Location via proxy:   [ UP ]  
[Report a bug]   [Manage cookies]                
Skip to main content

    Maurice Zeitlin

    ABSTRACT In 1948, W. E. B. Dubois declared, ‘Probably the greatest and most effective effort toward interracial understanding among the working masses has come about through…the organization of the CIO (Congress of Industrial... more
    ABSTRACT In 1948, W. E. B. Dubois declared, ‘Probably the greatest and most effective effort toward interracial understanding among the working masses has come about through…the organization of the CIO (Congress of Industrial Organizations) in 1935.’ Yet the CIO's role in shaping race relations and patterns of interracial inequality has been largely overlooked by contemporary scholars of race. Drawing from an ongoing research program on the relative effects of the CIO versus the AFL (American Federation of Labor) on interracial inequality during the 1940s, we discuss implications for the role of unions today and into the future. Findings for the CIO era challenge widespread notions about the connection between the ‘demand for labor’ and interracial inequality. Comparing recent developments in the economy and labor movement with those of the CIO era, we argue that a new form of interracial working-class movement may be emerging, a movement that, if positively linked to continued struggles for racial justice and equality, could make a profound difference for race relations and ‘color lines’ in the twenty-first century.
    Che, morethan anyone, including Fidel, guided the transformation of the rag-tag band that survived the Granma landing at Playa las Coloradas and the subsequent massacre at Alegria del Pio in late November 1956, into "the most... more
    Che, morethan anyone, including Fidel, guided the transformation of the rag-tag band that survived the Granma landing at Playa las Coloradas and the subsequent massacre at Alegria del Pio in late November 1956, into "the most accomplished guerrilla army in 20 th  century Latin America." It was Che who led the guerrillas' victorious two-year campaign against 40,000 U.S.-equipped troops supported by formidable air and naval power.
    Professor Adolph Reed Jr debates three other professors, Steven Gregory, Maurice Zeitlin and Ellen Meiksins Wood, about how race and class relate to each other. This debate represents a historical problem in the American Marxist movement.... more
    Professor Adolph Reed Jr debates three other professors, Steven Gregory, Maurice Zeitlin and Ellen Meiksins Wood, about how race and class relate to each other. This debate represents a historical problem in the American Marxist movement. Many different progressive and revolutionary movements in American history were never able to overcome racial differences to create class unity in key historic class struggles. Arguably the two most important strike waves in working class American history, 1877 and 1919, ended in defeats. Intra-racial fighting was a central problem that helped lay the ground work for the defeats of the strike. Eugene Debs, one of American labors great socialist leaders once openly stated, “We see it as a class issue rather than a race issue.” Debs colorblind socialism differed with racial theorist WEB Dubois who remarked in that same time period; “That the white heel is still on the black neck is simply proof that the world is not yet civilized. The history of the ...
    Analysis of data from interviews with Cuban workers reveals that, among Negroes and whites, those who experienced the most pre-revolutionary unemployment were most likely to support the revolution and, among whites but not among Negroes,... more
    Analysis of data from interviews with Cuban workers reveals that, among Negroes and whites, those who experienced the most pre-revolutionary unemployment were most likely to support the revolution and, among whites but not among Negroes, to be pro-Communist before the revolution. Those who were securely employed both before and since the revolution were less likely to be revolutionary than those who were employed more regularly since the revolution. Negroes were more likely than whites to support the revolution, even with pre-revolutionary employment status and change in employment status controlled.
    Research Interests:
    Research Interests:
    ... As David Dubinsky, then president of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union, exclaimed at the tumultuous founding convention of the United Automobile Workers, "In my union, we have democracy too — but they know who is... more
    ... As David Dubinsky, then president of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union, exclaimed at the tumultuous founding convention of the United Automobile Workers, "In my union, we have democracy too — but they know who is boss!" (Cochran 1977: 339). ...
    ... 265 pp. $25.00 cloth. KATHLEEN C. SCHWARTZMAN University of Arizona ... Page 4. 578 REVIEW ESSAYS nihilating another part, Chile was to enter the twentieth century with a captialist democracy in which the large estate was pivotal.... more
    ... 265 pp. $25.00 cloth. KATHLEEN C. SCHWARTZMAN University of Arizona ... Page 4. 578 REVIEW ESSAYS nihilating another part, Chile was to enter the twentieth century with a captialist democracy in which the large estate was pivotal. Bal-maceda's defeat made a difference. ...
    In 1974, Maurice Zeitlin published a seminal article in The American Journal of Sociology, criticizing managerial theory and evidence, which ended one era in the analysis of the large corporation's ownership and control and began a... more
    In 1974, Maurice Zeitlin published a seminal article in The American Journal of Sociology, criticizing managerial theory and evidence, which ended one era in the analysis of the large corporation's ownership and control and began a new one. He called for research on the capitalist ...
    Analysis of Cuban revolutionary workers' attitudes toward liberties for the revolution's opponents shows that relative political involvement and educational level determine the likelihood that one is politically... more
    Analysis of Cuban revolutionary workers' attitudes toward liberties for the revolution's opponents shows that relative political involvement and educational level determine the likelihood that one is politically "authoritarian," not that one is a worker or has grown up in the working-class, or is a Communist or a revolutionary worker. Formal education and political interest relate directly to advocacy of free speech; workers socialized in the middle-class are not more likely than those socialized in the working-class to be "libertarian"; neither support for the Communist, nor greater commitment to the revolution, are related to "authoritarianism."
    Page 1. "Red" Unions and "Bourgeois" Contracts?1 Judith Stepan-Norris University of California, Irvine Maurice Zeitlin University of California, Los Angeles ... Page 3. "Red" Unions relations between... more
    Page 1. "Red" Unions and "Bourgeois" Contracts?1 Judith Stepan-Norris University of California, Irvine Maurice Zeitlin University of California, Los Angeles ... Page 3. "Red" Unions relations between classes" (Stepan-Norris and Zeitlin 1989, p. 505). ...
    ... 4. Out Of Print. Other Editions. Paper (1969). Related Links. Find this book in a library. Cuba Castroism and Communism, 1959-1966 Andres Suarez See Other Titles In: >, Political Science. Join an E-mail Alert List. ABOUT |... more
    ... 4. Out Of Print. Other Editions. Paper (1969). Related Links. Find this book in a library. Cuba Castroism and Communism, 1959-1966 Andres Suarez See Other Titles In: >, Political Science. Join an E-mail Alert List. ABOUT | COPYRIGHT ...
    Abstract: This paper analyzes the recent growth of janitorial unionism in LA against the background of the previous history of unionism's rise and decline in the city's building service industry, asking how and why the Justice... more
    Abstract: This paper analyzes the recent growth of janitorial unionism in LA against the background of the previous history of unionism's rise and decline in the city's building service industry, asking how and why the Justice for Janitors campaign succeeded in LA, and whether its success will last. This case study indicates the continuing relevance of questions about how poor immigrant workers are able to build successful and enduring organizations and about the relationship between immigrant workers and the rise and ...
    ... See Gerardo Rodriguez Morejon, Fidel Castro: Biografla (Ha-vana: P. Fernandez, 1959), and such American sources as Jules Dubois, Fidel Castro: Rebel Liberator or Dictator (Chicago: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1959), and Robert Taber, M-26:... more
    ... See Gerardo Rodriguez Morejon, Fidel Castro: Biografla (Ha-vana: P. Fernandez, 1959), and such American sources as Jules Dubois, Fidel Castro: Rebel Liberator or Dictator (Chicago: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1959), and Robert Taber, M-26: Biography of a Revolution (New York ...
    ... CLASSES The Case of Landlords and Capitalists in Chile* Maurice Zeitlin, University of Wisconsin, Madison Richard Earl Ratcliff, Washington ... nonetheless, had to absorb an agrarian slaveholding aris-tocracy, whose descendants left... more
    ... CLASSES The Case of Landlords and Capitalists in Chile* Maurice Zeitlin, University of Wisconsin, Madison Richard Earl Ratcliff, Washington ... nonetheless, had to absorb an agrarian slaveholding aris-tocracy, whose descendants left their own peculiar stamp on America's ...
    Has every young American man had an equal chance of getting killed in the war in Vietnam, whatever his social origins? This is the central empirical question of this article. Socially relevant and politically significant, this question is... more
    Has every young American man had an equal chance of getting killed in the war in Vietnam, whatever his social origins? This is the central empirical question of this article. Socially relevant and politically significant, this question is also important from a sociological standpoint. There is ample evidence that the &dquo;life chances&dquo; of the poor and of workers in general suffer by comparison to those of more privileged strata in the United States. This is true not only of such diverse &dquo;opportunities&dquo; or &dquo;rewards&dquo; as formal education, access to health and medical care, decent housing and humane working conditions, but of mortality rates themselves. In a recent analysis of more than thirty studies-many of them in the United States-of &dquo;Social Class, Life Expectancy, and Overall Mortality,&dquo; Aaron Antonovsky concluded that &dquo;despite the variegated populations surveyed, the inescapable conclusion is that class influences one’s chances of staying alive. Almost without exception, the evidence shows that classes differ in mortality rates.... What

    And 19 more