Deirdre Meintel

This essay challenges the utility of the concept "culture shock" for providing an understanding of the experiences of those who enter unfamiliar cultural settings. I contend that discussions of "culture shock" typically imply a reified conception of "culture" and a correspondingly passive characterization of the individual. These theoretical difficulties do not allow consideration of what are often, for those involved, the most significant aspects of their experiences as strangers. Moreover, they leave the phenomenon termed "reverse culture shock" largely unexplained. An alternative approach is outlined, bringing the experiences of the stranger abroad and on his return home into a single perspective. It is argued that the most significant "shocks" potential in strangerhood are those of self-discovery; this self-discovery challenges previous conceptions of self and, by implication, the social world which sponsored them. In this essay ...

ACTES ET RECHERCHES François Dubois, L'Eglise des individus, 2003 Dany Nocquet, Le « livret noir de Baal », 2004 Jean-François Zorn, La missiologie, 2004 H. Mottu et J. Perrin éd.. Actualité de Dietrich Bonlweffer en Europe latine, 2004 Jean-Pierre Bastian éd., La ...

L'anthropologie expérientielle est basée sur la prémisse selon laquelle l'intersubjectivité entre l’anthropologue et les gens qu'il étudie représente une voie légitime vers la connaissance et que le monde vécu des autres est accessible au chercheur, du moins en partie.

In this article I deal with two questions: how does religious authenticity present itself in the era of religious individualization? I find that those who are religiously active tend to emphasize the lived, personal and often embodied aspects of religious experience as evidence of authenticity and yet are likely to also have recourse to other types of claims to authenticity, such as tradition. I also raise the question of religious commitment; if religious authenticity is mostly conceived of in subjectivist terms, how is religious engagement possible over the long term? Here I examine several new types of groups that provide structure and community while leaving considerable space for individual religious experience.

Après un long déclin consécutif aux bouleversements idéologiques des xviie et xviiie siècles, le récit redevient, sous des formes nouvelles, vecteur et facteur de connaissance. Les contributions de vingt-cinq chercheurs américains et européens travaillant dans des disciplines aussi diverses que l'anthropologie, la sociologie, les études littéraires, la linguistique, le journalisme, examinent comment la réémergence du récit est susceptible d'entraîner la redéfinition et la valorisation d'une connaissance qui ne serait plus contrainte par les normes de la rationalité et de l'objectivité qui ont soutenu l'idéologie scientifique

Introduction1The research on which the present analysis is based shows that religious diversity in Montreal is shaped to a large degree by trends evident in other North American cities, such as the decline in Catholic and mainstream Protestant religious attendance over recent decades, the proliferation of evangelical Protestant and nondenominational congregations and the increased presence of Islam. Along with this, we note the development of newer, more marginal spiritual currents, including many centred on nature (Druidry, Wicca, Neoshamanism), others of exogenous origin (yogic spiritualities, Buddhism), and hybrid religiosities developed in situ.Similar tendencies have been observed elsewhere in Canada and the U.S.; for example Williamson (2010) describes three Hindu-inspired movements - Siddha Yoga, the Self-Realization Fellowship and Transcendental Meditation - that have attracted a number of non-Hindu Americans. Not only these three but many other movements originating in the Indian subcontinent are active in or near Montreal. Several of these have been studied in depth by our team, including the Sai Baba Organization and the Sivananda ashram in nearby Val-Morin, which has a meditation centre in Montreal. The importance of Evangelical (including Pentecostal) Protestant groups that we found among Montreal immigrants, including Latin Americans from various countries, Tamils from Sri Lanka, Ghanaians, Nigerians, Ethiopians and many other groups, is true of other Canadian cities (James 201 1 , Guenther 2008, Wilkinson 2006), as well as in the U.S. (Warner 1998; Menjivar 2003; Wuthnow 2007). The earthcentred spiritualities (Neoshamanism, Wicca, Paganism, Druidry) that we have observed in Montreal find their counterparts in the U.S. (Lewis 1996; Magliocco 2004) and elsewhere in Canada (Rabinovitch 1996). Our research finds that many individuals define themselves as "spiritual but not religious," bringing to mind the title of Fuller's (2001) study of "unchurched" Americans; that is, those who claim no religious affiliation and have no religious attendance of any sort. Once again, our findings would seem to echo trends observed in the U.S., where the "nones" are a growing category (Putnam and Campbell 2010). However, the phrase is used in a somewhat different sense in Quebec than in the U.S., as we shall see.In what follows, we will first explain what we mean by the term "cosmopolitanism" and look briefly at the ways cosmopolitanism and religious cosmopolitanism in particular have been approached by other researchers. This will be followed by a presentation of our study and its methodology, as well as a brief discussion of the Quebec religious context. We will argue that though Montreal has much in common with other major North American cities insofar as contemporary religious diversity is concerned, various historical and social factors have given rise to a considerable - though difficult to measure - degree of religious cosmopolitanism in the city. This last we consider to be an empirically observable aspect of social pluralism, albeit one that is unequally distributed. Here again, Montreal is not entirely unique; other researchers have observed various forms of religious cosmopolitanism in the U.S. and in Europe. Yet it appears to be more widespread and polymorphous in Montreal than in these other contexts. In fact, we find evidence of cosmopolitanism within religious congregations as well as among individuals in our study. We also find that there are religiously cosmopolitan spaces in Montreal. In what follows, we present religious openness in Montreal in quite a different light than many media reports on the Bouchard-Taylor in 2005 and, more recently, the "secularist charter" (Charte de la laicite) proposed by the Parti Quebecois, whereby, among other things, religious symbols would be banned from public and parapublic institutions.Religion and CosmopolitanismThe very words "religious cosmopolitanism" might seem like an oxymoron to many. …

For some three years the Groupe de recherche ethnicite et societe (GRES), an interdisciplinary group of researchers (1) based at the Centre d'etudes ethniques des universites Montrealaises, has been studying the ramifications of what might be called the "new French fact" in Montreal. (2) As the term was used as far back as 1961 by then-Premier Jean Lesage, the "French fact" was a kind of rhetorical shorthand for the demographic and political reality of Quebec, where French speakers were a numerical majority but still a political minority. This situation was transformed by changes implemented upon the electoral victory of the Parti Quebecois in 1976, most importantly Bill 101, which made French the sole official language of public life in Quebec and, among other things, obliged almost all immigrants to send their children to French-language schools. While quite successful in raising the status and extending the use of French in Quebec, an unintended consequence of the new law and the policies it generated was to greatly advance multilingualism in the province, especially in Montreal (Lamarre, et al.). ********** A generation later, the social landscape of Montreal has been transformed, not only by Bill 101 but also by the forces of globalization, especially as these affect migration processes. Not only do new Montrealers come from increasingly diverse origins (Piche), but migration processes themselves are changing. Migration is less a "one way ticket" than a multidimensional process that creates multiple affinities and points of reference for migrants. Bipolar trajectories, with or without a certain "back and forth" movement between the country of origin and that of residence, have given way to circulation between multiple locales, such that "success" and even "integration" for migrants may be defined in terms other than those of the host society, as LeBlanc shows in her study of networks and voluntary associations among West Africans in Montreal (See also Le Gall's book review of Tarrius). Fortin also finds multiple migration paths in her study of networks of migrants of France who settle in Montreal; she shows tha t social proximity is not necessarily a matter of cultural or linguistic similarities and that migrants' networks are not clear indicators of their sense of belonging (or not) to the society of residence. The contemporary situation in Montreal makes clearer than ever the fact that the end point of the migratory experience is not simply assimilation to a hypothetical "majority" (a notion that is critically discussed by Pietrantonio), but rather can lead to enduring diversity and societal transformation. While most research on migration addresses the changes undergone by migrants in the host society, the realities of the Montreal context in recent decades have obliged the GRES, along with other researchers, to focus their attention on how immigration and ethnic and cultural diversity have led to changes in society as a whole. Among the effects of Bill 101, which was passed in a context of considerable social innovation that included, for example, the establishment of a network of local health and social resource centres called CLSC's (Centre local de services communautaires), was the almost overnight diversification of the clientele for French-language institutions, such as schools and health facilities of all k inds. Change has occured on every level, including the demographic composition of the society (Piche), its institutions (Symons, Pietrantonio), along with day-to informal interaction (Lamarre, et al.). While immigration is increasingly recognized as an economic necessity for Quebec, as for the whole of Canada, beyond this, diversity resulting from immigration is increasingly presented as a social asset for the regions beyond major cities in Quebec, such that "regionalization" is a focus of State policy, especially with respect to refugees. …

This special issue presents contributions by writers who deal with the significance of healing in widely diverse religious and cultural contexts today. In out ongoing research on religion in contemporary Quebec (1) we have round that healing, or a certain conception of healing, is ubiquitous in contemporary religious ritual and discourse. This is most evident in religions or spiritually-oriented practices that have emerged among non-immigrant Quebecois in recent years, such as, for example, Spiritualism, neo-shamanism, including Druidry, Wicca, yoga and various forms of "Native spirituality" (e.g. Corneiller 2011; Normandin 2010) that are attracting many non-Natives, especially young people. (See Rosemary Roberts' contribution to this issue.) The same tendency can be round in longer-established religious currents such as Catholicism and the various offshoots of Protestantism (baptism, Pentecostalism, etc.), as well as in the discourse of some people who practice Islam (Mossiere infra). Besides the Charismatic Catholic healing rituals found in our study (e.g. Bouchard 2009, Ruiz, In press) and in earlier studies (Cote et Zylberberg 1990), there are the ceremonies whose goal is to provide comfort and support for victims of AIDs, as described in the research for our study of a Catholic parish located in Montreal's "Gay Village," whose ministry in general is seen as having a healing effect on parishioners (Koussens 2007, 2009 and Forthcoming). Though religious healing sometimes addresses physical diseases and pain, it also appears to offer psychological support and emotional relief. Dericquebourg (1988) speaks of "healing religions" in his study of three relatively recent religions (Antoinism, Christian Science and Scientology); in fact, our research has found that healing is a prominent feature in many religious currents today. The near omnipresence of healing in contemporary spiritualities is hardly limited to Quebec, as is evident in the works of McGuire (1996, 2008), Csordas (1994, 2001, 2002), Aubree (2003), Corten (1995) and others, including Cristina Rocha, Cristophe Monnot and Philippe Gonzalez and Laurent Denizeau, whose work can be found in this issue. Moreover, several of the contributions to this issue attest to the power of spiritual healing rituals and of practitioners to attract participants and clients across national and religious boundaries, leading to transnational networks of healing practitioners and clients; for example, Vodou priests and priestesses often circulate between Montreal, Miami and Haiti, as do those seeking their help (Drotbohm 2009). Cristina Rocha's article in this issue shows how Australians seek healing from a Brazilian practitioner, John of God, coming from a spiritual tradition (Spiritism) few of them know about, in a country few have ever visited, and who speaks a language that is not their own. As the aforementioned examples suggest, religious healing takes many different forms; there are rituals of catharsis that liberate emotions and provide a social setting for emotional release (to be found, for example, in charismatic groups, both Catholic and Protestant), along with rituals oriented to healing individuals or healing the earth; for some, pilgrimage is a form of healing (Boutin 2008), while for others, yoga meditation in a group (McGuire 2008: 139) may have a similar effect. (2) In some cases, such as the "Soiree miracles" described by Denizeau in this issue, prayer (by the supplicant and the other participants) is an integral part of the techniques of healing. More generally, practices of bodily ascesis prescribed by religion may be interpreted as a means of healing for oneself or for others, as, for example, the fasting of Hindu wives for the good of their husbands and families (Betbeder 2009); as Geraldine Mossiere's article shows, the regulation of the body prescribed by Islam (modesty and dietary rules) are interpreted by converts as having psychic and physical benefits. …

Many will remember the 1988 Canadian Ethnology Society's meetings in Saskatoon. Immigrants and Refugees in Canada owes many of its chapters to papers presented there. Its 25 chapters are spread across three vital areas of ethnic research, namely, ethnicity of immigrant groups, the refugee experience of relocation and the immigrant and refugee experience in Quebec. Part 1, "Cultural Dimensions of Ethnicity among Immigrant Groups in Canada," deals with both theoretical and substantive issues. Sharma's introduction provides one of the most succinct overviews of ethnic research in Canada, drawing on the contributions of various disciplines and anthropology in particular. Anderson summons the reader to consider a dynamic model of ethnicity, namely, the response of minorities to "dominant social control mechanisms." The usual emphasis on cultural vitality and institutional completeness is too static a view, according to him. Anderson's search for new research dimensions is laudable, although it may be a matter of disappointment to him (and to us) that gaps and biases beyond the control of researchers will continue to frustrate many researchers. Vital statistic bureaus do not record ethnic background of marrieds, and research-fund gatekeepers are still more likely to reject applications for qualitative research on aged widows than the more quantifiable sort of research on the non-aged. Anderson pinpoints both the traditions and weaknesses of nine academic fields that have an interest in doing ethnic research, and urges us to move to a higher theoretical plane of greater value to current issues and policies. The articles by Parin Dossa and George Kurian, on old Ismailis and South Asian youth, respectively, make it possible for us to see the relative position of the old and the young among new Canadians. The old try to sustain meaning in their life by drawing on the whole community, while the young see more meaning in drawing away from the community that emphasized arranged marriages. A less satisfactory article by Samuel and Jansson on immigration levels and the economic and demographic environment misses an important point in their analysis of dependency ratios. Surely, the economic relationship between those under 65 and those over 65 years of age expresses a cultural ethos. How does the prevailing gentler attitudes of immigrants towards those over 65 enter into their equation? Surely, even the term "dependency ratio" is a statistical artifact, not one that denotes cultural and social variables. Ather Akbari's all-too-short article on the question of whether immigrants contribute more to the public treasury than they receive offers empirical evidence that immigrants make a positive contribution to the overall economy. Part 2, "Cross-Cultural Adjustment: The Refugee Experience of Relocation," takes a more practical bent, focussing on refugee settlement policy, application and practice. Groups under consideration are Vietnamese refugees and Southeast Asian women. Articles on E.S.L. tutoring and cross-cultural misunderstandings between refugees and social-service agencies explore the practical applications of refugee work. Ervin's introduction sets the tone in this section and aims to bring a practical application of anthropology. Donald D. Taylor's discussion of Vietnamese refugee adaptation offers a strikingly different image from Linda Fuchs' study of Southeast Asian refugee women in the same city. Taylor's article underscores the positive dimensions of resettlement, while Fuchs hones in on less-than-satisfactory levels of happiness among refugees. …

IntroductionThe impact of the Internet on social relations is the subject of much conjecture and debate in the popular press and has attracted the attention of a considerable number of scholars (for example Bakardjieva 2005; Wellman and Haythornthwaite 2002). A good deal of attention has been given to the issue of whether the Internet decreases face-to-face social interaction (Nie and Hillygus 2002), weakens or strengthens community ties (Matei and Ball-Rokeach 2001; Wellman et al. 2001), and whether it reinforces or subverts authoritarian political regimes (Kalathil and Boas 2003). Here I address somewhat similar questions in regard to the religious domain: for example, how does use of the Internet reinforce or weaken social ties within religious groups? How does the Internet threaten or reinforce religious authority? In short, how does the Internet shape religious sociality? These questions are framed within the larger issue of what a number of scholars have termed the "individualization" of contemporary religious life.As Sade-Beck (2004) has noted, the Internet integrates personal and mass media and provides the user with a new sort of topography, "a rapid, new, immediate, multi-layered world," (46) one that is available 24 hours a day. What this new world means for life in the physical world - often referred to, perhaps erroneously, as the "real world," as opposed to a virtual one - is not entirely clear. A number of psychological studies associate heavy Internet use with loneliness (for example Amichai-Hamburger and Ben-Artzi 2003; Morahan-Martin and Schumacher 2003); however, in a review of the psychological literature, Bargh and McKenna conclude that, despite mass media stereotypes, "the Internet does not make its users depressed or lonely and it does not seem to be a threat to community life - quite the opposite, in fact" (2004:319). Political scientists Nie and Hillygus (2002) emphasize that time is not elastic and that indeed, Internet use does take away from time spent with family and friends; however, its effects on relationships appear to vary depending on the time and place of use. Sociability and community involvement are not created by the Internet, according to a review of sociological research on the subject, although existing tendencies are likely to be reinforced by it (DiMaggio et al. 2001). Several anthropological studies examine new forms of sociability generated by the Internet (McLard and Anderson 2008; Wilson and Peterson 2002) especially as regards intimate relationships (Johnson-Hanks 2007; Nisbett 2006; Padilla et al. 2007). To a large degree, the findings on religious use of the Internet that I present here confirm these more widespread tendencies. At the same time, I suggest, they shed new light on questions that concern students of religion, namely the individualization of religion and emerging forms of religious sociality. Results from the ongoing team research I direct on contemporary religious groups in Quebec, along with work done by others, show that these new forms of religious sociality are partly fuelled by new information technologies. Different types of religious groups and religious actors use new technologies (Internet, chat rooms, DVDs, email, websites) in different ways, for different objectives and with varying degrees of reflexivity.Our team's research has found three main types of Internet use for religious purposes: (1) for building and maintaining contacts with other congregations and individuals within the same religious orientation on local and international levels; (2) for governance of religious groups at a distance; (3) for religious learning and training; and (4) for accessing spiritual/religious resources (prayers, sermons, rituals). To illustrate each of these, I will use one or several examples from the team study or from independent research by team participants. Our team research shows that Internet technology can be used to reinforce transnational religious governance. …

Our research concerns the ethnic identity of youth (18-22yrs) of immigrant parentage (Greek, Portuguese, Chilean, Vietnamese and Salvadoran, with a comparison group of French-speaking Québécois youth) in Montreal. Despite the questioning of notions of ethnicity and ethnic identity that has been going on for several decades, this area of research is still marked by essentialist perspectives that do not coincide with the results of our research. The young people interviewed express fluid ethnic identities that have changed over time and that are characterised by multiple forms of ethnic belonging. They present their ethnic identity as a source of enrichment rather than of conflict or feelings of inferiority. The oral accounts of youth of immigrant origin in Montreal give much evidence of transnationality, that is, ties with the cultural group of origin whether in the country of origin or elsewhere; and of transethnicity, solidarities with other ethnic groups in Montreal that are seen ...

Notre recherche porte sur l'identité ethnique des jeunes d'origine immigrée (portugaise, grecque, salvadorienne et chilienne) à Montréal. Malgré la remise en question des notions d'ethnicité et d'identité ethnique qui se poursuit depuis quelques décennies, ce domaine de recherche reste encore marqué par des perspectives essen-tialisteü qui ne coïncident pas avec les données de notre enquête. Les jeunes interviewés expriment des identités ethniques assez fluides et qui sont caractérisées par de multiples appartenances. Ils présentent leur identité: ethnique comme une source d'enrichissement plutôt que de conflits qui n'engendre pas chez eux un sentime:nt d'infériorité. Nous examinons ces résultats à la lumière de facteurs contextuels relatifs au milieu montréalais ainsi qu'au groupe d'âge des interviewés. Il nous apparaît qu'il faut questionner la conceptualisation de l'identité ethnique telle qu'elle concerne les jeunes d'origine i...

Umbanda has attracted increased scholarly attention, not only as it appears in Brazil but in bordering countries such as Uruguay, Paraguay and Argentina. This chapter describes the Temple offers a vivid illustration of how globalization is leading to new forms of religious communalization. The transnational expansion of this line of Umbanda holds interesting religious and cultural implications for the religious community itself. While Umbanda is generally seen by its adherents as a universal religion, in practice this has brought certain social, cultural and spiritual challenges for the Aran Temple. The chapter also describe the origins and the transnational modus operandi of the Aran Temple in Montreal. The participation in the Temple of highly educated individuals, and in particular those engaged in therapeutic occupations, is intriguing, but is far from a unique case in the Montreal context. Keywords:Aran; Argentina; Brazil; Montreal; Paraguay; religious communalization; transnational authenticity; Umbanda temple; Uruguay

Résumé À première vue, l’objet de notre enquête, soit les croyances des spiritualistes, peut sembler très flou. Nous présenterons tout d’abord une topologie heuristique des croyances de spiritualistes membres du groupe sur lequel est centrée notre enquête. Le spiritualisme se distingue en effet par certaines croyances — on peut contacter les esprits des défunts et ces derniers peuvent venir en aide aux vivants — ainsi que par sa conception des dons spirituels dont chaque être humain serait doté. La guérison par les mains ou à distance, la clairvoyance, la clairaudience et la psychométrie (voyance à travers les objets) figurent ainsi parmi les dons possibles. Puis, nous essaierons de montrer que le caractère apparemment flou des croyances (la diversité de leur provenance, la variabilité des croyances au sein du groupe spiritualiste) n’empêche pas que la croyance religieuse s’épanouisse dans la vie de ces gens. Nous examinerons à cet effet de quelle manière les pratiques spécifiques a...

Cette étude traite du processus d’apprentissage de la médiumnité tel que vécu par l’auteure dans le cadre d’une enquête menée auprès de spiritualistes à Montréal. D’une part sont examinés les choix qu’implique une telle démarche sur les plans méthodologique, éthique et personnel. D’autre part sont discutés les apports de cette approche quant à la compréhension des expériences spirituelles des participants de l’enquête.

Cet article se fonde sur les données d’une recherche menée au Québec (à Montréal et en région) auprès de 80 couples mixtes composés de partenaires d’origines ethniques différentes et ayant au moins un enfant en bas âge. Nous y examinons d’un peu plus près le rapport de ces couples avec les familles des conjoints et le rôle de celles-ci dans la socialisation des enfants. Nous montrons l’existence de contacts très denses entre le couple et les membres de leur famille, et ce, que ces derniers résident au Québec, au pays d’origine ou ailleurs dans le monde. Nous démontrons également que la lignée du conjoint issu d’une minorité ethnique demeure une partenaire privilégiée des parents dans la réalisation de leurs projets identitaires, axés sur la transmission des référents associés aux multiples origines de l’enfant. La place occupée par le pays d’origine dans les stratégies des couples mixtes est également soulignée.

Research in Quebec by a team that I direct indicates that religious collectivities still have very important roles to play despite the individualization of religion and the changing relations between individuals and religious institutions. The analysis focuses on the smaller, more marginal spiritualities that attract native-born Québécois, who often maintain some ties with the Catholic Church. Here we find abundant evidence of individualized, hybrid spiritualities but we also see that religious sociality remains essential for maximizing the effectiveness of religious (spiritual) practice, providing a framework for religious apprenticeship, supporting those in ritually produced altered states of consciousness, and validating religious authenticity of the practices and beliefs of participants. While collectivities remain important in more mainstream religious congregations (Catholics and Pentecostals, for example), the specifically religious elements of communality in these groups are...

Transnationalism and Renewal of Cape Verdean-American Feslive Life Transnationalism goes beyond the political and economie levels and encompasses symbols and ritual. We discuss the Cape Verdean transnationalism as a longstanding phenomenon that has taken new ...

... Pourtant, la plupart des enfants de réfugiés chiliens et vietnamiens ont eu des amitiés plus proches avec des Québécois(es) d'origine canadienne française de leur âge. LIENS TRANSNATIONAUX. ... musique populaire contemporaine, souvent enregistrés aux États-Unis. ...

Wade, Peter. Blackness and Race Mixture: The Dynamics of Racial Identity in Colombia. Baltimore, MD; Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993. xv+ 415 pp. including appendices, references, and index. 58.00cloth.Wetherell,MargaretandJonathanPotter. ...

In the spring of 1996, a tragic accident deprived us of an individual who was both one of our closest friends and most energetic and creative colleagues. Our professional associations with Lisa Gilad were different: we knew her for her work in social anthropology, refugee ...

... Il est possible que l'article/le numéro ne soit pas encore offert sur notre service. Volume 33, numéro 1, 2011, p. 5-322Guérison / Healing Sous la direction de Deirdre Meintel et Géraldine Mossière. ... Articles. Deirdre Meintel et Géraldine Mossière. ...

The reorganization of health care in Quebec, as in the rest of Canada, has helped reinforce inequities based on gender, race, ethnic status, etc. in employment in this field. Home health care workers in Quebec, called auxiliaires, are mostly women, frequently immigrants, and ...