The Gallic War

Tarih, yaşanmışlıklar kadar yaşanmışlıkların ifade edildiği yazı, anıt vs. ile var olur. Kimi zaman bir olayı anlatan üçüncü şahısın anlatımı tarihi büyük ölçüde belirler ama çoğu zaman yaşadığı tarihi anlatan kişi tarihi yazar. Çünkü o kişi sadece o tarihi anları yaşamakla kalmamıştır, aynı zamanda o anları yaratan tarihsel bir süreçten de gelmiştir. Bilincini, düşüncesini öğrendiği, yaşadığı uygarlık ve toplum belirlemiştir. Bundan dolayı anlattığı şeyler yalnızca o anki tarihsel olayı değil, aynı zamanda yaşadığı toplumu, uygarlığı, düşünce ve yazı biçimini kısaca diğer bir tarihi de anlatmaktadır.
Gaius Julius Caesar da yaşadığı tarihi bizzat kaleme alanlardan biridir. Gallia Savaşı adlı eserinde yaptığı savaşları, izlediği politikalar, Galya halklarını anlatmakla kalmamış arka planda ise Roma’nın dış politikasından Roma’daki iç çekişmelere, yaptığı kimi yanlışlıklardan kendini muaf tutmasından yaptığı hareketleri meşru göstermeye çalışmasına yazılmamış birçok detayı anlatmıştır. Bütün bunları ortaya çıkarmakta tarihçilere kalmıştır.

Coins and commerce in Northern Gaul
(2nd century BC - 5th century AD)

What is known about the monetary circulation and trade in Northern Gaul, from the period of Gallic Independence until the disappearance of the Roman Empire of the West? It appears that the use of coinage during trade, in commercial transactions, was a secondary function. Whether they were Gallic nobles or Roman emperors, usurpers or officials, the issuing
powers, that is to say the authorities who decided to strike and distribute currencies, were not
interested in trade and markets. They minted coinage only to pay their expenses. And these expenses
were always military first and foremost.The Gallic aristocrats sought to extend their power, and for this purpose they surrounded themselves with a numerous clientele of warriors and maintained alliances. It was for this purpose that they struck their heavy gold coins. The Roman emperors first struck money to pay for the legionaries, to build and maintain roads, harbours and fleets, enabling the legions to move rapidly from one border of the Empire to the other. But it was necessary that the recipients of the currencies could exchange it for the goods necessary for life: food, drinks, clothes, housing, heating... The circulation of coins could only lead to the monetisation of trade and, in the medium term, the establishment of structures allowing
such monetised exchanges, such as markets, and a division of labour between farmers, artisans and
merchants.

While Caesar’s Gallic War presents a clear depiction of Roman military doctrine against Celtic tribes at all levels of war, very few detailed maps exist which illustrate the tactical and operational aspects. Antonio Salinas’ mapping portfolio maps the entirety of Caesar’s Gallic War, illustrating Caesar’s legions at both the operational and tactical level, using Google Earth imagery and NATO symbology to effectively follow Caesar’s legions during their campaigns in Gaul, Germany, and southern England. The portfolio seeks to assist classicists and military historians alike in bringing Caesar’s Gallic War to life in a way never before seen.

Complete book, free, but under copyright and not to be sold. 200 idioms from DBG (Caesar's De Bello Gallico) are presented along with the original Latin context and the translation of that passage. This book can be used at all levels of Latin instruction as an inexpensive additional textbook or as a device for testing and expanding one's understanding of the language. It serves as an excellent refresher for former Latin students. Published at Academia.edu, February 8, 2021. It has also been incorporated as an appendix to Caesar Phrasebook, available at https://www.amazon.com/Caesar-Phrasebook-Claude-Pavur-ebook/dp/B00GT0ZOO2/ . The Kindle format puts each contextualized idiom on its own page, with the translation immediately available with a button press or page swipe.

The death of Caesar’s legates, Sabinus and Cotta, with their fifteen cohorts in 54 BC is the most significant defeat of Roman armies in Gaul. In his Commentarii, Caesar presents this setback as the result of one man’s fault : his legate Q. Titurius Sabinus. Behind Caesar’s propaganda, the tale of the clades Tituriana provides a rich source of information for an analysis of Roman legionaries combat experience. As it tells the story of an inevitable defeat, Caesar’s text provides details shaping the contours of this experience. The use of modern military psychiatry combined with an anthropological approach allows the reader to better identify the efficiency of the Roman legions and also their weaknesses and vulnerability.

A selection of an upcycled Latin prose composition book by Moses Daniell, republished for Kindles and other hardware. The answer key's solutions have been interleaved with the prose composition tasks so that immediate correction is available for those without a teacher. See the blurb and another preview at https://www.amazon.com/dp/B07C8GJQCV/ .

About 300 and the Latin translation of Asterix by Rubricastellanus (Karl-Heinz Graf von Rothenburg). Draft of the study "Asterix Gallus ad maiorem Caesaris famam", published in  "Intercod. Estetiche del fumetto, letteratura & cinema. Saggi di metodo e letture" = "IF. Rivista dell'insolito e del fantastico" 3, n. 8 (ottobre 2011), pp. 14-18.

Souvent qualifiée de « célèbre » ou de « fameuse », cette unité est sans doute la moins bien connue des légions césariennes.

Au détour d'une phrase de sa biographie de César, Suétone nous apprend qu'il a formé à ses frais une légion appelée Alauda (Alouette). Ses soldats étaient des pérégrins issus de Transalpine, qui n’ont reçu la citoyenneté romaine que bien après leur enrôlement. Comme aucune autre source  n’en parle jamais, à commencer par César lui-même, cette légion atypique a fait l’objet de nombreuses  hypothèses. En s’appuyant sur des sources épigraphiques d’époque impériale, on a ainsi supposé qu’elle devait correspondre à la Legio V mobilisée par César dans sa campagne africaine.

Un réexamen des sources permet toutefois de remettre en cause la pertinence de cette identification. Tandis qu’aucun élément ne permet d’affirmer qu’il a existé une Legio V Alaudae du vivant de César, un faisceau d’indices fait clairement pencher la balance en faveur d'une origine hispanique de la Legio V du Bellum Africum. Il y a en réalité de fortes chances pour que la « légion » gauloise évoquée par Suétone n'ait jamais été considérée comme une légion régulière de l'armée romaine.

La deuxième partie de ce travail de recherche s’efforce de comprendre qui étaient les soldats d’Antoine désignés par le terme « Alaudae » dans plusieurs textes de Cicéron. La façon dont cet auteur s’y prend pour critiquer leur accession à la troisième décurie judiciaire, sous l’impulsion d’Antoine, permet de déduire qu’il s’agissait sans doute de soldats d’origine italienne et non de Transalpins fraîchement promus citoyens. La  Legio V Alaudae pourrait avoir été créée par le triumvir, mais après les événements de 44 et 43 av. J.-C.

La troisième partie de cette étude se penche sur l’épineuse question des Legiones Quintae qui ont existé dans la période charnière entre République et Empire. Les données épigraphiques nous permettent de savoir qu’elles ont été associées à différents surnoms : Alaudae, Gallica, Macedonica et Urbana. Cette ultime partie s’intéresse ensuite plus particulièrement à la Ve légion impériale qui fut stationnée en Hispanie puis en Germanie, dont les sources semblent indiquer qu’elle n’a véritablement porté le nom de Legio V Alaudae qu’à partir du règne de Claude.

This article attempts to provide a realistic, securely contextualised estimate regarding the formation and extent of Posidonius of Apamea's (c. 135-51 BCE) contribution to the Greco-Roman tradition of ethnographic writing about the population groups of Europe - and his much-discussed 'Gallic ethnography' in particular.

The significance of being able to assess correctly the contents and the context of Posidonius' so-called 'ethnography' is obvious, especially when keeping in mind the optimistic and trusting tone that some past reconstructions of his fragments have exhibited. With all the accruing understanding of the tradition of ancient ethnographic writing, a critical eye must be cast at a contribution so often postulated as unsurpassed in its influence.

In this article, I submit the texts usually taken as Posidonian fragments to a reading informed by recent advances in the study of knowledge ordering (e.g. in eds. König & Whitmarsh 2007), information generation 'on the middle ground' (Woolf 2011), and the interplay of Greek writers and Roman audiences (Clarke 1999). There existed a wide range of interlocking 'middle grounds' which the ethnographical writers of the Late Republic navigated, even when they pursued goals to which ethnography was wholly subservient – as ancient ethnography nearly always was. Rather than being a record of his personal observations and meetings with Gauls, to a much greater extent the northern ethnography of Posidonius was constructed through literary processes based on his reading and his conversations with Romans and Greeks.

The Vangiones were first mentioned by Caesar. But what do we really know about them? There are lots of theories and speculations that are often presented as facts: Celts or Germans? Size of their territory? Their cults and material culture, etc.? ... These will be critically discussed in this little paper, published - for the general public - in the 'Almanac' of the City of Worms, 2007:
--- Die Vangionen wurden zum ersten Mal von Caesar erwähnt. Doch was wissen wir wirklich über die Vangionen? Viele der immer wieder gerne als Fakten zitierten Mutmaßungen sollen hier kritisch hinterfragt werden. Kelten oder Germanen? Größe ihres Territoriums? Ihre Religion, Kulte und materielle Kulture, in vorrömischer und römischer Zeit? Dies ist ein Artikel für ein allgemeines Publikum aus dem "Heimatjahrbuch" der Stadt Worms, 2007.

Found in Georgia, the Metcalf Stone describes the poisoning of all the Aeduimi chiefs, their families and prize war oxen at Lyon in France in the spring of 63 BC, an event that precipitated the Gallic War. It uses the same script and ideas presented in the Glozel Tablets, found near Vichy. In these tablets, nearly everyone is dead or has fled. Therefore a Gallic ship transported the scribe to America in 63 BC.

Abstract. - In 55 B.C., during the Gallic Wars, Caesar slaughtered the Usipetes and Tencteri at the confluence of the Meuse river and the Rhine river. That offensive has long been seen as a war crime. More recently, it has increasingly been described as a genocide. However, after studying the criticisms expressed in ancient sources, that definition seems inappropriate: accusations are of a different kind. This article therefore aims at a better understanding of the very meaning of that violence and its features. A historical approach inspired by sociological methods renews former viewpoints. For instance, not only Caesar’s, but also Plutarch's, Appian's and Cassius Dio’s writings are detailed enough to examine the way violence progressively bursts. They also allow to assess the key-role of the cavalry. Consequently, one has to reassess Caesar’s part in ordering the slaughter initiative. There seems indeed to be a gap between the account of the facts, overestimated by the controversy, and Caesar’s real part.

Résumé. - En 55 avant J.-C., lors de la guerre des Gaules, César massacre les Usipètes et les Tenctères au confluent de la Meuse et du Rhin. Cette offensive est depuis longtemps appréhendée comme un crime de guerre. Plus récemment, elle est de plus en plus souvent qualifiée de génocide. Toutefois, après examen des critiques rapportées par les sources antiques, cette désignation semble inadéquate : les dénonciations ne se situent pas sur ce registre. Cette étude a donc pour ambition de mieux évaluer le sens de cette violence et ses caractéristiques. Une approche historique inspirée des méthodes de la sociologie renouvelle les anciennes perspectives. Ainsi, les textes de César lui-même, mais également de Plutarque, Appien ou Dion Cassius, sont suffisamment détaillés pour analyser la progressivité avec laquelle la violence est engendrée. Ils permettent également de mesurer le poids décisif des réactions de la cavalerie. Dès lors, la place de César dans l’initiative du massacre doit être reconsidérée. Il existe notamment un décalage entre le récit, gonflé par la polémique, et le véritable rôle de César.

Mots-clés.- armée romaine, république romaine, guerre romaine, violence, génocide, massacre, cavalerie, César, Germains, Guerre des Gaules, Bellum Gallicum

Key-words. - Roman army, Roman Republic, Roman warfare, violence, genocide, slaughter, cavalry, Caesar, Germans, Gallic Wars, Bellum Gallicum

Abstract – Logistics and the autonomy of the Roman legions during the Ist century BC

The aim of this article is analyzing the logistical autonomy of the legions of the Ist century BC to precisely define its means and limits. Several elements allow the Roman armies to lead operations without depending on their rear bases. First, the legions carry their own supplies through the army train or individual loads (impedimenta and sarcinae). Then, the commanders can live directly off the land through foraging (frumentatio and pabulatio). Each element has its own limits, depending on its very own structure or on the situation. These limits do not allow the Roman armies to fully free themselves from logistical rear support.

Key words: logistics; legions; supply; autonomy; impedimenta; sarcinae; frumentatio; pabulatio; plunder.

SUMMARY: Focuses on the identity of " Apollo " in both Celtic and Greek mythology, the complications in timelines, limitations of resources, and Authors musing of what she thinks might be the case. ARTICLE: That's right, there are several versions of the God Apollo, but most come down to either Celtic or Greek versions. Granted, Celtic and Greek Mythology developed in similar manners. Starting in the Bronze Age as spoken legends and history shared for centuries. The question here, is why only Celtic and Greek? Who is the real Apollo? Information is added and deleted from resource-to-resource and not knowing when that version was written or even first spoken, it becomes a melting pot of variants. They contort in strange directions as they collide with other cultures and religions. In those early centuries, the Celts and Greeks had no interest in one another, let alone if they had knowledge of one another's existence. Eventually, a chain of events would drive the Celts to seek land to conquer towards the Mediterranean where they began to clash with one another. Due to this, most of the accounts involving Celtic mythology and early history is written by their enemies, the Romans. Greeks developed a written language and many of the temples throughout the land were tasked for being keepers of the written lore, legends, prophecies, and mythology. As for the Celts, it was another matter which written… READ MORE HERE:

Whatever one thinks of Julius Caesar and his motives behind writing his war commentaries, he has done posterity the service of giving a voice to an otherwise mute and unknowable cultural presence of the ancient world: the peoples of Gaul. Caesar deems his ‘barbarian’ opponents worthy of a voice in his narrative, even if that voice is fabricated and only serves to justify their subjugation. In the account of the Helvetii in Book 1, Divico provides the first instance of substantial enemy speech. This paper analyzes the way in which Divico’s words set the groundwork for a strong and carefully organized justification for the Helvetii campaign.
Divico enters at a midway point in the narrative, delivers his threat to Caesar, and then departs and is not heard of again. His purpose within the account is to voice a challenge to Rome and to Caesar, to which Caesar is then able to respond. However, Divico is not restricted to providing Caesar with a platform for defending Roman frontier policy. He is an equally convenient mouthpiece for any criticisms of Caesar back in Rome, allowing Caesar to defend himself while still maintaining an atmosphere of ‘us vs. them.’
When he enters the narrative, Divico assumes the position of enemy chieftain, even though his actual role appears to be that of respected warrior and elder rather than actual authority. But his significance rests on his former implication in the defeat of Cassius’ legions fifty years before [Radin; Moscovich]. Divico heads the Helvetii parlay following the destruction of the Tigurini by Caesar’s cavalry, ostensibly to reach a peace agreement. However, Divico’s words are anything but peaceful, and he goes so far as to threaten a disaster similar to that which befell Cassius. Divico’s voice characterizes the dangerous nature of Gallic temperament, legitimizing and necessitating subsequent Roman action [Otis].
Caesar’s limited use of Divico (for the old warrior does not appear again after his speech) is consciously symbolic. Divico’s arrival carries the associations of the past Roman iniuria, which Caesar couples with the private grievance – the death of his kinsman. Divico’s arrogant words allow Caesar to demonstrate how the private and public are aligned in his motivation, which in turn legitimizes his actions in the Republic’s best interest [Martin]. The use of a ‘foreign voice’ also avoids the petty pointing of fingers, enabling Caesar to counter claims brought against him without identifying the original claimant as a Roman [Murphy]. By using Divico to necessitate a reply, Caesar maintains the focus of a foreign enemy while still effectively defending himself against his critics back in Rome.
The ‘foreign voice’ argument in this paper follows the same line of thought which Andrew Riggsby has so aptly used in his book Caesar in Gaul and Rome. Caesar “displaces the burden of argument” within the text and avoids the appearance of overt self-justification (Riggsby 214). Yet whereas Riggsby focuses on Caesar’s use of intertext to craft a subtle argument, this paper analyzes Caesar’s use of the non-Roman voice as justification for himself and for Rome’s presence in Gaul.

Presented at APA Conference in 2015 - adapted from chapter of undergraduate honors thesis.

The paper describes one of the episodes of Julius Cesar’s Belgian campaign. The battle at the river Sabis in which Romans clashed with Nervii tribe and its allies could end with disastrous defeat due to mistakes of Roman commander. Only discipline and courage of legionaries saved the day for the Romans. Victory at the river Sabis enabled Cesar to continue with the campaign to subdue Gaulish tribes.

La localisation de la Gergovia antique et des ouvrages du siege cesarien est admise depuis plusieurs annees, au moins au sein de la communaute scientifique. Une mission d’expertise conduite au milieu des annees 1990 a en effet permis de valider le trace d’une partie des fortifications tel qu’il avait ete decrit a l’issue des recherches du Second Empire. La multiplication des interventions archeologiques dans ce secteur du bassin clermontois permet de preciser le trace du dispositif militaire installe en 52 av. J.-C. La mise au jour de nouveaux vestiges immobiliers (fosses, sepulture humaine et ensevelissements de chevaux, troncons de voies) et mobiliers (militaria tardo-republicains) permet en effet de mieux cerner l’emprise du champ de bataille. Elle conduit a formuler des hypotheses nouvelles quant au deroulement du siege de l’oppidum.

The article deals with the problem of seniority of Crassus’ sons. The author argues that, contrary to the opinion of several modern researchers, Marcus was the elder son of Crassus born in the first half of 85 B.C., and Publius was the younger son born in 82 or 81 B.C. The latter didn’t hold quaestorship or enter the senate. Nevertheless he served in Gaul under Caesar earlier than his elder brother. The supposed reason is Publius’ attachment to Cicero and his attempts to prevent the exile of the latter which troubled Crassus who was a political enemy of the orator. When Publius returned from Gaul, Cicero’s influence on him weakened and he began to support his father in political and military affairs.

Colloque "Civils et combattants de l'Antiquité au XXIe siècles"
Comité d'Histoire Régionale, service de la Région Grand Est
29 et 30 novembre 2019
Château de Sedan
http://patrimoinesethistoire.grandest.fr/chr/programmation/les-colloques-du-chr/civils-et-combattants.html

At the end of the Gallic Wars in 52 BC Caesar led his legions to the hilltop town of Alesia in Burgundy; inside were over 80,000 Gallic soldiers and civilians commanded by the charismatic leader Vercingetorix. The Roman's decided to starve the defenders out in what has become one of history's most dramatic sieges. This article relates these events and describes the new museum and visitor centre which opened there in 2012.

Exobnos tribe at Danebury was only a minor tribal power shown from limited archaeological footprint, like much of the Belgae divided into smaller less centralised tribes as shown by the variation of coinage found in Hampshire at this time. Various Belgic tribes that had migrated from

La localisation de la Gergovia antique et des ouvrages du siège césarien est admise depuis plusieurs années, au moins au sein de la communauté scientifique. Une mission d’expertise conduite au milieu des années 1990 a en effet permis de valider le tracé d’une partie des fortifications tel qu’il avait été décrit à l’issue des recherches du Second Empire. La multiplication des interventions archéologiques dans ce secteur du bassin clermontois permet de préciser le tracé du dispositif militaire installé en 52 av. J.-C. La mise au jour de nouveaux vestiges immobiliers (fossés, sépulture humaine et ensevelissements de chevaux, tronçons de voies) et mobiliers (militaria tardo-républicains) permet en effet de mieux cerner l’emprise du champ de bataille. Elle conduit à formuler des hypothèses nouvelles quant au déroulement du siège de l’oppidum.

The article above one of Gaius Julius Caesar's campaigns conducted during the conquest of Gaul, where faced with Gaulish maritime tribes. It has been discussed operations on  both land  and sea, which this Roman General conducted  against Veneti from the Armocinan peninsula. It also contains a description of the armed actions of legate Quintus Titurius Sabinus in the area of „Normandy" tribes.