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... This has been largely the result of the local government's aggressive marketing of the region for nature tourism and ethnic tourism purposes. In 1999 the number of tourists visiting Yunnan's northwestern Diqing Prefecture... more
... This has been largely the result of the local government's aggressive marketing of the region for nature tourism and ethnic tourism purposes. In 1999 the number of tourists visiting Yunnan's northwestern Diqing Prefecture reached ...
Since Xi Jinping became China’s paramount leader in 2012, his top domestic priority has been the strengthening of the Chinese Communist Party’s power over government, economy, and society. This extends to village life, where a... more
Since Xi Jinping became China’s paramount leader in 2012, his top domestic priority has been the strengthening of the Chinese Communist Party’s power over government, economy, and society. This extends to village life, where a decades-long experiment with direct elections is being unwound by new efforts to establish Party control at the rural grassroots level. This essay draws on first-hand observation and Chinese sources to examine the ongoing CCP strategy for reestablishing party dominance over village affairs.
Since Xi Jinping became China’s paramount leader in 2012, his top domestic priority has been the strengthening of the Chinese Communist Party’s power over government, economy, and society. This extends to village life, where a... more
Since Xi Jinping became China’s paramount leader in 2012, his top domestic priority has been the strengthening of the Chinese Communist Party’s power over government, economy, and society. This extends to village life, where a decades-long experiment with direct elections is being unwound by new efforts to establish Party control at the rural grassroots level. This essay draws on first-hand observation and Chinese sources to examine the ongoing CCP strategy for reestablishing party dominance over village affairs.
In his first term (2012–2017), Xi Jinping’s signature domestic policy was an anti-corruption campaign that targeted political enemies and venality in public office. The anti-corruption work has continued in his second term while being... more
In his first term (2012–2017), Xi Jinping’s signature domestic policy was an anti-corruption campaign that targeted political enemies and venality in public office. The anti-corruption work has continued in his second term while being superseded in domestic political importance by a campaign to “Sweep Away Black and Eliminate Evil (2018–2020).” On the surface, the campaign to Sweep Away Black and Eliminate Evil is an anti-crime campaign that focuses on the “black and evil forces” of organized crime and their official protectors, but its scope extends well beyond the ganglands to target a wide range of social and political threats to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Drawing on interviews with government officials, police and citizens as well as analysis of policy documents, this paper argues that the campaign is a populist initiative designed to bolster CCP legitimacy and serve as a mechanism of social control. Like the Chongqing prototype that inspired it, however, the campaign ha...
This essay examines the role of language and concepts in peace-building processes. It shows how different understandings of a particular term - "all-inclusiveness" have undermined Myanmar's peace... more
This essay examines the role of language and concepts in peace-building processes. It shows how different understandings of a particular term - "all-inclusiveness" have undermined Myanmar's peace process. Initially the principle of "all-inclusiveness" represented a commitment to the inclusion of all ethnic armed organizations in a nation-wide ceasefire agreement that would serve as a basis for reconciliation, political dialogue and negotiation over constitutional reform. This article documents how different interpretations of the term became a stumbling block for peace. The case study highlights the importance of language and shared understanding as a base for cross-ethnic political dialogue.
Article preprint. Accepted for publication in Territory, Politics, Governance, 12 October 2020. ABSTRACT: This article examines the urbanization of Tibet. We argue that urbanization is a new technique of colonial governance for the... more
Article preprint. Accepted for publication in Territory, Politics, Governance, 12 October 2020. ABSTRACT: This article examines the urbanization of Tibet. We argue that urbanization is a new technique of colonial governance for the Chinese Communist Party in the People's Republic of China (PRC), and is characterized by what Yen Le Espiritu calls 'differential inclusion': a form of forcible incorporation resulting in particular spaces and populations being "deemed integral to the nation… only or precisely because of their designated subordinate standing." We explore how urbanization achieves the differential inclusion of Tibet and Tibetans through three distinct processes: <em>segregation</em> (the separation of Tibetan and Han Chinese spaces), <em>congregation</em> (the creation of Tibetan-dominated towns), and <em>negation</em> (urbanization as an administrative process that undermines Tibetan political autonomy). We argue t...
This essay examines the role of language and concepts in peace-building processes. It shows how different understandings of a particular term - "all-inclusiveness" have undermined Myanmar's peace process. Initially the principle of... more
This essay examines the role of language and concepts in peace-building processes. It shows how different understandings of a particular term - "all-inclusiveness" have undermined Myanmar's peace process. Initially the principle of "all-inclusiveness" represented a commitment to the inclusion of all ethnic armed organizations in a nation-wide ceasefire agreement that would serve as a basis for reconciliation, political dialogue and negotiation over constitutional reform. This article documents how different interpretations of the term became a stumbling block for peace. The case study highlights the importance of language and shared understanding as a base for cross-ethnic political dialogue.
Since returning to democracy in 1999, Indonesia has introduced direct elections for president, national and sub-national parliaments, and local government executives. While all of these elections have been successful from a number of... more
Since returning to democracy in 1999, Indonesia has introduced direct elections for president, national and sub-national parliaments, and local government executives. While all of these elections have been successful from a number of perspectives—e.g. high voter turnouts, low levels of violence and the peaceful transfer of power, they have also been marred by serious shortcomings in electoral governance. During parliamentary and presidential elections in 2009 and local exe cutive elections in 2010 problems appeared at every stage of the election process from voter registration through to vote counting. Millions of eligible voters were found to be omitted from electoral rolls while thousands of ineligible voters were included in the lists. Forty two of Indonesia’s 44 competing political parties filed complaints over vote counting, prompting Kompas—Indonesia’s leading newspaper— to declare the April 2009 parliamentary elections to be the worst since 1999 (Kompas 2009).1 The presidenti...
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... For Guangdong, see Sulamith Heins Potter and Jack M. Potter, China's Peasants: the Anthropology of a Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press ... This isolation continued up to the late 1990s, as roads were few and poor... more
... For Guangdong, see Sulamith Heins Potter and Jack M. Potter, China's Peasants: the Anthropology of a Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press ... This isolation continued up to the late 1990s, as roads were few and poor and became impassable every rainy season. ...
This article explores the role of masculinity in articulating ethnic Tibetan identity in China. Based on interviews with Tibetans and Han Chinese in a Tibetan autonomous prefecture in China's southwest and on an examination of recent... more
This article explores the role of masculinity in articulating ethnic Tibetan identity in China. Based on interviews with Tibetans and Han Chinese in a Tibetan autonomous prefecture in China's southwest and on an examination of recent Chinese publications, the study explores the dialogue between Tibetans’ own perceptions of their ethnic identity and public representations of that identity. While previous scholarship has highlighted the role that ethnic minorities play in constructing a Chinese national identity, the authors demonstrate that minorities, too, construct their ethnic identities in contradistinction to a majority Other. This process is integral to the production of a local knowledge and history that runs parallel to state-sponsored discourses of the nation and its composite nationalities.
Review(s) of: Doing Business in Rural China: Liangshan's New Ethnic Entrepreneurs, by Thomas Heberer. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2007. xii + 268 pp. US$50.00/ 29.00 (hardcover).
Review(s) of: Lhasa: Streets with Memories, by Robert Barnett. New York: Columbia University Press, 2006, xiii + 219 pp. US$24.50/ 16.00 (Hardcover).
This article examines the urbanization of Tibet. We argue that urbanization is a new technique of colonial governance for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), and is characterized by what Yen Le... more
This article examines the urbanization of Tibet. We argue that urbanization is a new technique of colonial governance for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), and is characterized by what Yen Le Espiritu calls ‘differential inclusion’: a form of forcible incorporation resulting in particular spaces and populations being ‘deemed integral to the nation … only or precisely because of their designated subordinate standing’. We explore how urbanization achieves the differential inclusion of Tibet and Tibetans through three distinct processes: segregation (the separation of Tibetan and Han Chinese spaces), congregation (the creation of Tibetan-dominated towns) and negation (urbanization as an administrative process that undermines Tibetan political autonomy). We argue that these three processes form an integrated strategy of colonial governance aimed at achieving differential inclusion. We conclude by arguing that our case study of the urbanization of Tibet offers a model for thinking about the role urbanization plays in enforcing differential inclusion as a means of colonial governance elsewhere in the PRC, and beyond.

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