- Eftichia Teperoglou studied political sciences and history at Panteion University, Athens. In 2008 she completed her ... moreEftichia Teperoglou studied political sciences and history at Panteion University, Athens. In 2008 she completed her PhD at the Department of Political Science and Public Administration, University of Athens. From 2009 to 2014 she worked as researcher at the Center for European Social research (MZES), University of Mannheim, Germany, and for three years she carried out post-doctoral research at the Center for Research and Studies in Sociology, University institute of Lisbon, Portugal (CIES-IUL). In addition she has worked for a number of years in research projects at the National Centre for Social Research (ΕΚΚΕ). In September 2015 she took up the position of Lecturer at the School of Political Sciences with subject area “Political Sociology”. She represents Greece in the foremost European and international research networks for the study of elections and political elites. She has published in international scholarly periodicals and collective works. Her main recent publications include the monograph The other “national” elections. Analysis of the Euro elections in Greece 1981-2014 (Papazisis, International and European Politics series, Athens 2016) as well as editing (with Hermann Schmitt) the collective work The 2014 European Parliament Elections in Southern Europe: still Second-Order or Critical Contests?, South European Society and Politics series, Routledge.edit
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After the elections of 2009 no funding was available for the Greek candidate study. None of the parties have given to the research team the email addresses of their candidates. PASOK as new government was occupied with many problems, the... more
After the elections of 2009 no funding was available for the Greek candidate study. None of the parties have given to the research team the email addresses of their candidates. PASOK as new government was occupied with many problems, the conservative party (ND) had to elect a new leader and the other three parties of the Parliament have not been responsive to the invitations by the research team. The project was initially abandoned, but later a member of the research team at the Laboratory of Applied Political Research, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, using an email harvester (e.g. a computer program used to collect email addresses) was able to collect some of the email addresses and he decided to invite the candidates to participate to a web survey in March of 2010. Since only the two major Greek parties had the email addresses of their candidates and MPs on their websites, the sample consists only from PASOK and ND candidates and MPs. This was the first wave of data collection for the Hellenic (Greek) Candidate Study 2009. This effort resulted in 167 responses. The second wave included face to face interviews and it resulted to 28 completed questionnaires, i.e. the total sample consists of 195 cases. <br> <br> <br> <br> <br>
The Hellenic Panel Component of the Voter Study of the European Election Study 2014 (EES2014) is part of European project covering Portugal, Spain, France, Italy, Greece, Austria, Britain, Bulgaria, Germany, the Netherlands Sweden, and... more
The Hellenic Panel Component of the Voter Study of the European Election Study 2014 (EES2014) is part of European project covering Portugal, Spain, France, Italy, Greece, Austria, Britain, Bulgaria, Germany, the Netherlands Sweden, and Denmark. The research question behind this initiative is the possibility of lasting re-alignments (or de-alignments as the case may be) that may be initiated by the 2014 European Parliament election. The causes of such potential realignments are, of course, not the election itself but the sovereign debt crises and its consequences in a number of European Union member countries, plus the migration issue as a consequence of single market regulations. In order to identify such realignments, we are interested in comparing the voting behaviour of respondents in the European Parliament election of May 2014 with the subsequent 1st order national election vote (“vote” here refers to both participation and party choice).
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EnglishThe article examines the profile of the electoral basis of the three most successful examples of anti-establishment parties in Southern Europe, namely the Coalition of Radical Left (SYRIZA) in Greece, the Movimiento Cinque Stelle... more
EnglishThe article examines the profile of the electoral basis of the three most successful examples of anti-establishment parties in Southern Europe, namely the Coalition of Radical Left (SYRIZA) in Greece, the Movimiento Cinque Stelle (M5S) in Italy and Podemos in Spain. These parties share the implementation of a non-right populist discourse rooted in the social-protest movements in each country. Using data from the European Election Study 2014, our analysis reveals that despite the fact that these voters have been described as "euro-critical" and "non-ideological", our main finding is that their electoral support mostly rests on ideology and on the distrust and disapproval of the national establishment. EnglishEl articulo examina el perfil de las bases electorales de los tres ejemplos mas exitosos de partidos "antielite" de izquierda en el Sur de Europa: la Coalicion de Izquierda Radical (SYRIZA) en Grecia, el Movimiento Cinco Estrellas (M5S) en Italia y Podemos en Espana. Estos partidos tienen en comun la implementacion de un discurso populista no de derechas con conexiones en los movimientos de protesta de cada uno de sus paises. Utilizando datos de la European Elections Study 2014, nuestro analisis revela que a pesar del hecho de que estos votantes han sido descritos como "eurocriticos" y "desideologizados", nuestro principal hallazgo es que su apoyo electoral descansa principalmente en la ideologia y falta de apoyo a las elites nacionales.
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In Greece the 2019 European Parliament elections took place on May 26th, together with municipal and regional elections. The governmental party of the radical left SYRIZA suffered severe losses, whilst the centre-right party of New... more
In Greece the 2019 European Parliament elections took place on May 26th, together with municipal and regional elections. The governmental party of the radical left SYRIZA suffered severe losses, whilst the centre-right party of New Democracy (ND) increased its electoral strength and gained a plurality for the first time since the 20122015 period. The outcome of the election had immediate consequences for the national electoral arena. On the night of the election, the Greek PM Alexis Tsipras called for snap elections (four months ahead) to be held on 7 July 2019.
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The 2009 Hellenic (Greek) National Election Voter Study was conducted with the CSES Module 3 common questionnaire using telephone interviews in the period between 10 December 2009 and 18 December 2009. The telephone interviews have been... more
The 2009 Hellenic (Greek) National Election Voter Study was conducted with the CSES Module 3 common questionnaire using telephone interviews in the period between 10 December 2009 and 18 December 2009. The telephone interviews have been conducted by OPINION SA and the study was funded by the School of Political Sciences, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. The sample was selected to be representative of the Greek population aged 18-89 years old with voting rights, Greek nationality and to cover all regions of Greece (mainland and Greek islands). Appropriate software was used to randomly select the sample from the data base telephone list by area proportional to total population. <br>
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Considering the “new” Southern European democracies (Greece, Portugal and Spain), this article has three main objectives. First, the article tests the short‐term and the long‐term impacts of national factors on voting behaviour in... more
Considering the “new” Southern European democracies (Greece, Portugal and Spain), this article has three main objectives. First, the article tests the short‐term and the long‐term impacts of national factors on voting behaviour in European Parliament (EP) elections. ...
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This is a data set of a representative survey conducted in 29 EU member countries. It containes some 30 000 interviews, is documented in the English language, and freely available to members of the scientic community for secondary analysis.
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Across many countries a central element of political competition is arising from the multilevel dynamics of electoral politics. The evolution of this sub-field of electoral research has been especially relevant in electoral studies of... more
Across many countries a central element of political competition is arising from the multilevel dynamics of electoral politics. The evolution of this sub-field of electoral research has been especially relevant in electoral studies of federal states (e.g., Belgium, Canada, Germany, the US or Spain). Moreover, it is also related to a shift of authority from the national to the subnational or supranational level. This increased relocation of authority to govern is generally challenging the role of the democratic nation-state (Hooghe et al. 2010). This is all the more the case in the European Union (EU), which has become one of the most characteristic examples of multi-level politics, with supranational, national and subnational levels of jurisdiction cooperating and to some degree competing with one another. Under these circumstances, one research question for this chapter is about the relationship (or “interdependency”) between elections at these different levels of government. Another question is whether “electoral actors” exhibit different motivations and behaviors depending on the level of jurisdiction at which an election is held (van der Eijk and Schmitt 2008). In order to explore these questions, many scholars have put forward two groups of contextual variables – one being the character and importance of the electoral contest, and the other being the political climate in the “main” political arena at the time of the election under study. The first group of contextual variables includes the perceived political importance (or salience) of the office(s) to be filled. National parliamentary elections or those for a president with executive powers are contests of “high salience” (or “high stimulus” elections), while all other types of elections are of “low salience” (or “low stimulus” elections) (see Campbell 1960 for this distinction). The political climate includes various short-term aspects related to the timing of the “low stimulus” election within the electoral cycle of the main political arena (such as the popularity of the government (see, for example, Stimson 1976); or the state of the economy (see, for example, Tufte 1975).
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This article focuses on the 2009 European Parliament elections in Italy, Greece, Spain, Portugal, Cyprus and Malta. First, it presents the general background and key issues of the electoral campaigns in these six countries. Second, it... more
This article focuses on the 2009 European Parliament elections in Italy, Greece, Spain, Portugal, Cyprus and Malta. First, it presents the general background and key issues of the electoral campaigns in these six countries. Second, it tries to answer the question of ...
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Research Interests: Sociology, Economics, Political Economy, Southern Europe, Political Science, and 15 moreIdeology, European Politics, Democracy, Elections, Elections and Voting Behavior, Greece, Economic Crisis, Blame, Unification, Historical Studies, European Parliament elections, South European Society and Politics, General Election, Primary Election, and Victory
Research Interests: Sociology, Political Science, Modern Greece, Modern Greek Politics, Elections, and 10 morePartisanship, Polarisation, Historical Studies, Greek Elections, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, South European Society and Politics, Southern European politics and government, Affective Polarization, Ideological Polarization, and Negative Partisanship
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EES 2014 Post-Election Survey ist eine Kooperation zwischen der European Election Studies Association (EES-A) und dem Europäischen Parlament (EP). Der Datensatz ist eine Kombination zweier Fragenblöcke: Items, die im Namen der Variablen... more
EES 2014 Post-Election Survey ist eine Kooperation zwischen der European Election Studies Association (EES-A) und dem Europäischen Parlament (EP). Der Datensatz ist eine Kombination zweier Fragenblöcke: Items, die im Namen der Variablen mit ´qp´ beginnen, wurden vom Europäischen Parlament finanziert und verantwortet; Items, die im Namen der Variablen mit ´qpp´ beginnen, wurden von der EES-A finanziert und verantwortet. Wahlverhalten. Allgemeine politische Einstellungen und Verhalten. Politische Parteien. Mediennutzung. Institutionen. EU-Integration. Werteorientierung. Politisches Wissen. Themen: 1. Wahlverhalten: Beteiligung an der Europawahl; Parteipräferenz und Wahlverhalten; Zeitpunkt der Wahlentscheidung; Gründe für die Beteiligung an der Europawahl; Politikfelder, die zur Wahlbeteiligung geführt haben; Zeitpunkt der Entscheidung gegen eine Beteiligung an der Europawahl und Gründe für diese Entscheidung; ausreichende Informiertheit vor der Wahlentscheidung; nationale Wahl: Beteiligung an der letzten nationalen Wahl und Wahlverhalten; Parteipräferenz (Sonntagsfrage); Einschätzung der Wahrscheinlichkeit ausgewählte Parteien zu wählen. 2. Parteiidentifikation: Parteinähe und Parteiidentifikation. 3. Engagement und Mobilisierung: Häufigkeit der Rezeption von Fernsehprogrammen über die Europawahlen, des Lesens von Zeitungsartikeln über die Europawahlen, von Gesprächen im Freundeskreis über die Europawahlen, der Teilnahme an öffentlichen Versammlungen zu den Europawahlen und der Intenetnutzung für Informationen über die Europawahlen; während des Wahlkampfs von einem Kandidaten oder einer Parteiorganisation kontaktiert worden; Teilnahme an einer Demonstration; Interesse an nationaler, lokaler und Europäischer Politik. 4. Mediennutzung: Rezeption von Wahlkampagnen zur Europawahl in den Medien; Rezeptionshäufigkeit von Nachrichtensendungen im Fernsehen, im Internet und in der Tageszeitung; gelesene Zeitungen und Häufigkeit pro Woche. 5. Institutionen: EU-Institutionenvertrauen; Europäisches Parlament kümmer [...]
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The second-order election (SOE) model as originally formulated by Reif and Schmitt (1980) suggests that, relative to the preceding first-order election result, turnout is lower in SOEs, government and big parties lose, and small and... more
The second-order election (SOE) model as originally formulated by Reif and Schmitt (1980) suggests that, relative to the preceding first-order election result, turnout is lower in SOEs, government and big parties lose, and small and ideologically extreme parties win. These regularities are not static but dynamic and related to the first-order electoral cycle. These predictions of the SOE model have often been tested using aggregate data. The fact that they are based on individual-level hypotheses has received less attention. The main aim of this article is to restate the micro-level hypotheses for the SOE model and run a rigorous test for the 2004 and 2014 European elections. Using data from the European Election Studies voter surveys, our analysis reveals signs of sincere, but also strategic abstentions in European Parliament elections. Both strategic and sincere motivations are also leading to SOE defection. It all happens at once.
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After the elections of 2009 no funding was available for the Greek candidate study. None of the parties have given to the research team the email addresses of their candidates. PASOK as new government was occupied with many problems, the... more
After the elections of 2009 no funding was available for the Greek candidate study. None of the parties have given to the research team the email addresses of their candidates. PASOK as new government was occupied with many problems, the conservative party (ND) had to elect a new leader and the other three parties of the Parliament have not been responsive to the invitations by the research team. The project was initially abandoned, but later a member of the research team at the Laboratory of Applied Political Research, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, using an email harvester (e.g. a computer program used to collect email addresses) was able to collect some of the email addresses and he decided to invite the candidates to participate to a web survey in March of 2010. Since only the two major Greek parties had the email addresses of their candidates and MPs on their websites, the sample consists only from PASOK and ND candidates and MPs. This was the first wave of data collection for the Hellenic (Greek) Candidate Study 2009. This effort resulted in 167 responses. The second wave included face to face interviews and it resulted to 28 completed questionnaires, i.e. the total sample consists of 195 cases. <br><br><br><br><br>
This is a data set of a representative survey conducted in 29 EU member countries. It containes some 30 000 interviews, is documented in the English language, and freely available to members of the scientic community for secondary analysis.
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ABSTRACT The article examines the four electoral contests (municipal, regional, European, and parliamentary) that took place in Greece in 2019 through the prism of the growing polarisation that has dominated Greek political life since the... more
ABSTRACT The article examines the four electoral contests (municipal, regional, European, and parliamentary) that took place in Greece in 2019 through the prism of the growing polarisation that has dominated Greek political life since the early 2010s. It is argued that with these elections, the decade-long political cycle that began with the economic crisis came to its conclusion. The new party system resembles the pre-crisis one, featuring a return of two-partyism, single-party governments, and competition along the left-right dimension. However, the legacy of the crisis period remains present, as the ‘new’ two-party system continues to be characterised by high degrees of affective polarisation and negative partisanship.
Research Interests: Sociology, Political Science, Modern Greece, Modern Greek Politics, Elections, and 10 morePartisanship, Polarisation, Historical Studies, Greek Elections, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, South European Society and Politics, Southern European politics and government, Affective Polarization, Ideological Polarization, and Negative Partisanship
The purpose of this paper is to offer a comprehensive account of the structure of ideological space in Southern Europe and contribute to the ongoing discussion concerning the impact of globalization on the domestic politics of European... more
The purpose of this paper is to offer a comprehensive account of the structure of ideological space in Southern Europe and contribute to the ongoing discussion concerning the impact of globalization on the domestic politics of European countries. We analyze party manifestos from European elections in Italy, Greece, Spain and Portugal using multidimensional scaling. Even though our findings largely support the hypothesis that components of the globalization divide tend to transform the content of the traditional cultural-political dimension, we observe that this transformation occurs in different ways across national contents.
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Abstract The victory of the radical-left SYRIZA in the September 2015 election confounded expectations given the failure of the SYRIZA–ANEL government formed in January either to deliver on its central promise of reversing austerity... more
Abstract The victory of the radical-left SYRIZA in the September 2015 election confounded expectations given the failure of the SYRIZA–ANEL government formed in January either to deliver on its central promise of reversing austerity policies or to capitalise on its major victory in the July referendum. The article examines both the election and the referendum that preceded it, offering an explanation for SYRIZA’s victory. It also attempts to trace the trajectory of the current party system in Greece and its ongoing realignment process in light of the 2015 electoral contests and the busy political timeline since the formation of the first SYRIZA–ANEL government.
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ABSTRACT This article examines the political effects of the global economic recession on Greece in the period from 2010 up to the last weeks of the campaign period for the national elections of 6 May 2012. Our objectives are threefold.... more
ABSTRACT This article examines the political effects of the global economic recession on Greece in the period from 2010 up to the last weeks of the campaign period for the national elections of 6 May 2012. Our objectives are threefold. First we seek to contextualize its impact and show how the Greek party system departed from the nearly three decades of stability after 2009 and entered a period electoral fluidity and dealignment. Second we identify the demographic and structural characteristics of that dealignment process. Finally we interpret and compare the effect of the economic crisis and other issues on vote choice in the 2012 general election.
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This paper focuses on the 2004 European Election in Greece. In the first part of the paper we try to answer whether this election is consistent with the second-order election (SOE) model. Participation in the European Election is compared... more
This paper focuses on the 2004 European Election in Greece. In the first part of the paper we try to answer whether this election is consistent with the second-order election (SOE) model. Participation in the European Election is compared with that in the March 2004 General Election and we present the trends in participation in various types of elections (European and General ones from 1981 to 2004 and Prefecture ones since 1994). Next we examine the losses in the share of votes for the governmental and big parties and the electoral appeal of the smaller ones. The main conclusion is that the hypotheses of the SOE model are verified. Therefore, the 2004 European Election in Greece was a SOE. Since the answer to the first question is affirmative, the main question that runs through the second part of our paper is an attempt to extend this question one step further: Second-order election, for whom? In other words, we want to find if all voters treated the election as a SOE. We attempt ...
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Across many countries a central element of political competition is arising from the multilevel dynamics of electoral politics. The evolution of this sub-field of electoral research has been especially relevant in electoral studies of... more
Across many countries a central element of political competition is arising from the multilevel dynamics of electoral politics. The evolution of this sub-field of electoral research has been especially relevant in electoral studies of federal states (e.g., Belgium, Canada, Germany, the US or Spain). Moreover, it is also related to a shift of authority from the national to the subnational or supranational level. This increased relocation of authority to govern is generally challenging the role of the democratic nation-state (Hooghe et al. 2010). This is all the more the case in the European Union (EU), which has become one of the most characteristic examples of multi-level politics, with supranational, national and subnational levels of jurisdiction cooperating and to some degree competing with one another. Under these circumstances, one research question for this chapter is about the relationship (or “interdependency”) between elections at these different levels of government. Anoth...
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Το βιβλίο της Ευτυχίας Τεπέρογλου επιχειρεί να προσφέρει μια πρωτότυπη και ολοκληρωμένη προσέγγιση των Ευρωεκλογών στην Ελλάδα από το 1981 έως και το 2014. Η κατανόηση της ελληνικής περίπτωσης βασίζεται σε ένα ευρύτερο θεωρητικό και... more
Το βιβλίο της Ευτυχίας Τεπέρογλου επιχειρεί να προσφέρει μια πρωτότυπη και ολοκληρωμένη προσέγγιση των Ευρωεκλογών στην Ελλάδα από το 1981 έως και το 2014. Η κατανόηση της ελληνικής περίπτωσης βασίζεται σε ένα ευρύτερο θεωρητικό και εμπειρικό σχεδιασμό, με συγκριτικές αναφορές στις αντίστοιχες αναμετρήσεις των κρατών-μελών της ΕΕ. Η ανάλυση της εκλογικής συμπεριφοράς πραγματοποιείται υπό το πρίσμα του μοντέλου των «εθνικών εκλογών δεύτερης τάξης», το οποίο αποτελεί και το πληρέστερο και κυρίαρχο θεωρητικό υπόδειγμα μελέτης των Ευρωεκλογών.
Το πρώτο μέρος του βιβλίου αφιερώνεται στο θεωρητικό πλαίσιο μελέτης όλων των αναμετρήσεων «ήσσονος σημασίας» (όπως οι ενδιάμεσες εκλογές στις ΗΠΑ, οι κρατιδιακές εκλογές στη Γερμανία καθώς και οι Ευρωεκλογές), προσφέροντας στο ελληνικό αναγνωστικό κοινό για πρώτη φορά μία εις βάθος παρουσίαση και ανάλυση αυτής της προσέγγισης της εκλογικής ανάλυσης. Το δεύτερο μέρος του βιβλίου αποτελείται από οκτώ κεφάλαια, τα οποία αντιστοιχούν σε καθεμία ευρωπαϊκή αναμέτρηση: από τις παράλληλες- με βουλευτικές αναμετρήσεις- Ευρωεκλογές του 1981 και του 1989, τη «διλημματική» αναμέτρηση μείζονος σημασίας του 1984, τις πρώτες «ευρωπαϊκές» εκλογές του 1994, την εκλογή «δημοψήφισμα» του 1999, τις εκλογές «προάγγελο» της κυβερνητικής κατάρρευσης του 2009 έως και τον εκλογικό «μετασεισμό» του 2014. Η συγγραφέας αναλύει τα εκλογικά αποτελέσματα με βάση και τα κοινωνικοδημογραφικά χαρακτηριστικά, ενώ χρησιμοποιώντας πρωτογενή αποτελέσματα εμπειρικών ερευνών, εντοπίζει την ανάδειξη «ψήφου διαμαρτυρίας» κυρίως ενάντια στα κυβερνητικά κόμματα, αλλά και τη δυνατότητα μιας «χαλαρής» ψήφου λόγω της «απελευθέρωσης» του εκλογικού σώματος από στρατηγικά κριτήρια. Επίσης, σε κάθε κεφάλαιο παρουσιάζεται το ευρωπαϊκό πλαίσιο κάθε αναμέτρησης και οι εξελίξεις στην πορεία της ευρωπαϊκής ολοκλήρωσης. Επιπλέον, αναλύονται διαστάσεις της προεκλογικής εκστρατείας σε όλα τα κράτη-μέλη της ΕΕ και η άνοδος του ευρωσκεπτικιστικού ρεύματος. Το πολιτικό πλαίσιο των αναμετρήσεων στην Ελλάδα, καθώς και η προεκλογική καμπάνια, η κάλυψη των εκλογών από τα ΜΜΕ, οι κομματικοί σχεδιασμοί και οι στρατηγικές, η επιλογή των υποψήφιων Ευρωβουλευτών και οι εκλεγμένοι αντιπρόσωποι αναλύονται εκτενώς σε κάθε κεφάλαιο του δεύτερου μέρους του βιβλίου. Σε ξεχωριστές ενότητες η συγγραφέας διερευνά και την αμφίθυμη στάση των Ελλήνων ως προς την ένταξη της χώρας στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και την εμφάνιση ενός συγκυριακού ευρωσκεπτικισμού. Η συγγραφέας προσφέρει στο τελευταίο κεφάλαιο του βιβλίου και μία εκτίμηση για το μέλλον του μοναδικού υπερεθνικού δημοκρατικού εγχειρήματος μέσα από το πρίσμα των καταιγιστικών εξελίξεων σε εθνικό και ευρωπαϊκό επίπεδο.
Το έργο της Ευτυχίας Τεπέρογλου είναι αποτέλεσμα μακροχρόνιας ενασχόλησής της με το εν λόγω θέμα και πρωτότυπης έρευνας. Η συγγραφέας εκπροσωπεί τη χώρα στο πανευρωπαϊκό ερευνητικό δίκτυο μελέτης των Ευρωεκλογών (European Election Study), από το οποίο παρουσιάζονται πρωτογενή στοιχεία. Απώτερος στόχος του βιβλίου είναι να αναδείξει ένα πολυδιάστατο επιστημολογικό υπόβαθρο μελέτης των Ευρωεκλογών στο πλαίσιο της πολυεπίπεδης διακυβέρνησης εντός της ΕΕ. Προσφέρει τόσο στον ειδικό επιστήμονα, όσο και στο ευρύτερο κοινό ένα αναλυτικό οδοιπορικό στην ιστορία των ελληνικών Ευρωεκλογών υπό το πρίσμα πάντα και των αντίστοιχων εξελίξεων σε ευρωπαϊκό επίπεδο.
Το πρώτο μέρος του βιβλίου αφιερώνεται στο θεωρητικό πλαίσιο μελέτης όλων των αναμετρήσεων «ήσσονος σημασίας» (όπως οι ενδιάμεσες εκλογές στις ΗΠΑ, οι κρατιδιακές εκλογές στη Γερμανία καθώς και οι Ευρωεκλογές), προσφέροντας στο ελληνικό αναγνωστικό κοινό για πρώτη φορά μία εις βάθος παρουσίαση και ανάλυση αυτής της προσέγγισης της εκλογικής ανάλυσης. Το δεύτερο μέρος του βιβλίου αποτελείται από οκτώ κεφάλαια, τα οποία αντιστοιχούν σε καθεμία ευρωπαϊκή αναμέτρηση: από τις παράλληλες- με βουλευτικές αναμετρήσεις- Ευρωεκλογές του 1981 και του 1989, τη «διλημματική» αναμέτρηση μείζονος σημασίας του 1984, τις πρώτες «ευρωπαϊκές» εκλογές του 1994, την εκλογή «δημοψήφισμα» του 1999, τις εκλογές «προάγγελο» της κυβερνητικής κατάρρευσης του 2009 έως και τον εκλογικό «μετασεισμό» του 2014. Η συγγραφέας αναλύει τα εκλογικά αποτελέσματα με βάση και τα κοινωνικοδημογραφικά χαρακτηριστικά, ενώ χρησιμοποιώντας πρωτογενή αποτελέσματα εμπειρικών ερευνών, εντοπίζει την ανάδειξη «ψήφου διαμαρτυρίας» κυρίως ενάντια στα κυβερνητικά κόμματα, αλλά και τη δυνατότητα μιας «χαλαρής» ψήφου λόγω της «απελευθέρωσης» του εκλογικού σώματος από στρατηγικά κριτήρια. Επίσης, σε κάθε κεφάλαιο παρουσιάζεται το ευρωπαϊκό πλαίσιο κάθε αναμέτρησης και οι εξελίξεις στην πορεία της ευρωπαϊκής ολοκλήρωσης. Επιπλέον, αναλύονται διαστάσεις της προεκλογικής εκστρατείας σε όλα τα κράτη-μέλη της ΕΕ και η άνοδος του ευρωσκεπτικιστικού ρεύματος. Το πολιτικό πλαίσιο των αναμετρήσεων στην Ελλάδα, καθώς και η προεκλογική καμπάνια, η κάλυψη των εκλογών από τα ΜΜΕ, οι κομματικοί σχεδιασμοί και οι στρατηγικές, η επιλογή των υποψήφιων Ευρωβουλευτών και οι εκλεγμένοι αντιπρόσωποι αναλύονται εκτενώς σε κάθε κεφάλαιο του δεύτερου μέρους του βιβλίου. Σε ξεχωριστές ενότητες η συγγραφέας διερευνά και την αμφίθυμη στάση των Ελλήνων ως προς την ένταξη της χώρας στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και την εμφάνιση ενός συγκυριακού ευρωσκεπτικισμού. Η συγγραφέας προσφέρει στο τελευταίο κεφάλαιο του βιβλίου και μία εκτίμηση για το μέλλον του μοναδικού υπερεθνικού δημοκρατικού εγχειρήματος μέσα από το πρίσμα των καταιγιστικών εξελίξεων σε εθνικό και ευρωπαϊκό επίπεδο.
Το έργο της Ευτυχίας Τεπέρογλου είναι αποτέλεσμα μακροχρόνιας ενασχόλησής της με το εν λόγω θέμα και πρωτότυπης έρευνας. Η συγγραφέας εκπροσωπεί τη χώρα στο πανευρωπαϊκό ερευνητικό δίκτυο μελέτης των Ευρωεκλογών (European Election Study), από το οποίο παρουσιάζονται πρωτογενή στοιχεία. Απώτερος στόχος του βιβλίου είναι να αναδείξει ένα πολυδιάστατο επιστημολογικό υπόβαθρο μελέτης των Ευρωεκλογών στο πλαίσιο της πολυεπίπεδης διακυβέρνησης εντός της ΕΕ. Προσφέρει τόσο στον ειδικό επιστήμονα, όσο και στο ευρύτερο κοινό ένα αναλυτικό οδοιπορικό στην ιστορία των ελληνικών Ευρωεκλογών υπό το πρίσμα πάντα και των αντίστοιχων εξελίξεων σε ευρωπαϊκό επίπεδο.
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This article examines the political effects of the global economic recession on Greece in the period from 2010 up to the last weeks of the campaign period for the national elections of 6 May 2012. Our objectives are threefold. First we... more
This article examines the political effects of the global economic recession on Greece in the period from 2010 up to the last weeks of the campaign period for the national elections of 6 May 2012. Our objectives are threefold. First we seek to contextualize its impact and show how the Greek party system departed from the nearly three decades of stability after 2009 and entered a period electoral fluidity and dealignment. Second we identify the demographic and
structural characteristics of that dealignment process. Finally we interpret and compare the effect of the economic crisis and other issues on vote choice in the 2012 general election.
structural characteristics of that dealignment process. Finally we interpret and compare the effect of the economic crisis and other issues on vote choice in the 2012 general election.
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This article focuses on the 2009 European Parliament elections in Italy, Greece, Spain, Portugal, Cyprus and Malta. First, it presents the general background and key issues of the electoral campaigns in these six countries. Second, it... more
This article focuses on the 2009 European Parliament elections in Italy, Greece, Spain, Portugal, Cyprus and Malta. First, it presents the general background and key issues of the electoral campaigns in these six countries. Second, it tries to answer the question of ...
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The article examines the 2014 European election in Greece. Held two years after the double-earthquake elections of 2012 and with the country still mired in a protracted economic crisis, our findings largely support the conclusion that the... more
The article examines the 2014 European election in Greece. Held two years after the double-earthquake elections of 2012 and with the country still mired in a protracted economic crisis, our findings largely support the conclusion that the post-‘earthquake’ European election of 2014 can be classified as one of the most classic second-order elections in the history of Greek elections. Both ideology and attribution of blame for the ongoing economic crisis to the PASOK (Panhellenic Socialist Movement) and ND (New Democracy) governments to a large extent explain the victory of SYRIZA (Coalition of the Radical Left). At the same time, however, more fundamental positions towards European unification appear to have become more relevant to party choice for the first time since the early 1980s.
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The article provides a comparative analysis of the 2014 European Parliament elections across the six countries of Southern Europe by gauging the performance of the second-order election model. Both the aggregate hypotheses of this model... more
The article provides a comparative analysis of the 2014 European Parliament elections across the six countries of Southern Europe by gauging the performance of the second-order election model. Both the aggregate hypotheses of this model and evidence of micro-level foundations are analysed. The findings reveal that the political and electoral consequences of the economic crisis have not drastically challenged the second-order character of these elections in Southern Europe. However, electoral behaviour also exhibits some indications of a more critical contest.
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This article explores the extent to which the economic crisis and political responses of the European Union (EU) to austerity policies have contributed to Euroscepticism in Greece and Portugal. We analyse attitudes towards the EU at both... more
This article explores the extent to which the economic crisis and political responses of the European Union (EU) to austerity policies have contributed to Euroscepticism in Greece and Portugal. We analyse attitudes towards the EU at both voter and elite levels using fresh and innovative data, and by comparing them with data from surveys conducted before the crisis we show assessments of austerity and the bailouts are feeding elite and voter Euroscepticism. In both countries there are signs of a crisis of representation with greater voter–elite incongruence in the representation of EU issues than before the bailout.
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This article reviews the empirical research literature on campaign and media effects on vote choice at national elections in European countries for the post-World War II period. Particular efforts are undertaken to obtain a comprehensive... more
This article reviews the empirical research literature on campaign and media effects on vote choice at national elections in European countries for the post-World War II period. Particular efforts are undertaken to obtain a comprehensive picture by including publications in many different languages. With regard to the amount of research, but also the topics addressed, the survey reveals considerable differences between countries. Studies of campaign effects have focused on the temporal dynamics of campaigns, on the modes of campaign communications (such as personal contacts at the local level, advertising on TV and in the press or online social media) and on certain aspects of its content. Research on media effects has explored the role of partisan bias and certain topical categories of news (climate of opinion, issue and candidate coverage) as well as specific new media formats, notably televised candidate debates and vote advice applications (VAA). Overall, the review reveals that there is little in the way of an integrated and consolidated body of campaign and media effects research on national elections in Europe. While political communication research increasingly acknowledges the potential importance of news media and political parties’ electioneering for voting behaviour, there appears as of yet to be little convergence regarding approaches and research findings. Particularly striking is the degree to which research questions are guided by national institutional contexts.
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The victory of the radical-left SYRIZA in the September 2015 election confounded expectations given the failure of the SYRIZA–ANEL government formed in January either to deliver on its central promise of reversing austerity policies or to... more
The victory of the radical-left SYRIZA in the September 2015 election confounded expectations given the failure of the SYRIZA–ANEL government formed in January either to deliver on its central promise of reversing austerity policies or to capitalise on its major victory in the July referendum. The article examines both the election and the referendum that preceded it, offering an explanation for SYRIZA’s victory. It also attempts to trace the trajectory of the current party system in Greece and its ongoing realignment process in light of the 2015 electoral contests and the busy political timeline since the formation of the first SYRIZA–ANEL government.
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The paper offers a first time investigation of populism at the mass level in Greece. Its objectives are to examine the socioeconomic factors which facilitate the adoption of populist worldviews and to identify the ideological correlates... more
The paper offers a first time investigation of populism at the mass level in Greece. Its objectives are to examine the socioeconomic factors which facilitate the adoption of populist worldviews and to identify the ideological correlates of populism. Findings reveal that the strongest socioeconomic predictors are (low levels of) household income and education. Populist attitudes are more pronounced among left-wing citizens and strongly associated with euroscepticism and opposition to economic liberalism. However, the relationship of populism with anti-immigrant and anti-democratic attitudes appear to be mediated by left-right ideology, thus providing evidence that mass-level populism in Greece comes in both left-inclusionary and right-exclusionary varieties.