Tabernacle

This article considers the devotional functions of perspective in Italian fifteenth-century tabernacle design, asking why the perspectival backdrop became such a ubiquitous motif, especially in tabernacles designed to house the Eucharist, relics or miracle-working images. It maintains that the principal function of perspective was not an attempt to represent the natural world but rather a means of revealing the heavenly one; and it identifies five devotional functions associated with perspective, namely, ‘focusing devotion’, ‘revealing the hidden’, ‘enhancing the size of the holy’, ‘distancing the heavenly’ and ‘radiating holiness’. These functions, so the article contends, were to have an impact beyond the micro-architectural world of liturgical furnishings and go on to influence perspective use in large-scale architecture as is shown through the analysis of two works by Donato Bramante, S. Maria presso San Satiro and his celebrated Tempietto.

Chapitre 8 de la thèse de doctorat de Bruno Restif, soutenue en décembre 2004 à l'Université Rennes 2 Haute-Bretagne sous la direction d'Alain Croix : La Paroisse, cadre d'application de la Réforme catholique en Haute-Bretagne (diocèses de Rennes, Dol et Saint-Malo). Histoire d'un processus de transformation religieuse et culturelle (XVIe et XVIIe siècles). Titre du chapitre 8 : Les dévotions : évolutions et permanences.

The structure of the tabernacle and the order of the divine service (תמיד) reflect the cosmology and ritual of creation. Through the divine service Israel actualizes the divinely created order, becoming partakers of God's "very good" and bringing holiness and blessing to the world.

In this paper, I argue that the detailed descriptions of the tabernacle may be a response to Israelite aniconism practices. Comparing the tabernacle descriptions with the use of calligraphy on religious structures in Islam, I argue the detailed descriptions of the deity's dwelling are a means of religious expression and representation, one that observes the prohibition on images of the deity while simultaneously providing a means of visualizing something closely associated with the deity.

Brenner (2008) defines Judaism as a religion focused community that was forced to migrate, settle in different geographies and lives under different sovereignties, beginning with the exile of Babylonian, rather than a particular ethnic group living in their homeland. In addition to that definition, Jewish identity is also a commitment to the common past, which includes the idea of the Temple. It began with the Tabernacle that epitomizes Judaism with sociocultural phenomena. Besides, the Tabernacle and the Temples’ architectural features and their spatial provisions have been very significant to the history of architecture as well as Jewish architecture. Them being the first worshipping place for monotheistic religions acted as a model for the forthcoming spaces such as cathedrals, even mosques. In this context, this paper is an analysis of the Tabernacle and the Temples, which were the architectural and socio-cultural symbols of Judaism. Due to the lack of physical traces or excavations, the spatial analysis for these places was performed by the architectural readings from the Torah, the Pentateuch and the Talmud. It is supported with some illustrations that have been produced by several artists, historians or architects.

This paper, “The Tabernacle - a Type of the Way, the Truth, and the Life,” is an extract from “The ‘I Am’ Statements of Jesus” that was prepared for adult Bible study to get to know Jesus better and to demonstrate how all Scripture witnesses to Him - Our Divine Lord and Savior.  The complete paper, “The ‘I Am’ Statements of Jesus,” is a systematic compilation of notes and related Scripture passages reflecting what I learned from many sources while being guided by the Bible itself to seek clarification within Scripture.

The Danish excavation in the late 1920s and early 1930s and Israel Finkelstein's Israeli excavation on behalf of Bar Ilan University in the 1980s revealed evidence of cultic activity at Shiloh.  Joshua 18:1 claims that the Israelites erected the tabernacle at Shiloh at the end of the conquest.  It remained at the site for over 300 years until its apparent destruction by the Philistines at the Battle of Ebenezer.  The Associates for Biblical Research, under the direction of Scott Stripling, is opening a new excavation at Shiloh in 2017.  This paper explores four possible locations for the Israelites’ sacred shrine.

Based on an abundance of scientific and historical evidence that has surfaced in recent years, the author believes the Shroud of Turin is the genuine burial cloth that Joseph of Arimathea purchased and used to wrap the body of Jesus.  Peter and “the disciple whom Jesus loved” found the tomb empty of a corpse on Resurrection Day.  However, when they found the funeral linens, something about their appearance caused the disciple to “believe” (John 20.8).  The cloth was stained with blood and had been defiled by its contact with a corpse.  Why then wasn’t the Shroud viewed as “unclean,” discarded and buried?  Why did the early Church treasure this piece of linen and seek to safeguard it from opponents and enemies of the Faith?  How did they come to perceive this cloth?  What beliefs became attached to it?  In a former paper  the author attempted to show that the early Christians likely perceived the Shroud as being the miraculous “sign of Jonah” that Jesus promised.  In this paper he will seek to demonstrate that the early Christians also identified Jesus’ Shroud, typologically, with being a “tabernacle.”  The “sacred tent” (σκηνή) of the Shroud enabled Jesus to make the transition from His earthy existence into the Holy of Holies of the heavenly Sanctuary to present the sacrificial offering of His own blood.  Furthermore, again typologically, the Shroud was identified with His royal-priestly robe, having been consecrated by His sacrificial blood!  The earthly Shroud was a “type and shadow” of the heavenly robe!  With its miraculous image, the Shroud was viewed as being a link between the earthly and heavenly realities.

Conoscere il territorio: Arte e Storia delle Madonie, Atti delle III giornate di studio in memoria di Nico Marino (Cefalù - Campofelice di Roccella, 19-20 Ottobre 2012) a cura di Marco Failla, Giuseppe Fazio, Gabriele Marino, Cefalù 2015 (II ed. febbraio 2016)

The tabernacle of Moses and the temple of Solomon were intended as replicas of the cosmos, the true heavenly temple of God and every single detail aimed at a faithful symbolic reproduction of its model. All scriptural descriptions of an earthly or heavenly temple from Exodus to Revelation are perfectly consistent with a specific cosmography. The symbolic meanings of the construction and furnishing details of the Tabernacle are cleared and several cruces interpretum both in OT and NT find here an explanation for the first time.

Le descrizioni della presenza di Dio in cielo e in terra pervadono i due Testamenti. Benché mai esplicita, resta sottintesa una cosmografia, quale patrimonio comune dell'agiografo e dei suoi lettori, garanzia della comprensibilità e della pregnanza emotiva delle immagini utilizzate. Quale fosse esattamente questa cosmografia non è spiegato nei testi biblici, forse perché ovvio per i lettori oppure perché il linguaggio non doveva essere così esplicito da oscurare la natura analogica e teologica di queste descrizioni. La perdita di questo patrimonio culturale è causa di incertezze esegetiche che affliggono anche i commentatori del Nuovo Testamento e soprattutto quelli della Lettera agli Ebrei e dell'Apocalisse. Le fonti veterotestamentarie e giudaiche (fra cui Filone e Giuseppe Flavio) mostrano che per gli antichi ebrei cieli e terra formavano un unico cosmico tempio creato per lode di Dio e che la configurazione geometrica e gli arredi liturgici della Dimora di Mosè prima e del tempio di Gerusalemme poi ne erano una simbolica riproduzione in scala. Questo articolo illustra l'estrema accuratezza di questa corrispondenza, rendendo conto per la prima volta del significato simbolico di molti dettagli La topografia cosmica così acquisita trova conferma nelle fonti neotestamentarie e si rivela utilissima per chiarire alcuni dettagli poco comprensibili dell'Apocalisse.

Cuando la nube de fuego de dios se movió desde la cima del monte Sinaí hasta el tabernáculo recién construido, cubriendo la casa de Dios con humo y llenándola con su gloria (Éxodo 40:34), se alcanzó una cúspide en los tratos de Dios con la humanidad. En esta majestuosa escena, el libro de Éxodo termina con una reso-lución, aunque temporal e intermedia, a la historia del exilio de la humanidad del Edén narrada en Génesis 3. Además, el tabernáculo lleno de gloria también anticipaba la solu-ción definitiva de Dios a esa expulsión original a través de la persona y obra de Jesucristo. Al considerar la importancia del tabernáculo (y el templo posterior) en las Escrituras, será útil tener en cuenta dos puntos. Primero, el tabernáculo era la casa de Dios, el lugar de su morada. Las cortinas azul, púrpura y escarlata, el abundante uso de oro puro y un velo dividiendo sus dos habitaciones marcan el tabernáculo como el palacio del Rey Santísimo. Segundo, el tabernáculo también era el camino a Dios, sus rituales de sacrificio proporcionaban la expiación y limpieza necesarias para habitar con Dios. Una descripción

This article is an approach to the remains of a Gothic tabernacle-shrine discovered in the church of Santa Maria de Cap d’Aran (Tredos, Naut Aran, Lleida) on 2014. The fragments preserved are from a type of liturgical furniture well known in Europe, but which few examples have come down in the Iberian Peninsula. The research has been performed to confirm also that this tabernacle-shrine was chaired by a wood carving with the representation of a saint deacon, now kept at the Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya. The style of this sculpture, similar to the so-called «group of Comminges», and some details of the polychromy of the tabernacle-shrine, let us conclude that the realization of this type of liturgical furniture could be done by the same workshop, and this incorporates a new element to value the versatility of artisans who were part of the group.

A conspicuous feature of Jacopo Tintoretto's work is the large number of pairs and occasionally trios of paintings executed on canvas for the chancels and chapels of the churches of Venice.  This essay demonstrates how the subjects of the paintings relate to the eucharistic and charitable concerns of the patrons, the parish-based Scuole del Sacramento.

A lo largo de su historia el Imperio romano tuvo que hacer frente a numerosas revueltas, debido al enorme territorio que controlaba. De entre los pueblos que las protagonizaron, los hebreos se contaban entre los que con mayor insistencia lucharon por recuperar su independencia. En cuanto a los diversos conflictos que enfrentaron a judíos y romanos, la que, a la postre, seria recordada como la Primera Guerra Judeo-romana (66-73 d.C.) pasó a la historia como el más importante de todos. Ello se debe tanto a que requirió de la participación de dos futuros emperadores al mando de las tropas romanas que debían restablecer la paz en la provincia de Judea, Vespasiano y su hijo Tito, como al hecho de que la ciudad de Jerusalén y el Gran Templo que albergaba acabaron completamente destruidos.

En el año 66 d.C. numerosos factores se unieron al odio que sectores radicales hebreos sentían hacia sus conquistadores romanos, provocando la caída del procurador de Judea, Gesio Floro, y la derrota del Legado de Siria, Cestio Galo, en Beth Horón, quien acudió con sus tropas a pacificar la región sin conseguirlo. El movimiento fue cobrando fuerza tras estos éxitos, y Jerusalén se convirtió en el epicentro del independentismo judío. Roma no podía permanecer pasiva ante estos acontecimientos y Nerón envió allí a Vespasiano, un general experimentado, para acabar de una vez por todas con el problema. La resistencia implacable que demostraron los rebeldes y los problemas políticos que, durante ese tiempo, se produjeron en Roma, provocaron que la conquista final quedara en manos de su capaz hijo Tito quien, a la postre, consiguió conquistar Jerusalén y acabar con la revuelta. El gran triunfo que se celebró en Roma para conmemorar la victoria era lo que la nueva dinastía Flavia necesitaba para afianzar su poder. Sin embargo, la campaña no finalizó hasta el año 73 d.C., tras la toma de la fortaleza de Masada, donde los últimos insurrectos prefirieron suicidarse antes de ser derrotados. El enfrentamiento se saldaría con una enorme pérdida de vidas, tanto entre los soldados romanos como entre los insurrectos judíos y la población civil. Gracias a la obra de Flavio Josefo, podemos reconstruir lo sucedido para poder así conocer con detalle uno de los grandes episodios de la Historia Antigua.

Prendendo spunto da studi recenti sulla trasformazione dello spazio sacro fra tardo Medioevo e prima Età Moderna, questo articolo esamina alcuni casi di rimozione del coro dalla navata delle principali chiese medievali di Napoli. Un esempio precoce è offerto dalla chiesa del Carmine, in cui il coro fu trasferito in uno spazio sopraelevato all’ingresso nel 1480. L’iniziativa è riconducibile alla necessità di disporre di uno spazio sufficientemente ampio, adeguato al rango acquisito dalla chiesa nella seconda metà del secolo, quando l’edificio, ubicato nei pressi della grande piazza del Mercato, fu definitivamente inserito nel circuito murario e divenne meta di processioni e rituali pubblici, nonché sede di numerose corporazioni artigianali. La liberazione della navata favorì inoltre la massima visibilità di due immagini medievali di culto, l’icona della Madonna Bruna e il Crocifisso miracoloso, tuttora oggetto di devozione e fulcro visivo dell’intero edificio. Partendo da una testimonianza dello storico napoletano Giovanni Antonio Summonte, che attribuiva al frate domenicano Ambrogio Salvi il merito di avere attuato per primo a Napoli la liberazione della navata, si esaminano quindi altri casi di riconfigurazione del coro e del santuario in altre chiese mendicanti (San Pietro Martire, San Lorenzo Maggiore, Santa Chiara), oltre che nella cattedrale di Napoli e nelle principali basiliche urbane. L’iniziativa di Salvi in San Pietro Martire, di cui fu priore nel 1551, è ricondotta da Summonte alla maggiore comodità dei frati e dei laici, ma sulla base di altre fonti è possibile stabilire che, come in altri casi analoghi in Italia, l’operazione s’inquadrava nella più generale necessità di conferire massimo risalto all’altare maggiore, su cui Salvi fece collocare un tabernacolo eucaristico, presumibilmente riconducibile alla tipologia a tempietto adottata con sempre maggiore frequenza in età controriformistica. In San Lorenzo Maggiore, il coro fu invece rimosso in seguito a una delibera dei frati del 1563, mentre era priore Ottaviano Caro, che aveva partecipato alla fase conclusiva del Concilio di Trento. L’iniziativa fu motivata, come in san Pietro Martire e al Carmine, dalla necessità di “magnificare e adornare la chiesa” a vantaggio dei laici e dei frati, e aumentò la visibilità del grande altare marmoreo di Giovanni da Nola, celebrato nelle guide napoletane di età successiva per i suoi raffinati rilievi. Summonte scrive inoltre che il coro fu invece lasciato nella sua posizione originaria tanto in Santa Chiara, quanto in cattedrale. Nella prima, il coro fu mantenuto nella navata, sia perché l’edificio era già sufficientemente ampio, sia perché dietro l’altare si trovava la tomba di Roberto d’Angiò, fondatore della chiesa. L’importanza di questo monumento per la storia dell’edificio e della città intera è senza dubbio il motivo per cui si mantenne l’antico allestimento medievale, sebbene importanti novità si registrino a fine Cinquecento nella riconfigurazione dell’altare con la creazione di un ciborio sul modello delle basiliche romane e con l’istallazione di un tabernacolo eucaristico a tempietto, ritratto in una medaglia commemorativa della vittoria nella battaglia di Lepanto. In cattedrale invece, secondo Summonte, non si volle guastare "la bella proportione" dell'altare maggiore, giudizio evidentemente riferito all’allestimento del santuario concepito a inizio Cinquecento dal cardinale Oliviero Carafa. Anche in questo caso però sono documentate modifiche all’area presbiteriale per opera dell’arcivescovo Alfonso Gesualdo, che fece rimuovere le tombe dei sovrani angioini favorendo la creazione di un vero e proprio pantheon arcivescovile che enfatizzava il legame dell’episcopato cittadino con la tradizione cristiana delle origini anche attraverso un nuovo ciclo pittorico realizzato dal pittore Giovanni di Balducci raffigurante i primi santi vescovi di Napoli. Gesualdo fece anche rimuovere il coro dalla navata, ma il suo successore Decio Carafa, discendente di Oliviero e appartenente a un casato che aveva occupato quasi ininterrottamente la carica arcivescovile, lo fece ripristinare nella navata, ristabilendo così la tradizione antica e il prestigio familiare. Nel frattempo però il nuovo allestimento col coro posto dietro l’altare maggiore era stato adottato nelle principali basiliche urbane, San Giorgio Maggiore, Santa Maria Maggiore e San Giovanni Maggiore. In tutti questi edifici, successivamente ricostruiti o profondamente alterati, la rimozione del coro servì innanzitutto a favorire la visibilità del santuario, enfatizzando le antiche memorie visive della chiesa locale. Tutti questi casi dimostrano che la liberazione della navata e la maggiore enfasi sull’altare maggiore dipesero da fattori non sempre riconducibili alle norme post-conciliari, ed esprimevano un legame consapevole con la tradizione locale, aspetto fondante dell’identità cittadina.

Álvaro Dinis (Samuel Jachia) was a spiritual leader, founder of the Sephardic Community in Hamburg, known as «Nação Portuguesa». His book Trinta Discursos ou Darazes is a clear evidence of a religious identity that is consistent with Judaism and a linguistic identity with the Portuguese. It is the first Portuguese sermons published in Hamburg from the community members and expresses its importance to the Sephardic and Portuguese Cultures. The present study focuses on these sermons that combine characteristics of Jewish and Christian sermons.

Adam's path took him from enjoying the blessings of the middle of the garden to disobeying the Lord's command and being driven east and out of the garden, away from God's presence. On Yom Kippur, Aaron would reverse Adam's path by going west into the tabernacle, into the presence of the Lord in the most holy place.

The book takes you into the world of the biblical Tabernacle - the Tent of Meeting, the first Temple of Israel. You will learn how really looked and what was biblical Ark of the Covenant for. You will discover a world of theological ideas of the Pentateuch of the Old Testament.

Publication of a scientific nature. Author is a lecturer at the Pontifical University of John Paul II, a member of the Biblical Section of the Polish Society of Theology and of the Polish Biblical Association.


SUMMARY:
"The religion without ritual is inconceivable. The Tent of Meeting – Tabernacle of Glory – was the first temple of Israel, center of israelite ritual and worship. It was erected at the bottom of Mount Sinai after the convenant contracted with God. Moses was told to mirror the heavenly realm on the desert earth: You will make it all according to the design for the Dwelling and the design for its furnishings which I shall now show you (Ex 25:9).

The description of the Tabernacle (Ex 25-31; 35-40) belongs to so-called Priestly layer (P) of the Pentateuch. It occupys 13 long chapters of the Book of Exodus, as many as no other cultic object or event in the Bible. The description evidences striking similarities with the account of the building of the Solomonic temple (1 Kings 6f.), not only in the furniture but even in the measures. All the past time biblical scholars attributed the priority to the wilderness sanctuary. However, the unrealistic and formal style of P as compared with the realistic account of the temple building activities led J. Wellhausen (the Protestant, father of so-called “documentary hipotesis”) to conclude that the Tabernacle from Sinai, as described in P, was the copy – not the prototype – of the temple at Jerusalem. This opinion spreaded among the scholars. Further and more nowadays researches however, have shown that this conclusion is one-sided. In fact, the construction of the Tabernacle in the wilderness can no longer be regarded as a fiction of the late Priesty writers. Chapters 25-31 and 35-40 describe the system of worship with goes back to Moses and contain elements of great antiquity. With these are mixed others which reflect the development of worship in the course of the history of Israel. The composition and redaction of whole of the narrative is late.

Although it is not historical data which are the most important in elaborate account of the Tabernacle. One of it’s pivotal theological idea is the completion of God’s work of creation. We can notice conscious efforts of Priestly autor to join the account of the Tabernacle with the description of the creation of the world (Gen 1:1-2:4a), text also attribited to the Priestly tradition. Author of Exodus’ account achives it not only by using similar vocabulary and phrases, but also by using seven-fold pattern in dividing the Tabernacle’s description. The detailed exegetical investigation shows that the goal of this assimilation is as follows: the Tabernacle plays principal role in cosmos. Creation is not quite complete until the Tabernacle is built. The order of creation is not fully finished until Israelite society and the Tabernacle cult are constructed. In ancient Near Eastern cosmogonies (of which the priestly creation account in Gen 1 is a typical example) the apogee of creation is the construction of a sanctuary for the god-creator. In P this apogee is deferred to Exodus, especially to Ex 39-40. The extensive verbal and thematical parallels between Gen 1 and the Tabernacle account form an inclusio indicating that creation of the world and construction of the God’s Tent belong to a single narrative that culminates in the erection of the wilderness Yahweh’s sanctuary.

Priestly literature repetedly highlights the centrality of the Taberna-cle. It was located in the very centre of the Israelite camp, as P’s elaborate map in Numbers 2 makes clear. The inaugural ceremony for the Tabernacle (Ex 40 and Lev 8-10) – during which the Tabernacle was erected, the divine presence entered it in the sign of Glory, and its priesthood was installed – also attest to its pivotal position in Priestly theology. Tabernacle – like Sinai before – is the place of revelation of God’s law (Lev 1:1). It is a sacred center, dwelling of God.

Scholars have paid a great deal of attention to the descriptive dimensions and physical shapes of the tabernacle and temples (including the First and Second temples and Ezekiel’s vision of the temple), as well as with the form-critical similarities of these descriptions to ancient Near Eastern temple building descriptions. What has received less scholarly attention is the different ways in which the space of the tabernacle and temples is described. In this paper I will consider these differences and begin to argue that the differences in the ways space is described among these texts reflect the social and cultural systems out of which the texts arose and the concerns and anxieties of those systems.

ABSTRACT. Ralf van Bühren geht dem Kirchenbau nach, wie er sich von der Renaissance zum Barock entwickelt hat, und fragt nach dem Einfluss, den dabei das Konzil von Trient gespielt hat. Nicht jede Veränderung im Kirchenbau ist schon einer Reformabsicht geschuldet. Van Bühren kann aber an anschaulichen Beispielen zeigen, dass markante Veränderungen wenigstens indirekt auf die pastoralen Absichten des Trienter Konzils zurückgreifen. Dazu zählt anders als in den zahlreichen mittelalterlichen Stifts- und Klosterkirchen mit ihren Sichtbarrieren zwischen Klerus und Volk der helle Einheitsraum mit einem aus dem ganzen Kirchenschiff gut einsehbarem Altarbereich, der auf eine einheitliche Gottesdienstgemeinschaft zielt. Dazu zählt aber auch ein Hauptaltar, der durch seine künstlerische Ausstattung der zentrale Blickfang ist und sich sowohl für die liturgische Eucharistiefeier (Mensa) als auch für die devotionelle eucharistische Anbetung (Tabernakel) eignet. Die aktive Beteiligung aller Gläubigen (participatio actuosa) am Gottesdienst, die seit der Aufklärung als reformerische Forderung begegnet und dann von der Liturgischen Bewegung und dem Zweiten Vatikanischen Konzil aufgegriffen wurde, erfuhr bereits eine Vorwegnahme im barocken Kirchenbau durch die prominente Installation von Kanzel und Beichtstühlen im Langhaus, dem Raum für die Laiengläubigen. Insgesamt kann die gern diffamierte „Theatralität“ des barocken Kirchenraums als Ausdruck einer neuen Aufwertung der liturgischen Rolle der Laien gewürdigt werden.
(Stefan Heid, Vorwort)

„Tabernacle” or „Dwelling”. Hebrew term miškān משכן and principle of equivalence in Bible translating" -

Tabernacle in the desert, described in the Priestyly Source (P) of the Pentateuch, recives its Hebrew term: miškān. This hebrew word in every Polish translation (beside new „Biblia Paulistów”, where we read „Holy Dwelling”) is rendered as „Tabernacle”. Article explains the principle of equivalence (formal and dynamic) in Bible translating and demonstrate that the most adequate term for Hebrew miškān is Polish „mieszkanie” (Dwelling) and not „przybytek” (Tabernacle).

La renovación de la capilla mayor del convento dominico de La Orotava en torno a 1811 centra este artículo, analizando pormenorizadamente un dibujo de José de Betancourt y Castro (1757-1816) que puede vincularse con dicha reforma. Se documentan otras intervenciones arquitectónicas de su iglesia, el incremento del patrimonio conventual y la singularidad del retablo contratado en Sevilla por Cristóbal de Guadix (1650-1709) que venía presidiéndola desde la década de 1690.