Location via proxy:   [ UP ]  
[Report a bug]   [Manage cookies]                
Skip to main content

Ada Palmer

Guide developed for the University of Chicago outlining healthy academic work habits and self-care strategies optimized for an academic setting and for the stresses of the COVID pandemic, which has been recognized as a World Mental Health... more
Guide developed for the University of Chicago outlining healthy academic work habits and self-care strategies optimized for an academic setting and for the stresses of the COVID pandemic, which has been recognized as a World Mental Health Crisis.
I s progress inevitable? Is it natural? Is it fragile? Is it possible? Is it a problematic concept in the first place? Many people are reexamining these kinds of questions in the wake of the political events of 2016. There is a strange... more
I s progress inevitable? Is it natural? Is it fragile? Is it possible? Is it a problematic concept in the first place? Many people are reexamining these kinds of questions in the wake of the political events of 2016. There is a strange doubleness to experiencing a historic moment while being a historian oneself. I feel the same shock, fear, overload, and emotional exhaustion that so many feel right now, but at the same time another self is analyzing, dredging up historical examples, bigger crises, smaller crises, more surprising votes, votes that set the fuse to powder kegs, votes that changed nothing. I keep thinking about what it must have felt like during the Wars of the Roses, or the French Wars of Religion, during those little blips of peace, a decade long or so, that we—centuries later—call mere pauses, but which were long enough for a person to be born and grow to political maturity in what seemed like peace, which only hindsight labels “dormant war.” But even such protracted wars eventually ended, and then the peace was real. And yet, to those who lived through them, the two must have felt exactly the same: the “real” peace and those
Abstract In the Renaissance, Epicureanism and other heterodox scientific theories were strongly associated with heresy and atheism, and frequently condemned. Yet, when Lucretius's Epicurean poem De Rerum Natura reappeared in 1417,... more
Abstract In the Renaissance, Epicureanism and other heterodox scientific theories were strongly associated with heresy and atheism, and frequently condemned. Yet, when Lucretius's Epicurean poem De Rerum Natura reappeared in 1417, these associations did not prevent the poem's broad circulation. A survey of marginalia in Lucretius manuscripts reveals a characteristic humanist reading agenda, focused on philology and moral philosophy, which facilitated the circulation of such heterodox texts among an audience ...
Humanists seeking to defend the classics in Christian-dominated Europe often reframed ancient philosophers as virtuous proto-Christians. This is particularly visible in the biographical paratexts written for printed editions of ancient... more
Humanists seeking to defend the classics in Christian-dominated Europe often reframed ancient philosophers as virtuous proto-Christians. This is particularly visible in the biographical paratexts written for printed editions of ancient philosophers such as Pythagoras, Epictetus, and Democritus, whose humanist editors’ Christianizing claims grew stronger over time. Pious humanists intended and expected the classics to strengthen and reaffirm Christian orthodoxy, but humanists’ own claims that pre-Christian sages, by the light of reason alone, had deduced the central truths of theology and surpassed Christians in the exercise of virtue inadvertently undermined the necessity of scripture and paved the way for later deism.
<p>Renaissance humanists first studied Lucretius, and the Epicurean content in Cicero and Diogenes Laertius, as part of their broader project to restore political stability to Italy and Europe by reconstructing the philosophical... more
<p>Renaissance humanists first studied Lucretius, and the Epicurean content in Cicero and Diogenes Laertius, as part of their broader project to restore political stability to Italy and Europe by reconstructing the philosophical roots of classical Roman virtue. Transformation of the texts over time gradually expanded the study of Epicureanism, from a fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century audience interested primarily in philology and moral philosophy, to a later sixteenth- and seventeenth-century audience more interested in natural philosophy, medicine, and ontology. While many prominent scholars of Epicureanism faced persecution for their beliefs, the charges levied against them were not related to Epicureanism but to diverse heterodoxies of the day, from syncretism to Protestantism. This, and the preponderance of anti-Epicurean writings, reveals that most Renaissance scholars treated Epicurus less as a teacher than as a foe or gadfly, developing fruitful and often radical new ideas in opposition to Epicureanism, or appropriating some Epicurean concepts while rebutting others.</p>
In the decade leading up to the 2012 Lucretius and the Early Modern conference at Oxford’s Centre for Early Modern Studies, whose proceedings have now been published, the once quiet conversation about Lucretius’s Renaissance reception... more
In the decade leading up to the 2012 Lucretius and the Early Modern conference at Oxford’s Centre for Early Modern Studies, whose proceedings have now been published, the once quiet conversation about Lucretius’s Renaissance reception transformed,first into a hot topic, and then a heated one. Monographs constituted a large part of the acceleration, including those of Valentina Prosperi (2004), Catherine Wilson (2008), Jonathan Goldberg (2009), Alison Brown (2010), Gerard Passannante (2011), and Mariantonietta Paladini (2011). Other Lucretian landmarks includedMichael Reeve’s new thoughts on the Italian tradition of Lucretius (2005), chapters in The Cambridge Companion to Lucretius (2007), James Hankins’s work on Ficino’s response to Lucretius (2007/2011), Ángel Traver Vera’s “Lucrecio en España” (2009), and the published proceedings of conferences, such as the Centre V. L. Saulnier’s La Renaissance de Lucrèce (2010) and the Università di Milano-Bicocca’s Lucrezio e la modernità (201...
Even before its celebrated rediscovery by Poggio Bracciolini in 1417, Lucretius’s didactic Epicurean epic De rerum natura was famous as a Roman masterpiece celebrated by Virgil and Ovid, and infamous as a capsule of dangerous, irreligious... more
Even before its celebrated rediscovery by Poggio Bracciolini in 1417, Lucretius’s didactic Epicurean epic De rerum natura was famous as a Roman masterpiece celebrated by Virgil and Ovid, and infamous as a capsule of dangerous, irreligious paganism ferociously denounced by Arnobius and other Christian apologists. The manuscript remained in the sole possession of Niccolò Niccoli until his death in 1437 when his library was acquired by Cosimo de Medici and numerous copies began to circulate in Florence and, soon thereafter, in Venice and the Veneto region, then Rome, Naples, and Iberia. A total of fifty-four manuscripts survive from the Renaissance, and thirty editions of the poem were printed by 1600, including commentaries by Albertus Pius (1512), Denys Lambin (1563), and Hubert van Giffen (Gifanius, 1565–1566). The diversity of subjects treated in the De rerum natura has invited a broad range of scholarly approaches. Philological study of the text’s transmission has been extensive, ...
Quick reference guide to when and how all the surviving works of classical philosophers (Greek and Roman) were transmitted to and recovered in the Renaissance, including translations and commentaries. Useful for quickly determining at... more
Quick reference guide to when and how all the surviving works of classical philosophers (Greek and Roman) were transmitted to and recovered in the Renaissance, including translations and commentaries. Useful for quickly determining at which times and places humanists had access to certain texts. (Rather like a condensed version of the CTC, only exclusively covering philosophers.)
Final Programme for the Alghero Lucretius Conference
Research Interests:
"Abstract In the Renaissance, Epicureanism and other heterodox scientific theories were strongly associated with heresy and atheism, and frequently condemned. Yet, when Lucretius's Epicurean poem De Rerum Natura reappeared in 1417, these... more
"Abstract In the Renaissance, Epicureanism and other heterodox scientific theories were strongly associated with heresy and atheism, and frequently condemned. Yet, when Lucretius's Epicurean poem De Rerum Natura reappeared in 1417, these associations did not prevent the poem's broad circulation.
Catalog for an exhibit hosted at the University of Chicago Special Collections Research Library, for the 2017 Renaissance Society of America Conference Lavish courts and towering cathedrals, entrancing polyphony and artistic... more
Catalog for an exhibit hosted at the University of Chicago Special Collections Research Library, for the 2017 Renaissance Society of America Conference

Lavish courts and towering cathedrals, entrancing polyphony and artistic masterpieces—our romantic fascination with the cultural glories of the Renaissance often eclipses one truth, recorded by astute observers of the age like Machiavelli, that the era of Michelangelo and Shakespeare was, in many ways, darker than the “Dark Ages” which it named.  The crisis had one unexpected cause: progress.  In the centuries after the Black Death, regenerating urban centers, strengthened by financial and commercial innovations, linked together to form an increasingly interconnected society.  Soon English wool was no longer finished at home, but exported to be woven and dyed in Italy, before shipping out across trade networks which stretched from the Middle East deep into the New World.  As Europe’s economic bloodstream strengthened, the same increase in trade and travel which let architects build with exotic stones and scholars recover lost Greek manuscripts also transmitted diseases with unprecedented speed and ferocity, while larger, denser cities were richer breeding grounds for violence and contagions.  As wealth and power flowed in, richer states could muster larger armies, innovative weaponry could shed blood on unprecedented scales, and ambitious rising families could hire mercenary forces larger than frail governments could withstand. 

This exhibit lays out a geography of tensions which characterized Renaissance cities.  In a world still plagued by war and banditry, urban growth often meant density rather than sprawl, as swelling populations jockeyed for space within the circumferences of city walls.  Crowded and wealthy cities became powder kegs, where old tensions—between men and women, citizens and visitors, Jews and Christians, religious and secular authorities—channeled the energies of new and increasing factional and economic rivalries.  Shakespeare’s Montagues and Capulets are fictitious portraits of a real phenomenon, and such violence often brought ruin on far more than just two houses. Great families led patronage networks which included hundreds of clients from many social classes, whose members lived only a few blocks from their bitterest rivals, and whose alliances reached out into dozens of neighboring towns and distant capitals.  Tensions between cities intensified as well, as economic interdependence, and printing which enabled the faster circulation of news and new ideas, allowed tumults in one city to bring strife to another half a world away.  Cities competed to frame their political identities, claiming uniqueness and dignity by presenting themselves as the capitals of particular trades, religious movements, cultural innovations, or political structures, often in ways which contradicted or challenged the identities claimed by their neighbors.  Art, literature, and culture recorded these tensions and also relieved them, offering bloodless avenues for competition, and a release valve for the pressure that kept Renaissance cities forever on the edge of violence.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
After its rediscovery in 1417, Lucretius’s Epicurean didactic poem De Rerum Natura threatened to supply radicals and atheists with the one weapon unbelief had lacked in the Middle Ages: good answers. Scholars could now challenge Christian... more
After its rediscovery in 1417, Lucretius’s Epicurean didactic poem De Rerum Natura threatened to supply radicals and atheists with the one weapon unbelief had lacked in the Middle Ages: good answers. Scholars could now challenge Christian patterns of thought by employing the theory of atomistic physics, a sophisticated system that explained natural phenomena without appeal to divine participation, and argued powerfully against the immortality of the soul, the afterlife, and a creator God.

Ada Palmer explores how Renaissance readers, such as Machiavelli, Pomponio Leto, and Montaigne, actually ingested and disseminated Lucretius, and the ways in which this process of reading transformed modern thought. She uncovers humanist methods for reconciling Christian and pagan philosophy, and shows how ideas of emergent order and natural selection, so critical to our current thinking, became embedded in Europe’s intellectual landscape before the seventeenth century. This heterodoxy circulated in the premodern world, not on the conspicuous stage of heresy trials and public debates, but in the classrooms, libraries, studies, and bookshops where quiet scholars met the ideas that would soon transform the world. Renaissance readers—poets and philologists rather than scientists—were moved by their love of classical literature to rescue Lucretius and his atomism, thereby injecting his theories back into scientific discourse.

Palmer employs a new quantitative method for analyzing marginalia in manuscripts and printed books, exposing how changes in scholarly reading practices over the course of the sixteenth century gradually expanded Europe’s receptivity to radical science, setting the stage for the scientific revolution.
Research Interests:
Quick reference guide to when and how all the surviving works of classical philosophers (Greek and Roman) were transmitted to and recovered in the Renaissance, including translations and commentaries. Useful for quickly determining at... more
Quick reference guide to when and how all the surviving works of classical philosophers (Greek and Roman) were transmitted to and recovered in the Renaissance, including translations and commentaries.  Useful for quickly determining at which times and places humanists had access to certain texts.  (Rather like a condensed version of the CTC, only exclusively covering philosophers.)
We are bringing together scholars of earlier information revolutions, from the printing press through radio and the copy machine, with journalists, editors, authors, activists and other experts on the contemporary information revolution.... more
We are bringing together scholars of earlier information revolutions, from the printing press through radio and the copy machine, with journalists, editors, authors, activists and other experts on the contemporary information revolution. These twenty-five specialists are exploring and uncovering parallels between past and present that illuminate what is happening around us, and share them with the public through an online video series, a museum exhibit, and related publications.

Sections of the Project include eight public dialogues among the participants, October 5 through November 20, 2018, filmed and available online, a related museum exhibit “History of Censorship and Information Control from the Inquisition to the Internet” in the University of Chicago Special Collections Research Library, open September 17 through December 14, 2018, and a printed catalog of the exhibit, funded through Kickstarter.
What accounts for the enduring influence of Hellenistic life-philosophies -- Stoicism, Epicureanism, Scepticism, Neoplatonism, and other such movements? What is living or dead in ancient ethical philosophy today? This cross-disciplinary... more
What accounts for the enduring influence of Hellenistic life-philosophies -- Stoicism, Epicureanism, Scepticism, Neoplatonism, and other such movements? What is living or dead in ancient ethical philosophy today? This cross-disciplinary symposium encourages reflections on the long-term impact of Hellenistic ethical philosophy from antiquity up to the present. Topics under discussion will include the reception of Lucretian and Epicurean ethical and scientific ideas in the Renaissance, early modern and Enlightenment engagements with Stoicism, and the appraisal of Senecan ethics by Erasmus and Montaigne.  Speakers: Ada Palmer (University of Chicago); Patrick Gray (Durham University); Diana Barnes (University of Queensland); and Matthew Sharpe (Deakin University). The symposium will consist of a series of papers followed by general discussion.