Local Politics

Bu çalışmada, sözlü tarih görüşmeleriyle, Kağıthane'ye bağlı mahallelerin kuruluşları, kültürel özellikleri, sınıfsal yapıları, politik veçheleri ve yaşadıkları dönüşüm konu ediliyor. Saha araştırmalarında ve kitabın çeşitli bölümlerinin yazımında [kitap bölümleri arasında yer alan Kağıthane Belediyesi'nin yerel yönetim tarihi ile Sanayi ve çevresindeki mahallelerin yazımında] görev aldım.

Student groups play an important role in Bangladesh. Not only have student groups often been at the vanguard of crucial struggles – like the Language Movement (1947-1952), the Independence movement (1969-71) and the pro-democracy movement (1989-91) – but many contemporary politicians also have roots in student organizations. Student organizations are highly politicized in Bangladesh and operated as important wings of the major parties. The contemporary role of student groups and student politics is often seen in a highly negative light, as part of a wider degeneration of political values, exemplified by a perceived increase in violence and corruption. While not wanting to trade such moralistic reasoning for a critical understanding of student politics in its current form, it is undeniable that student politics today is highly violent. Recent data indeed show the major role that student organizations play in political violence in the country. In the last ten years (2008-2018) campus ...

Beeinflusst das Ergebnis der Direktwahl des Regierungschefs die Wahl zum repräsentativen Organ? Wir überprüfen, ob Erkenntnisse der Forschung über divided government, Amtsinhaber- und contamination-Effekte, die auf nationaler Ebene beobachtet werden, auf die lokale Ebene übertragen werden können. Hierzu werden quasi-präsidentielle kommunale Systeme mit direkt gewählten Bürgermeistern analysiert. Die Kernhypothese besagt, dass die Partei des Amtsinhabers in der nächsten Ratswahl systematisch Stimmen gewinnt. In unserer Anwendung auf Kommunalwahlen in Hessen, Saarland und Rheinland-Pfalz finden wir einen so genannten übertragbaren Amtsinhaber-Bonus zwischen 4,3 und 5,1 Prozentpunkten, den es erst seit der Einführung der Bürgermeister-Direktwahlen gibt. In einem verfeinerten Modell können wir einige Bedingungen bestimmen, die diesen Amtsinhaber-Bonus genauer spezifizieren. So fällt der Amtsinhaberbonus umso geringer aus, je weiter zurück die Bürgermeisterwahl von der Ratswahl stattfand. Does the outcome of the direct election of the head of government influence the election of the legislative body? We test whether findings from research on divided government, contamination and incumbency effects observed at the national level hold true for the local level. In our analysis, we focus on quasi-presidential local government systems with a directly elected mayor. Our main hypothesis is that the seats gained by the mayor’s party during subsequent council elections are systematically related to the incumbency status of the mayor. In the German states of Hesse, Saarland and Rhineland-Palatinate we detected a transferable incumbency effect after the introduction of the direct mayoral elections ranging from 4.3 to 5.1 percentage points. A more sophisticated model which takes several additional effects into account specifies this incumbency bonus. The longer the time lag between the election of the mayor and the election of the council the smaller the incumbency effect.

Ted Howard is Co-Founder and President of the Democracy Collaborative, a Washington, D.C.-based ‘think-do tank’ that develops and promotes ideas for a more democratic economy. He has been one of the main architects of the ‘Cleveland Model’ of inclusive local development in Ohio, which has served as an important inspiration for the development of the ‘Preston Model’ in the UK. Howard is now an adviser to the Labour Party’s new Community Wealth Building Unit, which is
looking to extend the lessons of Cleveland and Preston throughout the country. Martin O’Neill of Renewal caught up with Ted Howard in Preston, where he was participating in the conference that launched Labour’s national Community Wealth Building initiative.

This brief paper provides an example of the use of Altman's Z-Score in evaluating the probability of municipal default. It includes a short discussion of hedge fund strategy with regard to municipal default and advances an argument that political and institutional factors should be taken into account in addition to quantitative metrics when evaluating the investment risk of municipal debt.

Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badań przeprowadzonych w połowie 2014 r., mających na celu identyfikację oczekiwań władz małych miast wobec polskiej państwowej polityki rozwoju lokalnego. Jako źródło informacji o tych oczekiwaniach wybrano grupę 46 burmistrzów małych miast, natomiast jako metodę badawczą zastosowano sondaż diagnostyczny oparty na długim wywiadzie osobistym. Zidentyfikowane oczekiwania dotyczyły reformy systemu stałego finansowania gmin, zmian systemów dystrybucji środków unijnych, wyposażenia samorządów lokalnych w nowe instrumenty oddziaływania na ponadlokalne relacje ich gmin, redukcji antywzorców prowadzenia polityki, usuwania sprzeczności i niejasności prawa, a także zmian zasad funkcjonowania organu stanowiącego i wykonawczego władz lokalnych. Oczekiwania te można i należy traktować jako współczesne wyzwania państwowej polityki rozwoju lokalnego, ponieważ dotyczą one jej gruntownych, wielowymiarowych zmian. Ponadto rozpatrywane łącznie tworzą dla tej polityki wyzwanie, które można określić jako jej współczesne wyzwanie generalne. Jest nim oczekiwanie władz lokalnych, że władze państwowe zwiększą ich podmiotowość w definiowaniu i kreowaniu rozwoju kraju, pogłębiając swoją aprobatę dla paradygmatu rozwoju lokalnego.

[The article presents the results of research carried out in mid-2014 to identify the expectations presented by the authorities of small cities in the light of Polish state local development policy. 46 mayors were selected as the source of information about these expectations and a diagnostic survey based on long personal interviews was chosen as the research method. The expectations concerned the reform of the municipalities’ permanent funding system, changes in the systems governing EU funds distribution, providing local authorities with new instruments for shaping their municipalities’ supra-local relationships, reducing anti-patterns in policy and politics, eliminating contradictions and ambiguities in law, and changes in the rules governing both decisive and executive bodies of local authorities. The expectations discussed should be approached as contemporary challenges for state policy on local development, since the mayors refer to thorough and multidimensional alterations to that policy. Furthermore, if analysed jointly, the expectations constitute a challenge for this policy, which can be referred to as its general contemporary challenge. Local authorities expect that the state government will increase its subjectivity in defining and creating local development by extending its approval for the local development paradigm.]

This paper aims to explain why reform-oriented local politics has gained ground in the Philippines. It has been argued that local politics in the Philippines is characterized by dynastic elites who employ a patron-client relationship, exploitive rentseeking, and coercion and violence. However, a more reform-oriented local politics has emerged in many parts of the country since around the 2000s. What is the driver for the rise of reform-oriented local politics? Does this form of politics weaken or strengthen the local political dynasties? This paper answers the first question by arguing that links between the global neoliberal economy and local policy entrepreneurs have facilitated the rise of reform-oriented and business-friendly local politics. For the second question, it claims that local elites who become successful policy entrepreneurs adopting the new business-friendly politics are likely to further entrench themselves and perpetuate their dynasty by utilizing private capital investment. These arguments are based on the case of the Valdez family in the municipality of San Nicolas, Ilocos Norte.

El taller es un evento de aprendizaje colectivo y una oportunidad de acceso al conocimiento,
la información, el intercambio, la capacitación y el cambio personal
y colectivo. Todos/as poseen saberes e ignorancias que es necesario interrelacionar
y complementar para la construcción de un conocimiento colectivo. El taller
permite que todas las personas tengan el mismo nivel de participación –no deben
existir jerarquías– y que expresen sus opiniones sin temor o represión.
El grupo participante es acompañado por una o más personas que se dedican a
facilitar la impartición del taller y el cumplimiento de sus objetivos. La persona
facilitadora provee información y orienta las actividades que se llevarán a cabo.
El taller es una práctica pedagógica en donde la persona facilitadora enseña y
comparte conocimientos, mediante una exposición dialogada en la que las mujeres
y hombres participantes preguntan, opinan, reflexionan, aportan observaciones
e información.
El taller es un espacio de encuentro e intercambio participativo que hace uso de
medios de aprendizaje activos y su contenido se articula a la vida de quienes asisten.
Aborda los conceptos básicos de la Sensibilización en Equidad de Género; el Marco Jurídico de los Derechos de la Mujer en México; El nuevo papel d3el Gobierno Municipal; Ejemplos de casos reconocidos en México y en América Latina.

Local governments are ubiquitous politico-administrative units that affect the lives of local communities in various aspects, particularly service delivery, taxation, and political participation. When citizens are enveloped in these omnipresent units, one wonders: who decides in creating or changing local political boundaries, and how are decisions made? Local territorial reform in the Philippines is predominantly characterized by fragmentation. Municipal amalgamation is an extraordinary case in Philippine history. The literature on territorial reorganization, particularly on municipal amalgamation, is scant. Municipal amalgamation—particularly its nature, and politics—has not been comprehensively investigated in the Philippines. Accordingly, the main thrust of this study is to explain why and how municipalities consolidated in the Philippines. Put differently, it is puzzling how a municipal government, with its local administrative authorities and residents, was able to bequeath territory, authority and autonomy to join a new consolidated local government.

Good governance promotes the collective responsibility of the government, civil society and private sector for improving the lives of all citizens, particularly the poor. In this study, 95 registered voters of North Poblacion, Maramag, Bukidnon were interviewed using a researcher-made questionnaire to assess the good governance practices of the barangay officials in terms transparency, participation, accountability, rule of law, leadership, continuity in the implementation of programs, predictability and sustainability. Results show that the voters perceived that the six key indicators of good governance practices are possessed by incumbent local political leaders, however they are weakly implemented. This implies that there is a flow and accessibility of information between the local barangay council and the albeit it needs to be strengthened. The respondents also gave suggestions on how to improve good governance practices for future local government leaders.

This book examines how social media have transformed politics in established democracies. Specifically, the authors examine the influence of the unique qualities of social media on the power balance between and within parties. They present a generaly theory as well as an in-depth case study of the Netherlands and compare it to the US and European democracies. the authors show how and why social media's introduction leads to equalization for some and normalization for others. Additional to national politics, Jacobs and Spierings investigate often-overlooked topics such as local and European politics and the impact on women and ethnic minorities.

“Jacobs and Spierings are the first ones to provide a comprehensive account of the role social media play in politics. With their multi-method, comparative approach they debunk the common wisdom of massive social media effects, but also show in a nuanced way when and how these media actually matter. The book is a must-read for everyone wanting to understand how politics has changed due to the rise of new media.” - Rens Vliegenthart, Professor of Communication Science and Chair in Media and Society, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands

“This book makes an important contribution to the literature on the internet and politics. In looking comparatively at elites’ use of Twitter and Facebook it extends our understanding of how far social media are affecting political practice in campaigns and elections worldwide. The authors update the standard normalization-equalization debate that has characterized the study of this topic by presenting a more nuanced understanding of party competition online.” - Rachel Gibson, Professor of Politics, University of Manchester, UK

The article aims to elaborate political dynasty that developed in local politics arena.
The emergence of political dynasty is indicated by several points. First of all, the failure
of function from local political party to conducts political regeneration. Secondly,
high cost democracy which impeding public to participate in public office succession.
Third, political power from local elite was uneven, thus resulting power centralization
in few strong local elite that transforming dynasty. Patrimonialism is not always
becoming main perspective to analyzing political dynasty. There are many alternative
political perspectives to analyze this case. This paper used familism political culture
to elaborate political dynasty in local politics arena. The result of this research shows
political preference from the local leader is considered to choose his family member in
governmental succession to cover up his political sins. Familism also influenced from
political source such as tribalism, populism, and feudalism that distinguishing local
political dynasty in Indonesia.

This thesis is an examination of the causes of Conservative electoral decline in Liverpool, from the end of World War Two to the present day. This is an area of Liverpool’s political history, and of the history of the Conservative Party, which is understudied. This thesis counters the traditional argument that declining sectarianism, or the premiership of Margaret Thatcher, are the root causes of Conservative decline in Liverpool.

This thesis also discounts theories of local party organisational inefficiency, municipal electoral biases, demographic change, and population drain, arguing that generally these changes were too gradual to account for the sudden, dramatic decline of the Liverpool Conservatives in the 1970s. Similarly, many of these factors do not chime temporally with actual changes in Conservative vote share.

Instead, this thesis proposes a tripartite framework, which separates the periods of success (1945-197), decline (1973-1986), and irrelevance (1987 onwards). Each period can be explained by recourse to different phenomena. Conservative success in Liverpool can be primarily explained by the socialisation effect of Protestantism, boosted in years when the Conservatives were doing well nationally. Conservative decline is mainly a result of a perfect storm of unresponsive local parties, an energetic nascent Liberal Party, dissatisfaction with the Heath government nationally, and an all-out local election in 1973 (when all seats in council were up for election) triggered by local government reform. Finally, Conservative irrelevance is attributable to a change in Scouse local identity which took on an element of anti-Thatcherism/anti-Conservatism, and has persisted to this day.

The presented book is devoted to local development and its governance by forming, on the strategic level, the relationships connecting municipalities with supralocal, i.e. regional, national and global milieu. It is divided into five chapters.
The first chapter constitutes the theoretical and conceptual foundation of the entire study. It discusses the crucial concepts used, such as Fordism and Post-Fordism, localism and new localism, localness and a local system, socio-economic development and sustainable development, as well as the relationships and the historical background of the evolution of these concepts. It also presents the definitions of local development included in the world literature, as well as two new approaches to local development created by the author – the local and supralocal one. These approaches were discussed in the model, process (dynamic) and structural (static) oriented variants. Next the author’s original typology of supralocal relationships of the local systems, which determine local development, was presented. Within its framework the relationships of valorisation and animation were identified as favourable for the local development, and also the relationships of suppression and depreciation as unfavourable for such development.
The second chapter discusses the implementation of local development concept. First the essence and the entities of local and supralocal policies of local development were presented. Next the reader’s attention was directed towards the issue of municipal governance of local development presenting it as the component of public governance. The mechanism of local development formation by the local authorities, using the instruments at their disposal, was also explained. It was followed by presenting the motives and the concept of strategic approach in the municipal governance of local development, showing them as an alternative for an administrative approach. Next the new, author’s category of supralocal perspective of municipal strategic governance of local development was defined. It consists of the characteristics of this governance related to supralocal relationships of a local system defined as exogenous utilitarianness, neo-endogenous absorptivity, protectiveness, retentionness and supralocal easementing, as well as the relevant activities of the local authorities.
The third chapter presents the analysis results of contemporary, world studies on supralocal relationships of local systems and their formation. On its basis the general research problem was identified and described, consisting in the insufficiency of knowledge in this matter despite the theoretical and practical rationale of having it. It was followed by presenting the reasons for which it is indispensable to carry out pilot, subject specific studies covering the selected group of local authorities and aimed at solving the fragment of this problem. The authorities of Polish small towns were selected as such a group. Next the supralocal reasons of contemporary socioeconomic situations of these towns were described in detail along with the interest in their supralocal relationships of science, local governments, supralocal authorities, business environments and the residents of these towns. Further part of this chapter presents the research goals, objects, strategy, methods and techniques, as well as the information sources. The adopted primary research goals were the identification of the characteristics of supralocal perspective of local development strategic governance of small towns, followed by enunciating the general characteristics of this perspective. The adopted secondary research goals were marking improvement methods of this governance perspective out along with the verification of usefulness of the selected information sources, research methods and techniques in diagnosing it.
The local authorities of 369 Polish towns with the residents’ number ranging from 5 to 20 thousand constituted the research population. The applied research method was a diagnostic survey using the technique of long personal interview, the method of content analysis using the encoding technique and the method of qualitative field research using the participant observation technique. The following information sources were adopted: town mayors, local development strategies and the groups of people playing key roles in the construction and implementation of these strategies. All the methods, techniques and sources were combined in accordance with triangulation research strategy. The chapter was completed with the description of the research questions and tools used and the report of the course of conducted research. The research results are presented in chapter four. It contains the detailed information how the studied authorities perceive the importance of particular supralocal relationships of their towns and their own roles in these relationships formation. It also includes information about the relationships which are mainly affected by exogenous utilitarianness, absorptivity, protectiveness and retentionness of strategic governance carried out by the analysed authorities, about the instruments used in this area and also about the positionality, neo-endogeneity and supralocal easementing of such governance. The provided information was illustrated by several comprehensive tables and several dozens graphs.
Based on the above information, the general characteristics of supralocal perspective of local development governance of Polish small towns is presented in the last, fifth chapter. Apart from its main components, i.e. the relationships perceived as strategically significant and formed on the strategic level, its unification was characterized along with its contextual specificity for the supralocal milieu. Fordist and Post-Fordist values dominating in this perspective of governance were also indicated. The impact of supralocal development policies, carried out by Polish state and regional authorities, on this governance, was also discussed. It was all concluded by the assessment of the level of transformation of administrative approach towards local development governance into a strategic one. Next, based on the analysis of legal acts, literature studies and cause and effect analysis the problem specific recommendations were made regarding the improvement of the discussed governance perspective. They were addressed to the analysed authorities, public governance related scientific environment and Polish state authorities. By analysing the course and the results of research the usefulness of methods, techniques and research tools, along with information sources in different, analogical studies, was also shown. The publication was finished with indicating the rationale, directions and methods for the conducted research continuation.

“No household in the English-speaking world is properly furnished unless it contains copies of the Holy Bible and of The Works of William Shakespeare. It is not always thought that these books should be read in maturer years, but they must be present as symbols of Religion and Culture.” 
Critical work on Shakespeare in India has by now established the bard’s far-reaching influence through transformation, translation, circulation and production of his plays in multiple languages. From the late nineteenth-century productions of Shakespearean plays by Bharatendu Harishchandra of Benaras and Girish Chandra Ghosh of Bengal, productions by Parsi Theater companies from the 1870s until the 1940s, and amateur college and private stage productions to post-independence political appropriations by playwrights such as Utpal Dutt and ongoing performances by the National School of drama, the Shakespeare industry in India continues to flourish. Shakespearan plays have also experienced wide circulation through Bollywood films such as Angoor (1982, based on The Comedy of Errors), Maqbool (2003, based on Hamlet) and Omkara (2006, based on Othello).

Othello has been portrayed by many of Hollywood’s classic actors, including Orson Welles (1952) and Laurence Olivier (1965, wearing thick black make-up) and, more recently, Laurence Fishburne (1995) and Mekhi Phifer (2000, in O, a high-school version of the play). In film adaptations, the play has thus already travelled far.

The present paper approaches adaptation from a hermeneutic perspective. The intertextual relationship between a cultural product (e.g. a play) and its screen adaptation(s) is analyzed as a performative intervention on an existing discourse formation which includes both the original product or text and the discourses using it, originating it, deriving from it or surrounding it. This intervention amounts to both an interpretation and an appropriation of the original text. Like other intertextual modes (translations, critical readings), adaptations produce a retroactive transformation of the original and as it is used and understood in specific contexts and instances of communicative interaction. These theoretical issues are explored with a special focus on Shakespearean film adaptations, more specifically on Omkara, Vishal Bhardwaj’s adaptation of Othello and its treatment of violence in a variety of contexts.

Like the original play, the Hindi film presents a tragic vision, imbued with moral questioning that leads to a philosophical reflection on domestic violence occurring in a broader context of socio-political violence, especially criminalization of electoral politics in many regions in India. Bhardwaj‘s film is not concerned with the race issue, but with the issue of caste and with  violence in general, as it affects public and private life. In the theme song, Omkara is referred to as the greatest warrior of all times (sabse bade ladiaya re). The violent end bears witness to the violence surrounding all the characters. Violence begets violence. The death of Dolly (Desdemona) and Ishwar (Langda) Tyagi (Iago) proves that those who live by violence die a violent death [ the beloved has to pay with her life for the violent life lead by the lover.]

Reforma agraria merupakan restrukturisasi (penataan ulang susunan) kepemilikan, penguasaan dan penggunaan sumber-sumber agrarian. Reforma agraria dapat tercapai maksimal apabila dilakukan dengan kesiapan unsur-unsur pembaruan agraria yang lain, seperti infrastruktur, bentuk-bentuk usaha yang akan dikembangkan oleh masyarakat, dukungan permodalan untuk usaha tani, serta teknologi dan pasar. Pelaksanaan reforma agraria merupakan sebuah upaya yang mudah diucapkan, namun sulit untuk dilakukan, hal ini dikarenakan reforma agraria berbenturan dengan tatanan masyarakat saat ini, sistem pemerintah yang desentralisasi, serta benturan kebijakan-kebijakan lain pada sektor yang berbeda. Hal tersebut memicu terjadinya konflik. Penyelesaian konflik agraria dapat dilakukan dengan berbagai hal, yaitu adanya kerlibatan masyarakat untuk menyelesaikan konflik yang mendahulukan kepentingan masyarakat, adanya koordinasi antara pemerintah daerah dengan pemerintah pusat untuk melahirkan regulasi yang berpihak kepada masyarakat dan adanya pembatasan penguasaan perusahaan-perusahaan / pemodal besar untuk menguasai tanah masyarakat dan adanya pemetaan wailayah sesuai potensinya. Penguasaan tanah bagi petani merupakan hal yang sangat penting, sehingga akan meningkatkan produktifitas hasil pangan dan kesejahteraan masyarakat. Ketersediaan lahan berbanding lurus dengan peningkatan hasil pangan. Nilai tukar petani akan meningkat apabila produktifitas hasil pertaniannya tinggi. Untuk itu ketersediaan lahan pertanian bagi petani akan berpengaruh secara nyata terhadap kesejahteraan petani.

This research, conducted by the author when a Senior Researcher at Newcastle University, UK, was funded by a UK governance organisation to help them assess, integrate and improve their understanding of the governed population.

ABSTRACT: Governance organisations have been urged to develop more holistic evidence-based approaches with partners to better deal with issues affecting the governed population. This presupposes an understanding of the population, yet there has been little research work addressing how governance organisations come to understand their governed population, nor how this understanding can be improved upon within such organisations.

This case study examined in-depth how understanding of a governed population was developed within one UK local governance organisation and it explored how such understanding might be developed and improved through more holistic and evidence-based organisational learning within the organisation and its governance partnerships.

The research methodology involved placement within the governance organisation, participant observations on several projects and innovative initiatives, observations within, across, and outside the organisation, and also interviews with varied key stakeholders.

The study examined:

- stakeholder engagement and networks
- current and varied understandings of the population
- mechanisms actually used for developing understandings
- the influence of context on organisational learning

and analysed these to arrive at a recommendations to improve organisational understanding of the governed population.

In the case studied, significant strengths were found: including innovative past learning trials for development, extensive ongoing networking activities, and many varied and accumulating quantitative datasets available across partnerships.

However, entrenched organisational approaches and practices constrained the development of holistic evidence-based understanding, for instance: the absence of systematic maintained collective learning processes; weak recording and forgetting of understandings; methodological exclusion of stakeholders from the development of understanding; the relative neglect of qualitative data, explanations, investigations, interpretations, and reflexivity; and also implicit organisational acceptance of such limitations and low aspirations.

Nonetheless, untapped opportunities existed to enable change including: latent practitioner knowledge and innovative management champions, the desire for improvement and raised aspirations within learning networks, and the development potential of alterative learning approaches.

It was concluded that more holistic evidence-based understanding was possible, but required new learning approaches beyond those then in use in both local government or academia.   

Recommendations are made to utilise and develop improved organisational learning approaches trialed and reported in the case study.

It is argued that the case study findings, conclusions, and recommendations may be applicable to other similar local governance organisations and partnerships that seek to better understand local populations, services and interventions.

The work was also submitted for, and awarded, an MPhil (at Newcastle University, supervised by Prof. Patsy Healy)

Derrière l'échec annoncé d'Anne Hidalgo, les ratés et défis du socialisme municipal Lille, Marseille, Montpellier, Nantes, Rennes et bien sûr Paris... Le PS est à la tête de certaines des plus grandes villes de France mais sa candidate à la présidentielle est enterrée dans les sondages. Au-delà d'Anne Hidalgo et du parti à la rose, ce désastre annoncé est aussi celui de cette « équipe de France des maires » entourant l'élue parisienne, analyse le politologue Frédéric Sawicki. 7 minutes Par Benjamin Peyrel-7 avril 2022 M ediacités : Les échecs (probables) d'Anne Hidalgo et, dans une moindre mesure, de Yannick Jadot et Valérie Pécresse au premier tour de l'élection présidentielle vont-t-il fragiliser les positions des élus EE-LV, PS ou LR au niveau local ? Frédéric Sawicki : Pas forcément. Depuis une dizaine d'années maintenant, on observe un décalage croissant entre les bonnes-voire très bonnes-performances des partis politiques classiques (le PS, LR, l'UDI, le PC, mais aussi les Verts) au niveau local et leurs résultats au niveau national. C'est encore frappant cette fois-ci : les dernières élections municipales, régionales et départementales ont beau leur avoir été plutôt favorables, tous risquent de se retrouver dimanche soir sans représentant au second tour. Et cela pour la deuxième fois d'affilée ! Ces deux champs politiquesle local et le national-semblent évoluer de manière de plus en plus autonome. Il peut y avoir un ancrage partisan fort au niveau local, s'appuyant sur les réalisations et la notoriété des élus. Ce qui n'empêche pas les électeurs de ces derniers de voter pour d'autres étiquettes lors des élections présidentielle ou législatives. Et je ne vois pas de raisons pour que ce hiatus disparaisse prochainement.

Analisis dan refl eksi mengenai perkembangan demokratisasi di Indonesia pasca-Orde Baru (setelah lengsernya Suharto sejak Mei 1998) dapat ditinjau dari perkembangan demokratisasi di tingkat lokal. Kebijakan desentralisasi baru, khususnya mengenai mekanisme pemilihan kepala daerah secara langsung (pemilukada langsung) sejak
tahun 2005, merupakan salah satu rangkaian demokratisasi di tingkat lokal. Tulisan ini menganalisis demokratisasi di tingkat lokal, khususnya melihat dampak pemilukada langsung terhadap peran politik dan kepemimpinan perempuan. menganalisis tata cara pemilihan kepala daerah sesuai ketentuan UU No. 32/2004 dan data jumlah kandidat perempuan yang mencalonkan diri dalam pemilukada langsung sejak tahun 2005 memberikan gambaran tren, karakteristik, dan prospek kepemimpinan perempuan yang muncul di tingkat lokal. Analisis terhadap tren dan karakteristik kepemimpinan perempuan di tingkat lokal sebagai dampak positif demokratisasi di Indonesia
merefleksikan pemahaman baru tentang peran agama (khususnya Islam), gender, dan
hubungan kekerabatan (familial ties) sebagai faktor penting yang ditemukan dibalik fenomena politik tersebut

Pakistan is widely being portrayed a weak democratic state as elected governments were unnecessarily broken frequently. Violence in the recent years has given more strength to the negative perception of Pakistan as a polity not conducive for democratic institutions, this was doubled with the risk of military coup, which overshadowed the encouraging trends, like the maturing of Pakistani democracy, as demonstrated in parliament's adoption of far-reaching constitutional reforms. It is also evident that international community, at least indirectly if not directly, is the responsible for the lack of democracy and peace in Pakistan. Western powers, particularly, supported military government to promote their ideal of stability under misperceptions or for safeguarding of their own interests.

Muhtars, the lowest level elected political position in Turkey, hold an ambiguously defined place within the administrative hierarchy. They are public officials, but local citizens do not always associate them with the central government. Street-Level Governing is the first book to investigate how muhtars carry out their role—not only what they are supposed to do, but how they actually operate—to provide an ethnographic study of the state as viewed from its margins. It starts from the premise that the seeming "margin" of state administration is not peripheral at all, but instructive as to how it functions.
Muhtars exist at the intersection of everyday life and the exercise of power. Their position offers a personalized point of contact between citizens and state institutions, enabling close oversight of the citizenry, yet simultaneously projecting the sense of an accessible state to individuals. Challenging common theories of the state, Massicard outlines how the position of the muhtar throws into question an assumed dichotomy between domination and social resistance, and suggests that considerations of circumvention and accommodation are normal attributes of state-society functioning.

This article focuses on the local political dynamics of early republican Turkey. Taking under close scrutiny the local organizations of the Republican People’s Party, this article aims to shed light on the unexplored aspects of the early republican politics, i.e., the social composition of the local party administrations, the intra-party rivalries, social contestations over the party organizations in localities, relations between the party and state administrations, and the organizational strength of the party in remote parts of the country. The preliminary conclusion this article reaches is that the official image of the RPP and the Kemalist elite as bureaucratic, strong, disciplined, well-organized, homogenous and monolithic entity did not represent the characteristics of the local party and state apparatuses. Drawing on the local intra-party rivalries, manipulation of the party and state administrations by the local social dynamics, tensions between the local party and state authorities, and organizational weakness of the party and the state, this article argues that these local realities of the party and the state might have likely compelled the central elite to merge the party with the state in 1936.

This is a study about Pentecostals in a lowland village of Tanauan City, Batangas province, Philippines. It examines how Pentecostalism—from narratives of conversion and the structure of the church’s organization to worship songs—addresses what devotees’ call pulitika (political factionalism, corruption, and traditional politics that only serves the elite). It was found that Pentecostalism allows devotees to participate in a nonelitist, participatory, and nonhierarchical organization; to cope with the hardships of life; and present unity as an alternative political vision for Philippine society. This paper begins with a brief outlook on the rise of Pentecostalism in the Philippines. The second part deals with scholarly works and studies in the field of religion and politics both in and out of the Philippines, identifies research gaps therein, and sets out the framework of analysis used in the study. The third part explores—through interviews with devotees, analysis of church songs, and observations from the field—how the practices and rituals of Pentecostal worship are responses to the perceived difficulties— from poverty and disunity of Philippine society—that arise from pulitika.

Esta Guía para la equidad de género en el municipio ha sido elaborada con el propósito de aportar una
respuesta a la demanda expresada en diversos talleres regionales llevados a cabo durante el año 2003
por el Grupo Interdisciplinario sobre Mujer, Trabajo y Pobreza, GIMTRAP, A.C., bajo el auspicio del
Instituto Nacional de Desarrollo Social (INDESOL). De manera recurrente, se nos manifestó la necesidad
de contar con un instrumento didáctico y metodológico que facilitara la sensibilización y la
capacitación en torno al diseño e implementación de políticas públicas de equidad de género desde los
gobiernos municipales en nuestro país.
Asimismo, el proyecto de GIMTRAP, A.C. realizado en este año 2004, también con el apoyo de
INDESOL, relativo a un ciclo de teleconferencias en las que se expusieron y comentaron diversas
temáticas acerca de las relaciones entre las mujeres y los gobiernos municipales, nos dio un renovado
impulso para elaborar la Guía, que esperamos contribuya a la difusión y a la legitimación del enfoque
de la equidad de género en las políticas públicas y en la gestión de los ayuntamientos.
La Guía consta de cinco módulos, cada uno de los cuales puede leerse de manera independiente, y en
ellos se tratan los temas de gobierno municipal y la equidad de género; la participación política de las
mujeres y los liderazgos femeninos en el ámbito municipal; el reto de gobernar de las presidentas
municipales; el papel y la experiencia de regidoras y síndicas en el Cabildo; el municipio indígena y las
mujeres. Al final del texto se encuentran las fuentes consultadas por módulo y los sitios de la web
recomendados.
La información y los testimonios de experiencias se incluyen con el fin de facilitar el acceso y compartir
conocimientos, problemáticas, avances, logros, dificultades, obstáculos y reflexiones que se deben
reconocer, analizar y discutir para impulsar de mejor manera la participación de las mujeres en los
ayuntamientos y en la administración municipal, así como las políticas públicas de equidad de género
en la nueva agenda de los gobiernos locales.
Si bien podemos afirmar que el municipio constituye el espacio más difícil y resistente para el avance
de la participación de las mujeres en la toma de decisiones como gobernantas y funcionarias, representando
además un gran reto para la incorporación y la continuidad de las políticas públicas de equidad
de género, confiamos en que cada vez haya más mujeres y hombres interesados en modificar esta
situación adversa, conscientes de que la democratización social y política de México implica repensar
y promover nuevas formas de convivencia social y política, tanto desde el ámbito privado de la casa
hasta los espacios públicos de toma de decisiones, desde la vida cotidiana de las comunidades y los
municipios hasta los estados y la nación.
Esta Guía habrá cumplido su cometido si sirve para provocar interés, preocupación y compromiso
con los diversos aspectos y desafíos que implica la construcción de políticas públicas de equidad de
género en el marco institucional de los gobiernos municipales, y con la participación política de las
mujeres en los cargos electivos de los ayuntamientos.

El Manual hacia un Diagnóstico sobre la situación de las mujeres en el Municipio con enfoque de
género es un producto más del trabajo realizado por el equipo del Grupo
Interdisciplinario sobre Mujer, Trabajo y Pobreza GIMTRAP, A.C., dentro del proyecto
sobre Políticas Públicas de Equidad de Género en el Ámbito Municipal, a continuación
de la publicación de la Guía para la Equidad de Género en el Municipio. Ambas
publicaciones y diversos talleres regionales y teleconferencias han venido realizándose
en diversas regiones de nuestro país, con el financiamiento del Instituto Nacional de
Desarrollo Social, lo cual nos ha permitido ir conociendo las necesidades de apoyo
para el proceso de sensibilización y capacitación hacia la construcción de políticas
públicas de equidad de género en los gobiernos municipales.
El Manual está dividido en tres Módulos, que hablan del contexto y los conceptos
para el diagnóstico sobre la situación de las mujeres en el municipio con enfoque de
género, de las áreas temáticas del diagnóstico y de la metodología para realizarlo, en
sus aspectos cuantitativos y cualitativos. Una demanda insistente en los talleres y
teleconferencias ha sido precisamente la de contar con un instrumento que permita
realizar el diagnóstico sobre la situación de las mujeres en el municipio, para poder
conocer con precisión las necesidades, demandas y prioridades de los diversos grupos
de mujeres, impulsando su presentación y consideración dentro de los planes de
desarrollo local, y su posicionamiento en las plataformas político-electorales de todos
los partidos políticos.
Esperamos con este texto contribuir al todavía incipiente proceso de inclusión de la
equidad de género y de construcción de las políticas públicas correspondientes,
desde los gobiernos municipales, una de cuyas bases será precisamente el que cada
uno de los 2436 municipios cuente con un Diagnóstico sobre la situación de las
mujeres, elaborado desde un enfoque de género y con la participación de los diversos
grupos de mujeres, como ha ocurrido en casos pioneros en nuestro país, como
son el Municipio de Centro, y el de Cunduacán, en el estado de Tabasco.

Neoliberal dönemde devlet hizmetlerinin özelleştirilmesi ve finansal kentleşme süreçlerini koordine eden yerel yönetimler bazı siyasi sistemlerde sadece ekonomik değil siyasi karar alma süreçlerinde de güç kazandılar. Bu coğrafyalarda, yerel devlet harici aktörlerin ve toplumsal hareketlerin de güç kazanmasıyla yerelleşmenin demokratikleşme anlamına geldiği görüşü hâkim oldu. Fiiliyatta tecrübe edilen neoliberalizm içerisinde başka örneklerde ise, yerelleşme devletin yeniden ölçeklendirilmesi anlamına gelmedi, yerel yönetimlerin siyasi özerkliği olmadı. Son on yılda otoriterleşme ve illiberalleşmeyle yerelleşmenin yerini her iki grup örnekte de yeniden merkezileşmenin aldığı gözlemlendi. Küresel olarak gözlemlenen yeniden merkezileşme eğilimi içerisinde ikinci yılına giren pandemi bir kırılma anı yarattı, ama pandemiyle mücadelenin toplumsal ilişkilere etkisini tartışan literatürler henüz birbiriyle konuşmaya başlamadı (Capano vd. 2020; Greer vd., 2020; Chan vd., 2020). Bu kısa çalışma, pandemi yönetiminin karşılaştırmalı analizinde kamu politikaları ve eleştirel kentsel çalışmalar literatürlerinden nasıl faydalanabileceğimizi tartışmaya açmak amacı taşımakta.