Roman Magic

The paper examines a previously published so-called ‘magic’ gem mounted in a twisted gold frame medallion, discovered in a burial site in 1973 at Durostorum, modern-day Silistra, Bulgaria. The author reappraises the reading of the text after a personal autopsy of the artifact, concluding that the gem was intended for protection against uterine pain, implying thus usage by a woman, assuming that the owner possessed to a certain degree some kind of  ‘magic know-how’.

‘Magic’ is elusive in Roman Britain and, perhaps, even partially invisible to us in the archaeological record (Graf 1997; Wilburn 2012; Gordon 2015). The continuing debate surrounding defining magic – what it is, what it looked like and what it did – is compounded by a broad and complex artefactual evidence base that is difficult to interpret (cf. Gell 1977: 1).This paper will discuss a material well-known as magical throughout antiquity and especially the Roman period – amber. Amber is an ideal material to explore magical practice in Roman Britain. It was an exotic, luxury material to the province, which would have made it ‘special’ as either an unworked, natural material or when fashioned into objects. Secondly, it is a material that received broad commentary by ancient authors attesting its magical nature, especially preceding and during the Roman period (see e.g. Williamson 1932; Spekke 1957; Causey 2011). Theoretically, therefore, it should be an ideal candidate for assessing the magical efficacy of the objects it was made from coupled with the contexts in which it has been recovered from the province.

In 1971, the southern cemetery of Intercisa (Dunaújváros) has yielded a magical gem with a unique scarab scheme, which is usually counted by the scholarly research amongst the early Christian artefacts of Roman Pannonia. The interpretation of the peculiar scheme and charaktêres of the gem as early Christian, however, is far from problematic. In our discussion, we will make an attempt to understand the gem more closely through the iconographical analysis of the scheme and with the help of some written sources regarding ancient magical practices and early Christianity.

En juillet 2005, un brûle-encens portant une inscription magique en latin et des vases décorés de serpents sont fortuitement découverts à Chartres. La fouille d’urgence qui a suivi a mis au jour un ensemble d’objets liés à la pratique de la magie, cachés dans la petite cave d’une domus détruite par un incendie au tournant du Ier-IIe s. apr. J.-C. Cet ensemble comprend trois vases à décor de serpents, un couteau à lame large, deux lampes à huile, une quinzaine de poteries entières (bouteilles, flacons, assiettes et pots), une petite série d’ossements animaux calcinés et des fragments de verre fondu. Des éléments de mobilier en fer et en alliage cuivreux, ainsi que des charnons en os, permettent de reconstituer un coffret, une armoire et sans doute un ou deux coffres. Le texte d’un turibulum se développe sur l’ensemble de l’objet, du couronnement à la base. Il est disposé en quatre colonnes séparées par des traits verticaux, chacune correspondant à une orientation cardinale. Il fait appel aux « divinités toutes puissantes » au profit de C. Verius Sedatus, parce que celui-ci est leur gardien. C’est l’un des rares textes magiques bénéfiques découverts dans le monde romain qui mentionne un citoyen romain de la cité des Carnutes. C. Verius Sedatus, peut-être originaire de la cité des Carnutes, est vraisemblablement le magicien, à moins qu’il s’agisse du seul commanditaire de la cérémonie. Cet article est également l’occasion d’identifier l’attirail d’un magicien composé pour une part d’objets fabriqués pour les rites magiques, pour une autre d’ustensiles de la vie courante, détournés de leur fonction primaire.

Chariot races were the earliest, most popular, and longest-lived of all forms of ‘spectacles’ in the Roman world. This essay surveys the spatial and architectural framework of the Circus Maximus, the primary chariot racing venue at Rome, and circuses around the empire; the organization of the races, including the role of the factions; the symbolic representations of victories and athletic victors, as well as the charioteers’ actual prizes; and the horses that were bred for racing. Throughout I also briefly discuss the sport’s spectators and fans, for whom the sport was a socially binding religion.
The essay focuses on the first through the fourth centuries A.D., with the bulk of the evidence (literary, epigraphic, artistic, and archaeological) drawn from the first two centuries. In keeping with current directions in the study of ancient sport and spectacle, the approach adopted here places less emphasis on the legal and technical aspects of the chariot races (‘event-oriented sport history’) and more on these competitions as ‘part of a broader social canvas’ (the ‘social history of sport and spectacle’).

Dá-se a primeira notícia sobre o achado, num santuário romano de Alcácer do Sal, de uma placa de chumbo em que está gravada uma imprecação, invocando os deuses infernais contra um ladrão. O texto da placa insere-se na categoria designada de defixiones. Pelo contexto, data-se da segunda metade do séc. I d. C.
Este artigo consta do catálogo que, sob a coordenação geral de José Cardim Ribeiro, acompanhou a exposição «Religiões da Lusitânia», inaugurada, a 27 de Junho de 2002, no Museu Nacional de Arqueologia, em Lisboa.
Foi feito em colaboração com João Carlos Faria, informação que o sistema não admite, porque o co-autor não tem e-mail e, por isso, para o sistema não existe.

Roman phallic pendants (fascina) are frequently classified as apotropaic amulets which offer protection or good luck (Johns 1982). While Roman authors associate these amulets with children (cf. Varro, De Ling. 7.79), these pendants have been recovered in archaeological contexts ranging from Pompeian public baths, Romano-British military forts, and geographically widespread burials of men and children (Philpott 1991; Johns and Wise 2003; Plouviez 2005). The proveniences of these finds, and other Roman uses of phalli as comedic, aggressive, or fertility symbols, suggest that phallic pendants may have had numerous functions for ancient Romans, which at times were separate from, or entwined with, apotropaism.

This paper has two main goals. First, I examine how the function and meaning of these pendants varied with the social identities of wearers (adult/child, civilian/solider, male/female). Secondly, I use these pendants as a window onto Roman gender ideology; specifically, how did men, women, and children differentially navigate a society in which only one sex’s genitalia (with a few exceptions) had magical, protective powers (cf. Monserrat 2000).

My approach brings together several datasets and theoretical approaches. I analyze Roman texts for the social contexts (wearer, situation, author’s purpose) of pendants and other phallic objects (vessels, breads, etc.). Next, I catalogue the archaeological contexts in which phallic pendants were recovered, with an emphasis on associated sites, buildings, and individuals. Lastly, I use anthropological and psychological theory (cf. Carroll 1984) to compare Roman use of phallic pendants and imagery with similar examples in other past and present cultures, surveying both Mediterranean (Greek, Italian-Etruscan, modern Italian) and global (Moche, Japanese) practices. Together, these sources illustrate the varied meanings of phallic imagery and the social impacts of living amongst a “cult of the phallus” (cf. Keuls 1993).

The 25th Annual Theoretical Roman Archaeology Conference is to
be held at the University of Leicester, United Kingdom from Friday 27th March to Sunday 29th March. Proposals for papers of no longer than 300 words can be submitted for one of nine thematic sessions listed in the attached document, or for the general session. The session(s) intended for the paper must be clearly indicated in the proposal. If a thematic session is oversubscribed, submitted papers will also be considered for the general session. The deadline for paper submissions is: October 31st, 2014.