Politics of Identity

ਭਾਰਤੀ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਦੀ ਪਛਾਣ ਇਸ ਧਰਤੀ ਵਿਚੋਂ ਉਪਜੇ ਪੁਰਾਤਨ ਕਾਲ ਦੇ ਸਭਿਆਚਾਰ ਨਾਲ ਜੁੜੀ ਹੋਈ ਹੈ। ਇਸ ਦੀ ਸੰਸਕ੍ਰਿਤੀ, ਭਾਸ਼ਾ ਅਤੇ ਸਾਹਿਤ ਇਕ ਸਾਂਝੇ ਸਭਿਆਚਾਰਕ ਅਮਲ ਵਿਚੋਂ ਹੀ ਰੂਪ ਧਾਰਦੀ ਅਤੇ ਤਬਦੀਲ ਹੁੰਦੀ ਰਹੀ ਹੈ। ਭਾਰਤ ਵਿਚ ਮੌਜੂਦ ਵਿਭਿੰਨ ਸਭਿਆਚਾਰਕ ਵੰਨ-ਸੁਵੰਨਤਾਵਾਂ ਦੇ ਮੂਲ ਵਿਚ ਪੁਰਾਤਨ ਸਭਿਅਤਾ ਦੇ ਚਿਹਨ ਅਤੇ ਵਿਵਹਾਰ ਹਾਲੇ ਵੀ ਕਾਰਜਸੀਲ ਨਜ਼ਰ ਆਉਂਦੇ ਨੇ ਜਿਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੇ ਇਥੋਂ ਦੇ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਇਕ ਵੱਡ-ਆਕਾਰੀ ਸਭਿਆਚਾਰਕ ਦਾਇਰੇ ਅੰਦਰ ਸਥਿਤ ਕੀਤਾ ਹੋਇਆ ਹੈ। ਇਸ ਅਮਲ ਨੂੰ ਜ਼ਰਾ-ਕੁ ਵਿਸਤਾਰ ਨਾਲ ਸਮਝਣਾ ਜ਼ਰੂਰੀ ਪ੍ਰਤੀਤ ਹੁੰਦਾ। ਜਿਸ ਵੇਲੇ ਆਦਿ ਕਾਲ ਵਿਚ ਮਨੁੱਖ ਨੇ ਸਵੈ ਬਾਰੇ ਪ੍ਰਸ਼ਨ ਦਾ ਉੱਤਰ ਤਲਾਸ਼ ਕਰਨਾ ਆਰੰਭ ਕੀਤਾ ਉਸੇ ਵੇਲੇ ਤੋਂ ਹੀ ਸਵੈ ਦੀ ਪਛਾਣ ਦਾ ਮਸਲਾ ਵੀ ਉਤਪੰਨ ਹੋਇਆ। ਪੰਜਾਬ ਦੀ ਆਬੋਹਵਾ ਦਾ ਤਾਅਲੁਕ ਇਕ ਅਜਿਹੀ ਧਰਤੀ ਨਾਲ ਹੈ ਜਿਸਦਾ ਇਤਿਹਾਸ ਸਦੀਆਂ ਪੁਰਾਣਾਂ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਸਮਾਂ ਗੁਜ਼ਰਨ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਨਾਲ ਹਰ ਦੌਰ ਦੀ ਕੋਈ ਨਾ ਕੋਈ ਰੰਗਤ ਅਜ ਵੀ ਪੰਜਾਬੀ ਦੇ ਕਿਰਦਾਰ ਵਿਚੋਂ ਝਲਕ ਮਾਰਦੀ ਹੈ।

Ruf nach Ende der Identitätspolitik ebenso verfehlt wie der Ruf, den Fokus wieder von Identität auf Klasse zu verlagern. Aber auch im linksidentitären Lager haben sich Fundamentalismen eingeschlichen, die zu Konflikten innerhalb der Linken führen, und die Gegner auf der Rechten stärken. Wer aus ideologischen Gründen potentielle Verbündete verprellt oder durch autoritäre Methoden eine Phalanx an Gegnern mobilisiert, gefährdet den Erfolg der Kämpfe um Gleichstellung ausgerechnet in dem Moment, in dem breite gesellschaftliche Allianzen zur Beseitigung der strukturellen Ursachen von Exklusion und Diskriminierung zum Greifen nahe sind.

This paper focuses on the comparative analysis of three fictional characters, the female lawyers of the American TV series The Good Wife (CBS, 2009-2016), Suits (USA Network, 2011 – present) and Damages (FX; Audience Network, 2007-2012). Set in the male-dominated environment of North-American top-notch law firms, the stories of Alicia Florrick, Jessica Pearson and Patty Hewes emerge as exemplary cases of media discourses centered on the representation of American ideology and feminist politics. In order to achieve and preserve leading positions within the firms they manage and for which they work, these women end up acting according to a set of moral values that can be labelled as ‘questionable’. This definition, however, holds different meanings and implications when applied to each case of the three under examination. Indeed, Alicia, Jessica and Patty represent three possible variations of the “empowered heroines, single career women, and professionals struggling with family commitments and occupational demands” (Lotz 2006). In this sense, it is worth analyzing the array of similarities and differences that substantiate the development of the three characters with a particular focus on:

- The conquest and preservation of power in the workplace and what this process entails, specifically with regards to the balance of work life and private existence;
- The relations of antagonism/alliance with other women and/or with men;
- The use and relevance of language as an expression of power in the interaction with others, in particular with men;
- The significance of a definite fashion style as indicative of a specific role/position within the socio-cultural contexts of reference (formal relation between role and identity).

The article’s final aim is to examine these women’s different forms of empowerment in the pursuit of both professional success and personal satisfaction, ultimately reflecting on the cultural and ideological messages behind the representation of gender roles and power dynamics.

Статья посвящена музыкальным ритуалам афро-карибской диаспоры как форме ответа на исключение из публичной сферы. Автор постулирует наличие двух ключевых особенностей «черной» музыки (во всем многообразии ее жанров): а) партисипативности и б) дуалистичности, проявляющейся в сочетании жизнерадостной формы и скрытого от внешнего наблюдателя трагического содержания. Отталкиваясь от предложенного тезиса, автор помещает в центр своего анализа Ноттинг-Хиллский карнавал как ключевой хронотоп (пост)миграционной ситуации, в которой оказались представители послевоенного поколения британских выходцев из Вест-Индии. В эволюции карнавальной культуры афро-карибских иммигрантов предлагается выделять три этапа: 1) зарождение традиции участия потомков африканских рабов в уличном карнавале на Тринидаде; 2) «транспонирование» этой традиции в контекст английской столицы; 3) карнавализация протеста против расизма в современной Британии. В ходе исследования, с одной стороны, обнаруживается тенденция к значительному расширению круга адептов «черной музыки»  вследствие ее субверсивного потенциала, с другой — выявляются пределы солидарности среди тех, кто подвержен стигматизации в меру этнокультурной инакости.

The career of Neapolitan group 99 Posse has always been permeated by an uncompromising political militancy, mainly associated with the activities and ideologies of the Italian extra-parliamentarian left wing. After reaching the peak of their popularity in the national mainstream music scene in the early 2000s, 99 Posse decided to break up in 2002, on account of growing incompatibilities between their political activism and the commercial obligations attached to their musical activity. After seven years of silence, they reunited in 2009, and have released two new albums since the reunion. In this paper, I argue that the most recent 99 Posse production displays a grown attention for forms of radical politics centred on the condition of the South of Italy, including the participation in a general trend of historical revisionism and even the appropriation of identitarian claims.

Monuments exist in many different forms, but what is common among them is that they have both commemorative and political functions. While articulating specific historical narratives, monuments convey the worldviews of those in power. As such, they encompass a set of meanings, identities and events, while concealing others. National elites are aware of the power of monuments and use them as tools to spread dominant worldviews, reinforce political power and set off social dynamics of inclusion and exclusion. However, individuals interpret monuments in ways that can be different to the intentions of those in power. Monuments are meant to be stable over times in their physical forms, but their meanings are dynamic, reflecting changes in culture, social relations and views on the past. For this reason, monuments representing outdated cultural values or reflecting the ideology of a begone regime often become controversial and their permanence in public space problematic. This article proposes a typology of institutional practices for the cultural reinvention of controversial monuments. Before this, it completes a review of the semiotic and cultural geographical approach to monuments and presents a theoretical and methodological framework for the analysis of the multiple interpretations of monuments.

Rather than being seen as a foreign import, the Israeli women's movement should be understood as an authentic, domestic women's movement with a range of specific identity politics and common concerns, including violence against women.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/41804936  by Patricia Woods (e.g., Sohn)

The Jakarta Gubernatorial Election 2017 is an important momentum for improving and evaluating the quality of democracy at the local level. Various issues of religion, ethnicity, as well as differences in political support, colored both in the first and second round. Anies-Sandi's victory in this local election is interesting to study further by using the political representation approach by Olle Törnquist. The results of this study showed that voters have been polarized through strengthening religious and ethnic sentiments so it can be ignored the factor of achievement, capacity, and track record of candidates. Extensive efforts to spread identity politics were carried out through various movements and actors. The quality of political participation among DKI Jakarta residents can also be seen from the extent of voter autonomy and literacy in determining positions. Based on those results, a critical discussion of the Jakarta Gubernatorial Election 2017 will be a reflection of useful learning to observe the political climate, which transform relation to connect or disconnect relations between constituent and their representative. Abstrak Pemilihan Gubernur DKI Jakarta 2017 menjadi momentum penting untuk meningkatkan dan mengevaluasi kualitas demokrasi di tingkat lokal. Berbagai isu terkait agama, etnis, serta perbedaan dukungan politik turut mewarnai baik di putaran pertama maupun kedua. Kemenangan Anies-Sandi dalam pemilukada ini menarik untuk diteliti lebih lanjut dengan menggunakan pendekatan representasi politik yang dikemukakan oleh Olle Törnquist. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa voters telah terpolarisasi melalui menguatnya sentimen agama dan etnisitas sehingga seolah mengabaikan faktor prestasi, kapasitas, dan rekam jejak kandidat. Upaya luas untuk menyebarkan politik identitas dilakukan melalui berbagai gerakan dan aktor. Kualitas partisipasi politik di antara penduduk DKI Jakarta juga dapat dilihat dari tingkat otonomi dan literasi pemilih dalam menentukan posisi. Berdasarkan temuan tersebut, tinjauan kritis dari Pemilihan Gubernur DKI Jakarta 2017 menjadi refleksi pembelajaran berharga untuk meninjau iklim politik dimana dapat mentransformasi relasi untuk memperkuat atau justru memutuskan hubungan antara konstituen dengan wakil politiknya. Kata kunci: identitas; demokrasi lokal; politik transformative; PilGub DKI Jakarta.

This paper discusses and defends the analytical usefulness of the concept of identity which has been pervasively criticized by authors like Richard Handler or Rogers Brubaker and Frederic Cooper. Starting with reviewing the problematic of concepts in social anthropology and continuing with discussing the rise of identity discourse, it is argued that concepts in social and cultural sciences are always suspended between their employment in scientific and nonsicentific discourse. This dual hermeneutics of concepts is, however, not a shortcoming which has to be overcome but a productive element that contributes to their refinement. it is argued that in the case of identity dual hermeneutics leads to a reconceptualization of identity as qualified by the conditions of difference, multiplicity, and intersectionality. In the final part of the paper, implications of this reconceptualization of identity for a concept of self are explored.

The main objective of this paper is to analyze the gap between the Indonesian legal framework and civil society's use of the term masyarakat adat and the World Bank's International Finance Corporation (IFC) Performance Standard 7 definition of " indigenous people. " It begins by revisiting key legislations produced after independence that directly and indirectly affect local/indigenous rights. Then it continues with identification of a variety of terms used in national legal frameworks in conceptualizing indigeneity that are similar to the concept of masyarakat adat, and pulls together the main themes used in defining and categorizing masyarakat adat. Furthermore, it discusses the gap analysis of the Indonesian government's use of masyarakat adat category in comparison to the International Finance Corporation Performance Standard 7 requirements for indigenous people. The paper ends with a summary of what this gap means for the prospect of fulfillment of the rights of those who fit into the IFC PS7 criteria of " indigenous people, " but do not fit into various sectoral terms that are similar to masyarakat adat.