Post Disaster Displacement

Memorial days of disasters represent an opportunity to evaluate the progress of recovery. This article uses sentiment analysis (SA) to assess post-disaster recovery on the 10th anniversary of L’Aquila’s earthquake using Twitter data. We have analyzed 4349 tweets from 4 to 10 April 2019 with the hashtag: #L’Aquila that we have obtained from a third-party vendor. The polarity is first defined using a supervised classification based on experts’ rules on post-disaster reconstruction and Grammarly tones. Then, this polarity is compared with the outcome of an unsupervised classification based on the pre-trained SA machine learning algorithm developed by MonkeyLearn. We have found a significant negative assessment of the post-disaster recovery process in L’Aquila. About 33.1% of the tweets had a negative polarity, followed by 29.3% tweets with a neutral polarity, 28.7% with positive polarity, and 8.9% unrelated to the anniversary. Further analysis of the tweets confirms that after 10 years...

In September 2019, the islands of Abaco and Grand Bahama in the Bahamas were simultaneously hit by category 5 Hurricane Dorian and a king tide. The disaster resulted in mass displacement. Minority groups such as the Haitian and LBGTQA+ communities were acutely impacted. Following displacement, this report is based on qualitative fieldwork conducted a month after Hurricane Dorian made landfall.

La notion de norme et de référence à la norme est absolument fondamentale pour qui s’intéresse aux langues humaines. Langues, dialectes, parlers et accents suivent tous des règles rigoureuses, que l’observation permet de déterminer. Il n’y a pas de langue sans grammaire : la langue est une norme.
Cependant, les langues du monde ne jouissent pas toutes de statuts égaux. Dans certains États, le ou les idiomes parlés par la majorité de la population sont normés (pourvus d’une norme de référence) et normalisés, c’est à dire soutenus par un appareil administratif et éducatif conséquent.
À l’inverse, de nombreuses communautés linguistiques, minoritaires ou trop pauvres, sont obligées d’utiliser d’autres langues que leur langue maternelle pour avoir accès à l’enseignement ou aux services publics. La normalisation des langues vernaculaires de ces groupes laissés pour compte est souhaitable pour deux raisons : 1. la préservation de la diversité culturelle de la planète ; 2. l’établissement de systèmes éducatifs et d’information plus performants, parce qu’utilisant la langue maternelle des communautés considérées.
Fixer la norme d’une langue peu décrite est loin d’être une sinécure, comme le montre l’exemple capverdien. Et en fin de compte, cette nouvelle norme n’aura d’utilité que si les pouvoirs publics favorisent sa normalisation, à savoir sa diffusion systématique auprès des populations concernées. L’aventure de la normalisation des langues vaut cependant la peine d’être vécue, en particulier dans nombre de pays du Tiers-Monde. En normant et en normalisant, le linguiste a un rôle essentiel à jouer dans les processus de développement économique.

Afetler, toplulukların tehdit altında olduğu, genellikle yerel imkânlarla müdahalenin yetersiz kaldığı, ulusal kaynakların seferber edilmesi gerektiği, büyük can ve mal kayıplarına yol açan beklenmedik ve istenmedik durumlardır. Çoğunlukla, nerede, ne zaman, hangi büyüklükte, nasıl ve ne türde meydana geleceği genellikle baştan bilinemeyen ve tahmin edilemeyen bu olaylar, pek çok ülkede büyük kayıplara ve özellikle gelişmekte olan ülkelerde ekonomik gelişme sürecinin de yıllarca sürebilen kesintilere uğramasına neden olmaktadır.

Yanlış arazi kullanımı, kentsel ve kırsal planlama ve yapılaşmadaki çarpıklıklar, nüfusun tehlikeli alanlarda giderek daha fazla yoğunlaşması, mevzuat eksikliği ve / veya uygulamanın yetersizliği, toplumsal yoksulluk ve sosyal yapı, hazırlıksız toplum ve hazırlıksız kurumlar, kaynakların uygun olmayan biçimde kullanımı, iklim değişikliğinin etkileri, ormanların yok edilmesi, bio çeşitliliğin ve bu alandaki bilginin kaybı, artan su talebi ve çölleşme gibi özetlenen çevre tahribatının artmasıyla ortaya çıkan riskler ve dolayısıyla yanlış çevre yönetimi gibi faktörler birbirleri ile ilişkili olup, hep birlikte doğal afetlere karşı toplumsal hassasiyetleri - zarar görebilirliği artıran bir eğilim oluşturmaktadır.

Topraklarının hemen hemen tamamı farklı afet riskleri ile karşı karşıya bulunan, büyük çaplı afetlerin meydana gelme sıklığı açısından dünya ülkeleri içerisinde ilk sıralarda yer alan ülkemizde afet öncesi ve afet sonrasında gerçekleştirilmesi gereken faaliyetlerin bir bütün olarak yürütülmesi, koordine edilmesi ve yönetilmesini kapsayan afet yönetimi yaşamsal önem taşımaktadır.

Günümüzde afetler sonucunda ortaya çıkan zararların, insan hayatı, mal - mülk, sosyo - ekonomik yapı ve çevre açısından çok büyük boyutlarda olabildiği ortadadır. Bu noktada ortaya çıkan ‘Afet Yönetimi’ kavramı, her türlü tehlikeye karşı hazırlıklı olma, önleme ve zarar azaltma, müdahale etme ve iyileştirme amacıyla mevcut kaynakları organize eden, analiz, planlama, karar alma ve değerlendirme süreçlerinin tümünü kapsar. Bu nedenle, afet ve/veya risk yönetimi çalışmaları bir bütündür.

Bu kitapta, afet yönetimi ve özellikle de iyileştirme çalışmaları ile ilgili yer yer oldukça detaylı bilgiler verilerek, mevzuatta ve uygulamada halihazırda yapılanlar ve yapılması gerekenler anlatılmaya çalışılmıştır.
Sonuç olarak; hangi ülkede olursa olsun, afet risklerini azaltmada başarı sağlansa dahi, tamamen ortadan kaldırmak mümkün olmamaktadır. Bu nedenle, afet sonrası iyileştirme safhasında yapılacaklara, güncellemelere ve yeni mevzuat düzenlemelerine her zaman ihtiyaç olacaktır. Bu konudaki ufkumuzu geliştirecek ve belki yeni fikirler oluşmasını sağlayacak bu kitap ve benzeri çalışmalar da bu düzenlemelere altlık oluşturacak kaynaklardır.

La synthèse, intitulée "Décrire les langues pour comprendre le Langage", que je présente dans le cadre du diplôme national d'habilitation à diriger des recherches, vise à faire le point sur ma production scientifique actuelle et sur mes projets futurs.
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Dans une première partie introductive, j'évoque brièvement mon parcours de linguiste, qui compte pour le moment trois étapes fondamentales :
- 1. l'étude de l'occitan (commencée à partir du dialecte que l'on parlait dans ma propre famille) puis d'autres langues romanes ;
- 2. la description d'une langue créole, le capverdien (avec laquelle je suis entré en contact dans le cadre de mon Service National) ;
- 3. l'ouverture, lors de mon entrée au C.N.R.S. en 1999, d'un nouveau champ de recherche sur les langues kordofaniennes (parlées au centre de la République du Soudan), dont fait partie le koalib, idiome auquel j'ai consacré environ 12 mois de terrain depuis l'an 2.000.
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Dans une deuxième partie, intitulée la description ou le défi de rendre compte de l'altérité, je passe en revue les principales caractéristiques de mon approche (essentiellement descriptive) du Langage, en commençant par évoquer dans un premier chapitre la façon dont je recueille des données sur le terrain auprès de mes informateurs. J'analyse ensuite (second chapitre) les descriptions que j'ai publiées des idiomes que j'ai étudiés : ces travaux témoignent dans leur ensemble d'une recherche de l'exhaustivité dans le traitement de l'objet considéré et d'un intérêt marqué pour la lexicographie, illustré en particulier par mes deux dictionnaires les plus récents, le Dicionário Prático Português-Caboverdiano, "Dictionnaire pratique portugais-capverdien" (Mendes & al. 2002) et mon Dictionnaire koalib-français (en cours de préparation). Je consacre ensuite un chapitre à la prise en compte de la diachronie, un autre thème récurrent dans mon approche, puis, dans un dernier chapitre, je m'attache à montrer, à l'aide d'exemples tirés de mes divers champs d'étude, l'importance du travail de terrain pour arriver à prendre conscience de certains phénomènes linguistiques.
                                                  ***
La troisième partie, intitulée la relativisation de l'approche, traite des évolutions méthodologiques qui ont accompagné mon cheminement scientifique. Parmi ces évolutions, je mentionne tout d'abord la prise en compte des textes, qui m'a ouvert à la syntaxe. Je mets ensuite l'accent sur la remise en cause de plusieurs concepts de base (langue, dialecte, catégories grammaticales), au fur et à mesure de mes enquêtes de terrain ou de mes études (découverte de la tradition grammaticale arabe). Puis je m'intéresse à la façon dont ont évolué les interférences entre visées descriptives et prescriptives dans mes productions, avant de conclure sur la question du difficile équilibre entre le travail de terrain et un nécessaire entretien des connaissances théoriques du linguiste descripteur.
                                                  ***
La partie suivante, intitulée la diffusion du savoir, traite de l'ensemble de mes activités visant à la transmission des connaissances. Dans un premier chapitre, j'évoque mes expériences d'enseignement (cursus réguliers, cours facultatifs et conférences ponctuelles). Puis, après avoir souligné de façon générale l'intérêt et la valeur scientifiques des ouvrages de vulgarisation, je passe en revue mes principales publications dans ce domaine : articles et synthèses présentant mes recherches à un public de chercheurs, méthodes de langue, traductions et ouvrages lexicaux bilingues. Dans le dernier chapitre de cette partie, j'ai inclus une réflexion sur les relations du linguiste avec les médias, relations qui me semblent cruciales pour l'avenir de la discipline dans les sociétés occidentales contemporaines.
                                                  ***
Dans une cinquième partie, intitulée perspectives, je parle de mes principaux projets de publications et de recherches, en particulier dans le domaine kordofanien (poursuite de la description du koalib, étude d'autres langues heibaniennes) et dans celui des créoles afro-portugais (divers projets pour le capverdien, description de l'annobonais et du saint-antonien). Je mentionne également la vision que j'ai du futur en ce qui concerne mes activités d'encadrement de la recherche (direction de thèses, retour des connaissances acquises vers les communautés linguistiques concernées) et les projets collectifs (opération de recherche, colloques) que j'aimerais voir aboutir.
                                                  ***
En conclusion, je mets l'accent sur l'importance donnée au travail de terrain dans mon approche des langues et du Langage ainsi que sur la nécessité de prendre son temps pour produire des descriptions valables. Je rappelle en dernier lieu que l'étude rigoureuse des langue de communautés minorisées (et souvent brimées) peut aussi être une façon de souligner l'égale dignité des divers groupes humains (grands ou petits) en ce qui concerne le génie du Langage.

Several indices have been developed to measure vulnerability, but very few have been elaborated on the topic of recovery indices, and even fewer on the basis of spatial indicators. The objective of this research was to develop a methodology for monitoring and evaluating the recovery process of an area after an earthquake, beyond the physical aspect, based on spatial indicators. The development of this research entailed nine steps: 1) Selection of a case study area, 2) literature review 3) fieldwork, 4) selection of a sampling area in the city, 5) analysis of index of site preference among the relocated communities in the new settlements, 6) monitoring changes in buildings, 7) selection of the variables and indicators of recovery 8) integration of the spatial indicators in a recovery index; and 9) measuring recovery: hotspots. The case study area of the research is the Italian city of L’Aquila, which was struck by an earthquake on April 6th 2009. Fourteen categories of building conditions were identified: new buildings, construction on-going, partially enabled, reconstructed, reconstruction on-going, earthworks, reconstruction projected, repaired, debris removed, propped, inhabited, damaged, restricted use and demolished. Thirteen categories of building use were recognized: residential, commercial, transport, amenity, religious, hospitals, office, educational, industrial and sports facilities, hotels, monuments and not inhabited. Both indicators: namely the building condition and building use were aggregated into a recovery index in terms of the physical and socio-economic dimensions respectively. Residential buildings, reconstructed buildings, new buildings, transport, and commercial facilities were considered to be the most important variables for the recovery progress of a city. The statistical analysis revealed that the preference to search for another site was significantly correlated with the distance between new settlements and the city center of L’Aquila. To an even higher degree it was correlated with the travel time. The results demonstrated a negative relationship, in which the preference to search for another housing site decreased with an increase in the number of urban facilities in the settlement. There was no correlation between the number of inhabitants per settlement and the number of urban facilities. The regression indicated that the distance and the travel time between the new settlements and the inner city and the lack of urban facilities strongly influences the preference to either stay or to move. Although the percentage of damaged and propped buildings is still high in the city center of L’Aquila by 2014, buildings are already reconstructed and the percentage of buildings with on-going reconstruction and reconstruction projected has soared, while the percentage of buildings in restricted use declined sharply in the last two years. The percentage of buildings for residential use, commercial, office and religious facilities, as well as hotels has steadily increasing in the last five years (2009-2014). The lack of resilience in L’Aquila is demonstrated by the failure to return five years later to at least the original situation before the earthquake. It is unlikely
that L’Aquila can be considered a resilient city, where the reconstruction of the most affected areas of the city is still ongoing and where people express dissatisfaction with respect to the place where they
were relocated, because of the distance and the travel time to the inner city, and the lack of facilities in the place, where they were relocated. The reconstruction process in the city centre of L'Aquila seemed to stagnate. Nevertheless, I can conclude that the recovery process in L’Aquila has not come to a halt, its progress was very slow in the past, but has now accelerated, and can finally be evaluated again in 2019.

The mud volcano disaster in Sidoarjo  East Java brings destruction, not only ecological, but also
social ties among people. Since 2006, there has been three sub-districts collapse, made a lot of
people become internally displaced persons. Live at their village is no longer become safe for
villagers. People have to move out from their village caused by damaged environment. One of
groups of Lapindo mudflow survivors comes from East Besuki Village. On 2013, they have to
migrate to other village far away from the mudflow and build resettlement. However, before
move  away,  I  saw  they  conducted  some  mechanism  collectively,  such  as  looking  for  new
location for resettlement through discussion. However, I found there was an important activity
to describe the cultural condition; cockfighting. I argued that during Lapindo mudflow disaster,
cockfighting represented the memory of East Besuki villagers. Survivors were tried to look
after  their  collective  memory  of  their  life  with  neighbor.  It  also  used  to  reconstruct  the
collective future of survivors.
Keywords: collective, memory, disaster, Lapindo mudflow

Abstract
Disasters are events that occur in uncertain periods of time and threaten a society or a
relatively self-sufficient part of a society with major unwanted consequences. They are
mostly unavoidable events coming in unexpected times. However, setting of pre and post
disaster activities like mitigation, preparedness, response, recovery and development have
very important roles in reducing the future hazard risks in disaster prone areas.
By this study it is exposed that, post disaster resettlement processes are important for
reducing future hazard risk in a disaster prone area. Resettlement in urban areas is more
successfully implemented than in rural areas. Also the study shows that relocated families
from rural areas to the urban areas are faced difficult residential (insufficient houses, shed
and sheepfold) and socioeconomic challenges (employment, income, transportation,
neighborhood and lifestyle issues) after relocation and regrouping.

The lack of coordination between government agencies, involvement of the collaboration networks existing in the community, and incorporation of spatial planning in the location of the new settlements around L'Aquila (Italy) after the 2009 earthquake has delayed reconstruction of the city centre. The displaced population was relocated to 19 new settlements. These new settlements are characterized by a lack of urban facilities. The aim of this paper was to analyze the relationship between urban facilities, collaboration networks and lack of spatial resilience in the recovery process in L'Aquila. Specifically, we focused on the preferences of inhabitants to search for alternative housing sites to the settlements they were originally relocated to, as a proxy for dissatisfaction in the new settlements around L'Aquila. Our approach consisted of three steps: 1) fieldwork, 2) survey and 3) cor-relation/regression analysis. The results demonstrated a strong relationship where preference to search for another housing site decreases with increasing number of urban facilities in the settlement and increases with travel distance to the urban core of L'Aquila. We can conclude that the allocation of facilities was oriented to supply basic services, but neglected other needs of the community during the recovery process, which reduces its resilience.

Memorial days of disasters represent an opportunity to evaluate the progress of recovery. This article uses sentiment analysis (SA) to assess post-disaster recovery on the 10th anniversary of L'Aquila's earthquake using Twitter data. We have analyzed 4349 tweets from 4 to 10 April 2019 with the hashtag: #L'Aquila that we have obtained from a third-party vendor. The polarity is first defined using a supervised classification based on experts' rules on post-disaster reconstruction and Grammarly tones. Then, this polarity is compared with the outcome of an unsupervised classification based on the pre-trained SA machine learning algorithm developed by MonkeyLearn. We have found a significant negative assessment of the post-disaster recovery process in L'Aquila. About 33.1% of the tweets had a negative polarity, followed by 29.3% tweets with a neutral polarity, 28.7% with positive polarity, and 8.9% unrelated to the anniversary. Further analysis of the tweets confirms that after 10 years, the reconstruction is still ongoing and that criticism of the recovery reported in the literature is also found in the tweets. Based on our analysis, the critical day to collect most of the data is the anniversary's exact day. Tweets from citizens and/or news agencies, which are more likely to express the reality experienced, are therefore more useful in understanding recovery than tweets from government officials and/or governmental institutions. From the total 4349 tweets, we can state that 2488 (57%) were correctly classified by the pre-trained SA machine learning algorithm developed by MonkeyLearn, while 1861 (43%) were misclassified. It means an overall accuracy (ACC) of 57% and a misclassification rate of 43% by the algorithm. We argue that our results have the potential to serve as a benchmark that can be used to compare other post-disaster recovery processes using the same Twitterbased SA on their anniversaries.

The recent Coronavirus pandemic that has aff ected territories all over the world and, in particular, the following Italian regulatory provisions, have stimulated a broad interdisciplinary refl ection on the theme of housing. This contribution analyses the relationship between the prolonged confi nement and housing practices within two post-disaster emergency housing areas, assigned for those who lost their homes in the 2016-2017 central Apennine earthquake. Through a research design that contemplates the comparison of the most diff erent study cases, and through the use of qualitative methods, in particular the ethnographic ones, some aspects are highlighted: on the one hand, some critical issues related to post-earthquake temporary living, which, during the period of home confi nement, have contributed to exacerbating vulnerabilities; on the other, the emergence of new and unprecedented social and housing confi gurations, which recall resilient processes already activated following the disaster.
Parole-chiave: abitare temporaneo; territorialità; aree interne; terremoto; vulnerabilità.

IDMC embarked on a research programme in December
2018 to investigate internal displacement associated
with slow-onset disasters and environmental change.1
This study examines displacement associated with
drought in Somalia, and the ways in which the phenomenon has affected urbanisation in the country. It also
seeks to contribute to a better understanding of policies and programming for durable solutions. The findings presented are based on more than 210 interviews
conducted in October and November 2019 in the cities
of Burco, Galkayo and Qardho. The report arrives at the
following key findings.
| Drought leads to protracted
urban displacement
In a country with a largely pastoral and agro-pastoral
economy, an increase in the frequency and intensity
of drought episodes has forced both nomadic and
sedentary communities to move to urban and periurban settlements that also host people suffering the
consequences of conflict and violence. In the absence
of opportunities for durable solutions, displacement is
becoming protracted. As the population continues to
grow, forced evictions have become a major trigger of
secondary displacement in urban areas.
| Host communities’ absorption
capacity is limited
Informal urban settlements and displacement sites in
surrounding districts have become refuges of last resort
for many vulnerable internally displaced people (IDPs).
Despite growing pressure on infrastructure and services,
many say they would prefer to integrate locally. Investment in urban areas is essential to support the displaced
population; investing in rural areas could also relieve
the growing pressure on urban areas by encouraging
sustainable return.
| Long-term efforts are welcome,
but must be decentralised
Those working on durable solutions in Somalia have
welcomed what has been a paradigm shift from funding
projects to financing consortia. Long-term funding
across sectors has the potential to strengthen the
capacity of displaced and host communities alike. Such
investments also need to be accompanied by efforts to
decentralise initiatives and build local capacity. Doing so
also means intervening beyond areas such as Baidoa,
Kismayo and Mogadishu where the international presence is strong and expanding to secondary cities such
as Burco, Galkayo and Qardho.

RIASSUNTO L'articolo presenta la comparazione di due diversi approcci di dasymetric mapping, applicati ai cambiamenti demografici nella città dell'Aquila e nel territorio circostante in seguito al terremoto del 2009. I due approcci considerati sono l'Interpolazione Areale Pon-derata (IAP) e l'Intelligent Dasymetric Mapping (IDM) così come im-plementato in un plugin per ArcMap dall'Agenzia statunitense per la Protezione dell'Ambiente (EPA). La comparazione ha il duplice scopo di confrontare i risultati numerici e cartografici ottenuti e di valuta-re le caratteristiche proprie dei due metodi, considerando gli ambi-ti applicativi, la portabilità fra diversi software GIS, le possibilità di controllo da parte dell'operatore. Le conclusioni mostrano che sotto il profilo dei risultati ottenuti i due metodi sono sostanzialmente analoghi, ma la IAP consente un maggior controllo di tutti i passaggi da parte dell'utente ed è applicabile con qualsiasi software GIS, sia commerciale che open source.

ABSTRACT The article discusses the comparison of two approaches of dasymetric mapping applied to the demographic changes that occurred in the Italian city of L'Aquila and the surrounding territory after the 2009 earthquake. The approaches considered are the Weighted Areal Interpolation (in the text " Interpolazione Areale Ponderata " , IAP) and the Intelligent Dasymetric Mapping (IDM) as implemented in a plugin for ArcMap by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) of the USA. The comparison has two purposes: first, evaluate and cross-check numerical and cartographic results; second, evaluate the proper characteristics of each method, considering fields of application, portability between diverse GIS software and chances of control by the user. The conclusions show that, while the results obtained by the two methods are equivalent, the IAP approach allows the user to take complete control of the entire procedure. In addition, it is applicable to use with both commercial and open source GIS software.

A number of indices have been developed for measuring vulnerability to disasters, but little attention has been paid to recovery indices particularly with respect to earthquakes. Post-disaster periods are usually divided into four phases based on specific time intervals following an event, which have been assigned a variety of different names. The name established by the UNDP ("relief", "early recovery", "recovery" and "development") have been used in this paper. This research examines the hypothesis that the post-disaster recovery phases in an affected area should be defined by the progress achieved in the recovery process, rather than simply by the amount of time elapsed since the event. The methodology employed involved four steps: (1) literature review, (2) fieldwork (3) the selection of indicators, and (4) assessment. The case study area was L’Aquila in Italy, which was struck by an earthquake in 2009. Each phase of the recovery progress at L'Aquila was assigned a score according to the progress achieved, with the highest score going to the early recovery phase, followed by far lower scores for the development phase and the recovery phase, with the relief phase (having already been completed) failing to score any points. The results have demonstrated the possibility of determining post-disaster recovery phases according to activities and other variables or indicators, rather than simply according to periods of time. It is, however, recommended that assessments of the stage that has been attained in the recovery process be made at specific times in the post-disaster period, such as after one, three, five and ten years.

Disasters are prevalent with devastating effects on vulnerable populations that include the elderly, disabled, women and children. Historical responses to vulnerable children and families post-disaster raise questions concerning further harms to children rescued by adoption in the aftermath of devastation. This article offers critical and historical perspectives on child removal for adoption in the context of disaster and the psychosocial care of children affected by disaster. It brings into question whether removal, especially permanent removal for adoption, is in their interests. This article concludes that efforts are needed by the international community to ensure that past abuses do not recur.

In September 2019, the islands of Abaco and Grand Bahama in the Bahamas were simultaneously hit by category 5 Hurricane Dorian and a king tide. The disaster resulted in mass displacement. Minority groups such as the Haitian and LBGTQA+ communities were acutely impacted. Following displacement, this report is based on qualitative fieldwork conducted a month after Hurricane Dorian made landfall.

Disasters are prevalent with devastating effects on vulnerable populations that include the elderly, disabled, women and children. Historical responses to vulnerable children and families post-disaster raise questions concerning further harms to children rescued by adoption in the aftermath of devastation. This article offers critical and historical perspectives on child removal for adoption in the context of disaster and the psychosocial care of children affected by disaster. It brings into question whether removal, especially permanent removal for adoption, is in their interests. This article concludes that efforts are needed by the international community to ensure that past abuses do not recur.

Every year millions of people around the world are internally displaced as a result of so-called « natural » disasters. Often considered as short-term and short-distance migrations involving the return of populations, dominant academic and political analysis focus their attention on material factors associated with survival of the displaced and pays little attention to the way in which these movements impact the social life of the people concerned during the displacement. This research proposes studying this phenomenon from a different angle and questions how temporary displacement impacts social interactions, relations and positions and how this affects the experience of displacement. The analysis shows that displacement, in a short-term configuration, is a process that involves an alteration of social identities of the new « displaced ». The flood not only destroys material assets but also together with displacement, causes the fragmentation of social roles and positions within their groups of reference. The newly displaced populations arrive in the destination territories in the greatest material and social deprivation, which forces them to be inserted into a system of dependence on aid for survival. In this context, new interactions emerge between aid and assistance organizations, the displaced and the residents of the reception areas. This research focus in particular on the way in which this new configuration of relations participates in the construction of « stigmatic categories » with regard to the displaced and how this generates social separation between groups that reflects the nature of power relationships in the new hierarchy of survival and the « liminal » social condition of the displaced.

Memorial days of disasters represent an opportunity to evaluate the progress of recovery. Social media posts from the 10th anniversary of the earthquakes, in L’Aquila, Haiti, Chile, and Canterbury constitute a valuable source of data to mine insights into the progress of their recovery. The sentiments of affected people have the potential to highlight the successes and gaps in the post-earthquake recovery process. We propose a new method to assess post-disaster recovery through sentiment analysis of disaster-related tweets from citizens. The procedure for assessing recovery consists so far of 9 phases namely, hashtag identification, hashtag selection, data collection, data extraction, data processing, classification, feature extraction, features reprocessing and features selection. The data collection starts with social media monitoring, we identify the hashtags related to the memorial of each specific earthquake and then we collect tweets using two sources:1) manually and 2) a third party vendor from which we can collect the tweets related to the selected hashtags seven days around the anniversary of the event. The data process prepares the data to be understood by a machine learning algorithm. The classification phase combines a machine learning algorithm and supervised classification, tweets are categorized as positive, negative and neutral. Based on this classification and the general content of the tweets it is then possible to assess the relative success of the recovery based on the satisfaction of the community with the process. To detect the sentiment of tweets, we have combined supervised classification in the case of L’Aquila and linguistic features in the case of Haiti to classify the text according to the tweeter’s assessment of the recovery process. In the case of L’Aquila, whose 10 year anniversary took place on the 6th April 2019, we have obtained 4,349 original tweets between the 5th and the 10th of April 2019 with the hashtag #L'Aquila. In the case of Haiti, the 10 years anniversary took place on the 12th January 2020, we have obtained 8,157 original tweets between the 7th and the 15th of January 2020. So far we have identified more than 40 tweets regarding the anniversary of the earthquake in Chile and two tweets with respect to the anniversary of the Canterbury earthquake. The preliminary sentiment analysis of the tweets for the cases of L’Aquila and Haiti evidences that the negative polarity prevails. We do not yet have a sample big enough to determine the polarity of the twitter posts in the case of Chile and Canterbury. Nevertheless, preliminary results allowed us to demonstrate that sentiment analysis is a feasible tool to evaluate the success of a post-disaster recovery process. Affected communities in L’Aquila and Haiti are not satisfied with the progress of the post-earthquake recovery. In the case of L’Aquila, reconstruction of private buildings is more advanced than public ones and that there has been a delay in the re-opening of schools and other urban facilities in the historical city centre. The complaints about the mismanagement of financial resources and corruption are common in both cases: L’Aquila and Haiti.

IDMC embarked on a new research programme in
December 2018 to investigate internal displacement
associated with slow-onset environmental change.1
Based on two hundred and nineteen interviews and
qualitative methodologies conducted in July 2019 in the
Somali region of Ethiopia, this study examines the drivers
of displacement in pastoralist communities of the arid
and semi-arid lowland areas of Ethiopia, and provides
a better understanding of conditions and priorities for
local integration to support policy and programming
for durable solutions.
In the Somali region, displacement occurs when pastoral
livelihoods reach a critical threshold below which pastoralism is unsustainable. There are many contributing
factors to displacement in the region, and droughts
that are becoming more frequent and intense are an
important one. Nearly 56,000 households affected by
the 2015–2017 drought are still displaced in the Somali
region. Between January and June 2019, another 36,000
people in the country were displaced in the context of
drought, mainly in this region.
Pastoralists displaced during and in the aftermath
of drought live in peri-urban camps for IDPs over a
protracted period and in the midst of a neglected crisis.
They are highly dependent on humanitarian aid that
has gradually shrunk in the region over the last couple
of years as intercommunal conflicts have taken priority.
Despite calls from the government and UN agencies
to fund national and regional efforts on durable solutions, donors continue to focus on responding to a
humanitarian emergency instead of supporting joint
humanitarian and long-term development efforts, as
envisaged by the New Way of Working.
Implementing durable solutions in a scenario where
humanitarian needs are still unmet is a challenge: high
levels of food insecurity persist in zones such as Doolo;
camps for IDPs and peri-urban areas such as Warder
have poor access to water; and displaced families are
still living in unprotected temporary shelters and near
host communities who, themselves, have limited access
to services.
Addressing displacement triggered by drought in
a way that goes beyond providing immediate assistance implies increased livelihood recovery activities.
Those displaced by drought feel that access to work
and economic opportunities are key requirements for
advancing durable solutions.
In the Somali region, durable solutions strategies propose
a long-term development approach to displacement,
beyond supporting short-term humanitarian needs. At
the national level, the Ethiopian government, in collaboration with the UN and NGOs, launched in December
2019 the first federal Durable Solutions Initiative (DSI).