muslim MLA (Akba-ruddin Owaisi) was arrested for making 'hate speech' and released on bail. Varun Gandhi, ruddin Owaisi) was arrested for making 'hate speech' and released on bail. Varun Gandhi, Member of Parliament and grandson of former Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, was ac-Member of Parliament and grandson of former Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, was acquitted in a case related to making hate speech against Muslims. Many politicians have gone to quitted in a case related to making hate speech against Muslims. Many politicians have gone to places by polarising voters on communal lines, and over the years it has become intrinsic part places by polarising voters on communal lines, and over the years it has become intrinsic part of public life, which divides people on the basis of religion and creates distrust for each oth-of public life, which divides people on the basis of religion and creates distrust for each other among the citizens. In this paper, an attempt has been made to trace the origin of commu-er among the citizens. In this paper, an attempt has been made to trace the origin of commu-nalism, how it made a slow beginning during the rule of the British East India Company, and nationalism, how it made a slow beginning during the rule of the British East India Company, and emerged as one of the most potent enemy of the Indian society over a period of time. emerged as one of the most potent enemy of the Indian society over a period of time.

Comparing the history and legal status of two groups of migrants from the states of the former Sowjetunion to Germany: Russia Germans and (Ashkenazic) Jews whose ancestors moved from German states in the Holy Roman Empire to the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Russian Empire. https://www.zeitschrift-osteuropa.de/hefte/

Maxim Gorky included his short story, “Pogrom,” in the 1901 anthol- ogy, Помощь евреям, пострадавшим от неурожая. The short piece is a first-person account of a pogrom that Gorky claims to have witnessed in the Volga region during the 1880s. Gorky, in the natu- ralistic tone of most of his short stories of that period, manages to describe vividly a pogrom from the perspective of one in the crowd of perpetrators. This new English translation of Gorky’s 1901 story includes an introduction, which proposes that Gorky, with this story and his vocal concern for Russia’s Jews, helped to usher in a mod- ern Jewish literature in Russia, one that had a significant influence in Russia and beyond. It is impossible to fully appreciate the pogrom narratives of writers like Isaac Babel and Sholem Aleichem without having a sense of the public debate that Gorky initiated with the pub- lication of his story.

This article explores the subject of Jewish aid work in the former Russian Empire Russian Civil War. It considers responses of Jews to the civil war pogroms in the context of Russia’s “continuum of crisis,” or nearly eight continuous years of military conflict and political instability from 1914 to 1921. It argues that Jewish aid organizations during the Russian Civil War relied on people, institutions, and practices established by their predecessors during the First World War. Jewish aid workers during the Russian Civil War looked to their immediate past as they developed tactics and strategies to navigate a period of political chaos and mass violence.

The idea of Galicia was a transnational political concept which represented a multinational coexistence in a situation of irrevocable national divisions and growing nationalist tendencies in the Austrian province called the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria. The Jewish variant of this idea was connected with the emergence of a specific Jewish-Galician identity which enabled the Galician Jews to identify with the province, in all its national and religious diversity, and with the Habsburg empire as a whole. The destruction of the Jewish idea of Galicia was connected with the outpouring of anti-Semitism expressed in the form of violence and pogroms after 1914. That tragic phenomenon was described, among others, by Ansky (Shloyme Zanvl Rappoport), Abraham Insler, Icchak Grünbaum, and Emil Tenenbaum. The most catastrophic event for the Galician Jews was the pogrom in Lviv in November 1918, which followed the outbreak of the Polish-Ukrainian War, and which was long falsified by Poles, the winners in the said war. The pogrom began an immense growth of anti-Semitism in the Second Polish Republic which signalled the end of the Jewish idea of Galicia.

Born seven years after the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970), Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie comes from a family that experienced the conflict first hand. In her remarkable second novel, Half of a Yellow Sun (2006), Adichie relives the war: news of Igbo massacres and horror stories told by haggard eye-witnesses who escaped from the north; the flight from the university town of Nsukka just before the first battles; groups and individuals on the move on crowded roads; lovers torn apart by a conflict that divided the country; fears over children's health as food scarcity hit the eastern region; daily bombardments and the ominous presence of death, its inevitability and horror; a life reduced to an hour by hour survival, without any future in sight. Death is at the very centre of this novel clearly haunted by parents' and relatives' memories of the northern massacres of 1966, massacres whose graphic descriptions and distressing details echo through the pages and are branded into its fabric.. The book may have taken many liberties with history, yes, yet its fictitious aspects, including characterization aptly and vividly evoke the atmosphere of fear and despair of the time.

POGROM W KIELCACH-PODZIEMIE W ROLI OSKARŻONEGO Zamierzeniem autora tej pracy jest analiza dokumentów, za pomocą których władze komunistyczne starały się przypisać podziemiu niepodległościowemu inspirację i udział w pogromie kieleckim 4 lipca 1946 r. oraz przedstawienie nowych dokumentów, a tym samym wypełnienie luki w badaniach nad tym tragicznym, ciążącym nad historią Kielc wydarzeniem. W literaturze przedmiotu problem rzekomej roli organizacji konspiracyj-nych w wydarzeniach kieleckich z braku wiarygodnych źródeł pomijano lub traktowano marginalnie. Obecny rozwój badań nad dziejami podziemia niepodległościowego umoż-liwia zajęcie się tym zagadnieniem. Obok głównego wątku rozważań w tekście przedstawione są również takie zda-rzenia z przebiegu zajść, które są niejasne i wymagają pełniejszego udokumentowa-nia. Czasami, pomimo swej wagi, zostały one tylko zasygnalizowane, bowiem dane na ich temat występują w pojedynczych źródłach. Praca zawiera dokumentację pod-jętych przez UB prób manipulowania zachowaniami i postawami ludzi związanych lub tylko sympatyzujących z podziemiem oraz zmuszania do samooskarżeń części osób aresztowanych. Wprowadzenie do obiegu naukowego nowych, nieznanych wcześniej dokumentów oraz propozycji ich interpretacji powinno sprzyjać rekon-strukcji prawdziwego obrazu relacji polsko-żydowskich po 1945 r. Zaprezentowane tu opinie i analizy sprawią, że historycy inaczej spojrzą na niektóre znane już doku-menty, co pozwoli na wypracowanie nowego podejścia badawczego, które wydaje się koniecznością. Specyfi ka części związanego z wydarzeniami w Kielcach materiału źródłowego (akta śledcze i sądowe, raporty i sprawozdania aparatu bezpieczeństwa) powoduje, że historyk analizujący dokumenty ma niejednokrotnie poczucie uczestniczenia w roz-szyfrowywaniu przedsięwzięcia o charakterze polityczno-propagandowym. Nie raz bowiem musi zadawać sobie pytanie, czy dokumenty te pomagają zrekonstruować rzeczywisty bieg wydarzeń, czy też bardziej ujawniają zamysły ich autorów, ukryte gdzieś między prawdą a fi kcją 1. Zdecydowana większość publikacji poświęconych wydarzeniom kieleckim dotyczy same-go przebiegu pogromu, faktów, które miały miejsce po nim oraz jego skutków politycznych.

Kiliseler ve mezarlıklar gibi dini mekânlardaki hasarı gözler önüne seren ilk cildin ardından ikinci kitap Rum toplumunun bireylerine odaklanıyor. Kitap okuyucusunu pogrom gecesi kilisede yaralanan iki din görevlisinin Türkiye’de ilk kez yayımlanan fotoğraflarıyla karşılıyor. Fotoğrafları çeken Dimitrios Kalumenos’un anlatıları eşliğinde… Ardındansa diğer kiliselerden İstanbul’un cadde ve sokaklarına uzanan din görevlilerine karşı başlatılan “av”ın izi sürülüyor. Dönemin tanıklarının bugüne kadar paylaştıkları anlatılar da fotoğraflarla birlikte yer alıyor.

Kitapta bir başka ilk ise haneye tecavüzlere ait fotoğraflar. Kırılan, bıçak izlerini üzerinde taşıyan kapılar… İçi boşaltılan dolaplar… Etrafa saçılan özel eşyalar… 6/7 Eylül gecesinin en az konuşulan konularından biri de bu fotoğraflara eşlik ediyor: Tecavüzler. Çocuklar ve kadınların hedef alındığı bu cinsel saldırı dalgası anlatılar üzerinden yansıtılıyor.

Kitapta ayrıca serinin ilk cildinin geçen sene 9 Eylül’de gerçekleştirilen tanıtımında Ekümenik Patrik Bartholomeos’un ve Nikolaos Manginas’ın konuşmaları da yer alıyor. Dönemin tanıklarının anlatılarının da fotoğraflara eşlik ettiği albüm alanında efsane fotoğrafçının Türkçe’de ve Türkiye’de yayımlanmış ikinci eseri olma özelliğini de taşıyor.

Though bestowing de jure equality and freedom on the Jews of the former Russian Empire, the Revolution and Civil War simultaneously shattered the Jewish world with bloody pogroms, impoverishment, and the destruction of traditional ways of life. This new reality permanently altered the face of what would become Soviet Jewry, a body born out of the physical and spiritual torment of the transitional period. Culture and art reflected the situation: corresponding treatment of synagogue images in artistic works illustrated the ongoing drama, as synagogues – the chief locus of Jewish life – were being destroyed in front of one’s eyes. The present article makes use of an art-historical study to examine the evolution of the image of the synagogue in the artistic works of the period, as seen through the prism of Jewish discourse. It analyzes the semantic content of the image as a special motif and marker of Jewishness in the visual art of the revolutionary era.
If in previous years ethnographism and genre art had dominated the depiction of such motifs, during the years of revolutionary convulsion the treatment and distortion of synagogue images gradually came to reflect a sense of ruin and horror. In certain cases these depictions reached a climactic, even apocalyptic intensity. Artists utilized various visual idioms and modernist styles – Cubo-Futurism, Expressionism, lubok (woodcut) style, etc. – to achieve a deeper symbolic and emotional resolution of the subject. Within a few years the works of leading representatives of the modernist Kultur-lige association transformed the image of the synagogue from a typical marker of the Jewish oecumene into a tragic symbol of its destruction. Works such as Abram Manevich’s The Destruction of the Ghetto (1919), El Lissitzky’s Had Gadya (1917–1919), and Issachar Ber Ryback’s large series Pogrom (1918), among others, came to serve as representations of various aspects of and psycho-emotional responses to the collapse of the Jewish world.
The subjects portrayed in such works included: the destruction and depopulation of the previously crowded, even packed shtetl; the horror of waiting for a pogrom, as well as bloody scenes of actual violence presented via the traditional narrative of “the labor pains of the Messiah”; and literal self-sacrifice in the spirit of the medieval tradition of Kiddush ha-Shem (“Sanctification of God’s Name”). Compositional and figural resolutions of the synagogue as a place for uniting the whole community with God came to embody the Jewish outlook on life – a living entity, as it were, sharing with the Jews their tragic fate. This development reflected personal tragedies and the general Jewish context, in which the theme of anti-Jewish violence bore an atemporal character. Artists including Ryback also made extensive use of other idioms: the synagogue enveloped in flames; the destruction and desecration of the synagogal prayer space, with the aron kodesh (Torah ark) on fire, martyred Jewish figures, discarded Torah scrolls, and so forth.
These images merged with long-established symbols of the galut (exile/diaspora): the depiction of a goat and the eternally exiled Wandering Jew. All these motifs corresponded with Jewish historical, religious, and literary tradition, while also formulating a definite iconography that would be picked up by artists of subsequent decades.

Kotlyar E. Premonition of Apocalypse: Synagogue Images and the Motif of the Destruction of the Jewish World in Art of the Revolutionary Period // Judaica Ukrainiсa. Peer-reviewed annual journal in Jewish Studies (ed.: Serhiy Hirik, Börries Kuzmany). – K.: Laurus, 2017. – Vol. 6. – С. 51-82.
Котляр Е. Предчувствие апокалипсиса: образы синагог и тема крушения еврейского мира в искусстве революционного времени // Judaica Ukrainiсa. Peer-reviewed annual journal in Jewish Studies (ed.: Serhiy Hirik, Börries Kuzmany). – K.: Laurus, 2017. – Vol. 6. – С. 51-82.