Piotr Madajczyk
Polish Academy of Sciences, Institute of Political Studies, Department Member
- Polish History, Forced Migration, German History, Ethnic minorities, Nation-State, Central and Eastern Europe, and 29 moreCollaboration, Upper Silesia, History and Memory, Politics of Memory, History of Polish People's Republic (PRL), Minorities, Ethnic Cleansing, WWII, Expulsion, Ethnic Cleansing, Gustav Stresemann, Eugenics, German-Polish Relations, Modern German History, Contemporary History, 20th Century German History, Social Engineering, History Of Eugenics, Biopolitics, Ukrainian Studies, Ethnic Conflict, Modern European History, Twentieth Century Germany, German Politics, Central and East European Studies, Nationalism, Nazi Germany, Eastern European Studies, German Studies, Nationalsocialism, and Nationalsozialismusedit
Aside from his commitment to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide from 9 December 1948, Lemkin was working on an interdisciplinary publication on the history of genocide, which... more
Aside from his commitment to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide from 9 December 1948, Lemkin was working on an interdisciplinary publication on the history of genocide, which was to offer a global perspective on its emergence over the centuries. Owing to this effort, he is recognized not just as the creator of the 1948 Convention, but also the father of genocide studies, which defi ne the crime much more broadly than the convention does.
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Das Thema meiner Überlegungen bildet die Reflexion über die Forschungen zu der polnischen Subgesellschaft der Häftlingsgesellschaft des Konzentrationslagers Gusen. Zu dieser Problematik sind schon einige Arbeiten erschienen, ebenso... more
Das Thema meiner Überlegungen bildet die Reflexion über die Forschungen zu der polnischen Subgesellschaft der Häftlingsgesellschaft des Konzentrationslagers Gusen. Zu dieser Problematik sind schon einige Arbeiten erschienen, ebenso persönliche Erinnerungen wie auch historische Bearbeitungen. Damit stellt sich die Frage nach weiteren Forschungen in diesem Bereich, ob und welche neuen Fragen man formulieren kann und welche Quellen uns zur Verfügung stehen.
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The article describes the political context of the revival, in early 60s, of the Rapacki Plan. The tradition in Polish historiography holds its main objective to have been a disarmament. Ministry of Foreign Affairs documents, which are... more
The article describes the political context of the revival, in early 60s, of the Rapacki Plan. The tradition in Polish historiography holds its main objective to have been a disarmament. Ministry of Foreign Affairs documents, which are currently available make a much more balanced and differentiated approach to its appraisal possible. The article takes into account both a certain autonomy present in the Polish initiative and its dependence on Soviet policy. At the ministry in Warsaw, they were aware that a disarmament initiative as such had meagre chances of being implemented; nevertheless, it could provide an effective tool for the carrying out of foreign policy. What is particularly interesting is the use of the Rapacki Plan as an instrument aimed at restricting the political influences of the Federal Republic of Germany in the 60s, which can be seen in the documents. Minister Rapacki had elaborated upon an idea for focussing attention on West German opposition to the Polish proposals, for propaganda reasons. These efforts aimed at creating an atmosphere of isolation around the FRG and most of all, at persuading the Polish public opinion that it was the FRG which was most responsible for the rejection of the Polish initiative.
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Forschungen zur deutschen Besatzungspolitik wurden in Polen aus gesell-schaftlichem Interesse ebenso wie aus politischen Gründen besonders geför-dert und bewegten sich schon früh auf einem sehr hohen Niveau.... more
Forschungen zur deutschen Besatzungspolitik wurden in Polen aus gesell-schaftlichem Interesse ebenso wie aus politischen Gründen besonders geför-dert und bewegten sich schon früh auf einem sehr hohen Niveau. Grundsätz-lich war und blieb bis heute der Kontext dieser Forschungen, die polnischePerspektive des 20. Jahrhunderts, ein anderer als in den westeuropäischenStaaten. In der westeuropäischen Perspektive haben zwei große Katastrophendas kurze Jahrhundert zwischen 1914 und 1989 geprägt: der Erste und derZweite Weltkrieg. In der polnischen Geschichtsschreibung wie im kollektivenGedächtnis des Landes wurden diese beiden großen historischen Ereignissestrikt auseinander gehalten. Der Erste Weltkrieg wurde im historischen Ge-dächtnis marginalisiert und hatte nur eine begrenzte Wirkung: als Erinnerungan den Wiederaufbau Polens als unabhängigem Staat in Folge diese s Krieges.Das bedeutet, dass der Erste Weltkrieg grundsätzlich positiv betrachtet wurde,weil er jenes ungerechte System zerstörte, zu dem die Teilung Polens gehörte.Als nach Kriegsende die Teilungsmächte Österreich-Ungarn, Russland und daswilhelminische Kaiserreich zerfielen, erhielt Polen die Möglichkeit , seine natio-nalen Interessen zu verfolgen1: Dies ist nicht allein ein polnischer, sondernauch ein mittelosteuropäischer und südosteuropäischer Blickwinkel, der alleNationen betrifft, die zuerst von den europäischen Großmächten dominiertwurden und nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg eigene Nationalstaaten aufbauenkonnten
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In 2005 the government in Berlin changed, Gerhard Schröder’s red-green coalition was substituted by Angela Merkel’s black-yellow one. Merkel’s government received a difficult legacy of pro-Russian orientation from the former chancellor.... more
In 2005 the government in Berlin changed, Gerhard Schröder’s red-green coalition was substituted by Angela Merkel’s black-yellow one. Merkel’s government received a difficult legacy of pro-Russian orientation from the former chancellor. According to Stephan Bierling summarising Schröder’s chancellorship: relations with the United States worsened, European integration was hampered, the euro foundation weakened, Germany failed to get a permanent seat in the UN Security Council and Berlin did not have a strategic vision of foreign policy limiting it to economic aspects more and more1. After the next election in 2009, because of poor results gained by liberals, CDU had to form a coalition with SPD, which meant Frank-Walter Steinmeier, former close collaborator of Chancellor Schröder, became the Minister of Foreign Affairs. During Angela Merkel’s term, international constellation changed but the Chancellor herself was also basically different from her predecessor: she was rational, antic...
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Ryszard Szawłowski, Rafał Lemkin. Polski prawnik, twórca pojęcia „genocyd” (ludobójstwo) oraz inicjator i główny architekt konwencji ONZ o genocydzie z 9 grudnia 1948. Biografia intelektualna, Wydawnictwo Akademickie Sedno, Warszawa 2020
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The article entitled ‘Social Engineering in Central and South--East Europe in the First Half of the 20th Century’ has been written by Piotr Madajczyk, a historian specialising in Polish--German relations, national and ethnic minorities in... more
The article entitled ‘Social Engineering in Central and South--East Europe in the First Half of the 20th Century’ has been written by Piotr Madajczyk, a historian specialising in Polish--German relations, national and ethnic minorities in Central Europe, and social engineering issues. In his article, he focuses on social engineering in Central Europe. In this context, the author tries to answer the questions: What were the main directions of development of social engineering projects in this part of the world?; In what political, social, cultural (for example, through the prism of science and religion) and economic contexts were they shaped?; What tools were used in them and what
determined their choice?
s. 49-76
determined their choice?
s. 49-76
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On 20 December 1950, the Secretary General of the United Nations invited the Federal Republic of Germany to accede to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 9 December 1948. For several reasons the... more
On 20 December 1950, the Secretary General of the United Nations invited the Federal Republic of Germany to accede to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 9 December 1948. For several reasons the West German authorities treated the Convention as a tool to conduct foreign policy. The ratification of the Convention by West Germany and the form in which it was to take place were also important for Lemkin. Lemkin’s aforementioned fears explain why it was so important to him that the German language version of the Convention did not include phrases that distorted its original connotation and bring it closer to the Nuremberg principles. After a meeting of the Bundestag Law Committee on 3 May 1954, the West German justice minister informed Lemkin about the course of the discussions and also informed him that most of the proposed amendments and changes were accepted.
Research Interests: Genocide Studies, United Nations, German Foreign Policy, Genocide, West Germany, and 10 moreGenocide Prevention, UN Convention on Genocide 1948, Lemkin, Raphael Lemkin, Genocide Research, Rafał Lemkin, Nuremberg Principles, West German History, Genocide and Lemkin, and Prevention of war crimes, genocide, armed conflict
The article analyses the impact of the events of 1968 on West German public opinion and politics. Following the first comments in the press, published on 11th March, the events of that month in Poland were watched attentively in the FRG.... more
The article analyses the impact of the events of 1968 on West German public opinion and politics. Following the first comments in the press, published on 11th March, the events of that month in Poland were watched attentively in the FRG. West German observers connected with the power struggles in the PUWP, while West German politicians were of the opinion that the best solution in such a situation would be to wait and see, and sustain contacts with Warsaw cautiously.
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W roku 2018 Reinhard Strecker jest starym, zniszczonym przez chorobę człowie-kiem. Jego działalność i osoba budziły kontrowersje zarówno w Polsce, jak i w Niem-czech – gdzie niektórzy uważali go za człowieka naiwnego i... more
W roku 2018 Reinhard Strecker jest starym, zniszczonym przez chorobę człowie-kiem. Jego działalność i osoba budziły kontrowersje zarówno w Polsce, jak i w Niem-czech – gdzie niektórzy uważali go za człowieka naiwnego i wykorzystywanego przez komunistyczne władze. Niniejszy artykuł nie zawiera ostatecznego wyjaśnienia tych wątpliwości, jest raczej rekonesansem badawczym w trudny obszar historii, gdy lewicowi studenci z Niemiec Zachodnich spotykali się z realiami politycznymi ówczesnego świata.
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It is worthwhile noting the above mentioned group – the Polish leadership elite – as its fate reveals the objectives of Nazi-Germany’s occupation policy in Poland. Before the outbreak of war, the German authorities began to plan the... more
It is worthwhile noting the above mentioned group – the Polish leadership elite – as its fate reveals the objectives of Nazi-Germany’s occupation policy in Poland. Before the outbreak of war, the German authorities began to plan the extermination of a broadly defined Polish leadership elite. Although generally referred to as the intelligentsia, with education and occupation as the main measure, in fact it was aimed at all of those active in Poland’s political, social, cultural or economic life. The extermination was carried out on the basis of arrest lists which eventually took the form of “Sonderfahndungsbuch”, or “Books of Poles pursued by arrest”, containing over 8,000 names – writes Professor Piotr Madajczyk.
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The commonly held truth is that the attitude of German society and the German elite to Russia is different to the attitude of Poland. This is not entirely true because due to Russian policy, the Germans have become more critical of Russia... more
The commonly held truth is that the attitude of German society and the German elite to Russia is different to the attitude of Poland. This is not entirely true because due to Russian policy, the Germans have become more critical of Russia in the twenty-first century than before. Germany, however, pursues a more global policy than Poland. As Russia and Germany are of great significance in Polish politics, it is important to question the German vision of Russia’s place in today’s multipolar world. This is all the more important given that Germany, as the strongest country in Europe and the one that stabilized the euro zone, has difficulty in defining its role in the international arena. It is only as a result of the recent debate about the hybrid war, that Germany has overcome its unilateral geo-economic perception of the world. It is clear that the Germans are facing a new challenge, which they have not been prepared for.
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During World War ii, the policy followed by the Germans with respect to the Polish nation referenced this tradition, but at the same time gave it an entirely new and different meaning. Only those Polish people who could be used for... more
During World War ii, the policy followed by the Germans with respect to the Polish nation referenced this tradition, but at the same time gave it an entirely new and different meaning. Only those Polish people who could be used for unskilled labor were to survive. The planned mass extermination of Polish elites (Sonderfahndungsbuch) commenced already in September 1939, and was continued in subsequent years (as Aktion AB). The mentally ill or handicapped, considered unfit for labor, were also to be exterminated. Shortly afterwards, the immediate extermination of people of Jewish nationality or descent – some of whom were members of the intelligentsia – was added to the agend
Research Interests: Polish History, Genocide Studies, East European intelligentsias, Second World War, History of Elites, and 11 moreWorld War II, Soviet Union (History), Second World War (History), Nazi Germany, Genocide, Nationalsocialism, Nationalsozialismus, German occupation policies, Poles under the Soviet occupation, Extermination, and German Occupied Poland during WWII
Przedmiotem moich rozważań będzie próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, jakie były wartości i motywy, kierujące pierwszym ze wspomnianych prawników, czyli Rafałem Lemkinem. Ich zrozumienie utrudnia fakt, że często z perspektywy późniejszych... more
Przedmiotem moich rozważań będzie próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, jakie były wartości i motywy, kierujące pierwszym ze wspomnianych prawników, czyli Rafałem Lemkinem. Ich zrozumienie utrudnia fakt, że często z perspektywy późniejszych doświadczeń życiowych motywy działań ulegają mitologizacji, opisywane są jako logiczna i konsekwentna droga, prowadząca od wczesnych lat życia do realizacji wyznaczonego wówczas celu. Tak też działo się w przypadku Lemkina.
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W 2006 roku przez Polskę przetoczyła się fala dyskusji o roli odegranej przez Chiny pięćdziesiąt lat wcześniej, gdy Moskwa rozważała możliwość wojskowej interwencji w Polsce, w odpowiedzi na Październik i objęcie funkcji I sekretarza KC... more
W 2006 roku przez Polskę przetoczyła się fala dyskusji o roli odegranej przez Chiny pięćdziesiąt lat wcześniej, gdy Moskwa rozważała możliwość wojskowej interwencji w Polsce, w odpowiedzi na Październik i objęcie funkcji I sekretarza KC PZPR przez Władysława Gomułkę. Warto wrócić dzisiaj do tych rozważań, zastanowić się nad zbieżnościami i rozbieżnościami polskiej i chińskiej polityki. Można bowiem przyjąć, że Pekin ode-grał kluczową rolę w zapobieżeniu sowieckiej interwencji, ale równocześnie Pekin aspirował do przejmowania przywódczej roli w „obozie socjali-stycznym” i starał się osłabić hegemonię sowiecką, czyli prowadził bardziej skomplikowaną, globalną grę. W kolejnych latach drogi władz polskich i chińskich rozeszły się, mimo, że Gomułka starał się łagodzić narastający konflikt Moskwy z Pekinem.
Research Interests: International Relations, Soviet History, Polish History, Eastern European history, History of Communism, and 11 moreMao Zedong, Chinese Communist Party, Polish Foreign Policy, Russian and East European Studies, Khrushchev, Polish Communist Party, Polish October 1956, 1956 Hungarian Revolution, Wladyslaw Gomulka, History of Soviet - Chinese and Russia - chinese relations, and Polish-Chinese relations
The political scene of the Federal Republic of Germany was traditionally recognised as extraordinarily stable. However, in the second decade of the 21st century the pace of changes in it has clearly quickened and... more
The political scene of the Federal Republic of Germany was traditionally recognised as extraordinarily stable. However, in the second decade of the 21st century the pace of changes in it has clearly quickened and they are reshaping it in the long term. The changes are conditioned by internal policy as well as global trends. In the author’s opinion, the change in the German political scene does not take place rapidly but one can see the weakening of the left wing, the change of the party playing the role of a pivotal one, and probably the movement of Christian democracy towards the right wing under the pressure of radical tendencies. The growing difference between the so-called old and new federal states constitutes the biggest threat because the latter prove to be much more vulnerable to the influence of radically right movements.
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There is a common belief that German society and elites’ attitude to Rus- sia differs from the Polish one. It is not the full truth because, as a result of Russia’s policy, the attitude towards Russia has become much more critical in... more
There is a common belief that German society and elites’ attitude to Rus-
sia differs from the Polish one. It is not the full truth because, as a result of
Russia’s policy, the attitude towards Russia has become much more critical in
Germany of the 21st century than it was before. However, Germany carries
out a more global policy than Poland, thus, because of the importance of Ger-
many and Russia in Poland’s policy, there is an important question what the
German vision of Russia’s position in the just developing multipolar world
is. The question is even more important as Germany, the strongest state in
Europe, stabilising the euro zone, has evident problems with defining its
own role on the international arena and overcoming a one-sided geopolitical
perception of the world
sia differs from the Polish one. It is not the full truth because, as a result of
Russia’s policy, the attitude towards Russia has become much more critical in
Germany of the 21st century than it was before. However, Germany carries
out a more global policy than Poland, thus, because of the importance of Ger-
many and Russia in Poland’s policy, there is an important question what the
German vision of Russia’s position in the just developing multipolar world
is. The question is even more important as Germany, the strongest state in
Europe, stabilising the euro zone, has evident problems with defining its
own role on the international arena and overcoming a one-sided geopolitical
perception of the world
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25 lutego 1956 roku I sekretarz Komitetu Centralnego Komunistycznej Partii Związku Radzieckiego, Nikita Chruszczow na XX zjeździe tej partii wygłosił swój bulwersujący tajny referat o działalności Stalina. Bezpośrednio nie odnosił się on... more
25 lutego 1956 roku I sekretarz Komitetu Centralnego Komunistycznej Partii Związku Radzieckiego, Nikita Chruszczow na XX zjeździe tej partii wygłosił swój bulwersujący tajny referat o działalności Stalina. Bezpośrednio nie odnosił się on do Polski i innych państw satelickich Związku Radzieckiego, dotyczył jednak zasad funkcjonowania Związku Radzieckiego jako centrum sowieckiego imperium. Referat ten w Polsce stał się szeroko znany w kręgach partyjnych i zapoczątkował głębokie przemiany ideologiczno-polityczne.
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Rafał (Raphael) Lemkin is currently the best–known Polish lawyer, whose name appears invariably as a point of departure for international discussions about genocide. He is the author of The German New Order in Poland and in 1944 published... more
Rafał (Raphael) Lemkin is currently the best–known Polish lawyer, whose name appears invariably as a point of departure for international discussions about genocide. He is the author of The German New Order in Poland and in 1944 published Axis Rule in Occupied Europe, containing the term: “genocide”. At the time of the Nuremberg Trial Lemkin acted as adviser to United States Supreme Court Justice Robert H. Jackson. Subsequently, he worked on devising an act of law that would define the principles of penalising the crime of genocide. On 9 December 1948 the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. In Poland the revival of interest in Lemkin has its positive and negative sides. The former undoubtedly include changing or rather initiating an alteration of a situation embarrassing or outright insulting for Poland, namely, when Polish–language versions of the above–mentioned books about the Axis occupation were not available and Lemkin was not mentioned in assorted studies. The latter aspect involves his sui generis sacralisation and elevation, hindering a critical discussion about his achievements, since such a debate could be interpreted as questioning them. This article endeavours to examine the conception of genocide from the viewpoint of an historian, and reflects on the extent to which it could become an instrument of historical analysis.
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Der polnische Historiker Piotr Madajczyk (Warschau) sprach in seinem Vortrag über den stalinistischen Terror in der Volksrepublik Polen. Spätestens mit der Vereinigung von Kommunisten und Sozialisten im Dezember 1948 waren die letzten... more
Der polnische Historiker Piotr Madajczyk (Warschau) sprach in seinem Vortrag über den stalinistischen Terror in der Volksrepublik Polen. Spätestens mit der Vereinigung von Kommunisten und Sozialisten im Dezember 1948 waren die letzten Hindernisse auf dem Weg zur Diktatur beseitigt. Unter ihrem Generalsekretär Bolesław Bierut, der selbst Gegenstand eines pompösen Personenkultes wurde, überzogen die Kommunisten das Land mit Terror und Gewalt.
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Russian propaganda after aggression against Ukraine was part of the broader concept of the use of soft power, which was formed in Russia in the 21st century. In this article I show the creation of structures of this propaganda, which a... more
Russian propaganda after aggression against Ukraine was part of the broader concept of the use of soft power, which was formed in Russia in the 21st century. In this article I show the creation of structures of this propaganda, which a key aim is the Federal Republic of Germany. I ana-lyze the use in this propaganda of anti-Americanism, and such political mi-lieus in Germany as Alternative for Germany and some organizations relat-ed to the populist-nationalistic conservatism. Indicated was the role that Russia would like to assign to Russlanddeutsche, it means, to peoples of German nationality, which resettle to Germany since the 1980s. from the former Soviet Union. The end date is 2016, which brought significant changes in this issue. German public opinion, media, politicians and the relevant state institutions have recognised the importance of the Russian propaganda and Russian attempts, partially successful, manipulate senti-ments in Germany.
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The book is the first biography of Raphael Lemkin to draw on a comprehensive body of research into Lemkin as a person and his background and will be of interest to both non-specialists and academics. Drawing on archival materials, a... more
The book is the first biography of Raphael Lemkin to draw on a comprehensive body of research into Lemkin as a person and his background and will be of interest to both non-specialists and academics. Drawing on archival materials, a nuanced description is provided of the ethnically mixed Belarusian-Polish-Jewish border region where Lemkin grew up and which shaped him, clarifying at the same time some of the misinterpretations that have surrounded Lemkin’s life.
Lemkin’s professional career and intellectual interests up to the time of his flight from Poland after the German aggression of 1939 are exhaustively described. In the latter part of the book, the author poses, among other things, the question of how Lemkin’s activities in the United States were influenced by the experience of the first almost 40 years of his life.
Lemkin’s professional career and intellectual interests up to the time of his flight from Poland after the German aggression of 1939 are exhaustively described. In the latter part of the book, the author poses, among other things, the question of how Lemkin’s activities in the United States were influenced by the experience of the first almost 40 years of his life.
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Pierwsza pełna polska biografia Rafała Lemkina, twórcy terminu genocyd, zarówno usuwająca większość niejasności co do pierwszych lat jego życia, jak i ukazująca świat, który ukształtował go do 1939 roku. The first full Polish biography... more
Pierwsza pełna polska biografia Rafała Lemkina, twórcy terminu genocyd, zarówno usuwająca większość niejasności co do pierwszych lat jego życia, jak i ukazująca świat, który ukształtował go do 1939 roku.
The first full Polish biography of Raphael Lemkin, creator of the term genocide, both clearing up most of the ambiguity about his early years and presenting the world that shaped him until 1939.
The first full Polish biography of Raphael Lemkin, creator of the term genocide, both clearing up most of the ambiguity about his early years and presenting the world that shaped him until 1939.
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Historisch gab es keine scharfe Abgrenzung zwischen ostmitteleuropäischen Staaten, sowie keine klaren Grenzen. Diese Staaten entstanden, verschwanden und entstanden wieder. Sie waren multiethnisch und multikonfessionell. Die Grenzen der... more
Historisch gab es keine scharfe Abgrenzung zwischen
ostmitteleuropäischen Staaten, sowie keine klaren
Grenzen. Diese Staaten entstanden, verschwanden
und entstanden wieder. Sie waren multiethnisch und
multikonfessionell. Die Grenzen der Länder, besonders
die polnischen, wechselten. Breit verstreut waren
über Ostmitteleuropa die ethnischen Minderheiten,
vor allem deutsche, jüdische, polnische und ungarische.
Territoriale und politische Veränderungen
wirbelten die Bevölkerungsstruktur durcheinander.
ostmitteleuropäischen Staaten, sowie keine klaren
Grenzen. Diese Staaten entstanden, verschwanden
und entstanden wieder. Sie waren multiethnisch und
multikonfessionell. Die Grenzen der Länder, besonders
die polnischen, wechselten. Breit verstreut waren
über Ostmitteleuropa die ethnischen Minderheiten,
vor allem deutsche, jüdische, polnische und ungarische.
Territoriale und politische Veränderungen
wirbelten die Bevölkerungsstruktur durcheinander.
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Projects of nation-state building and their representation in historography and historical memory: Croatia, Germany, Poland and Ukraine in the twentieth century’. The prject was conducted at the Institute of Political Studies od the... more
Projects of nation-state building and their representation in historography and historical memory: Croatia, Germany, Poland and Ukraine in the twentieth century’. The prject was conducted at the Institute of Political Studies od the Polish Academy of Sciences (PAN). The aim of the participants in the project, developed jointly by the Department of German Studies and the Department of History of Eastern Territories, was to provide a broad perspective on nation-building processes in Central Europe in the nineteenth centuries and to determine the place of projects on population policy (social engineering) in these processes. The authors also analyse the role of memory of these projects in developing nation states in this region of Europe in the second half of the twentieth century and contemporary times.
The subjects analysed cover a broad spectrum of issues related to the emergence of modern states, demography, eugenics, racial hygiene, statistics, geography and specific policies – from supporting the birth of preferred groups to genocide. The book concerns both the development of modern societies and the problems of nationalism, racial ideology and the idea of ‚the body of the nation’.
The subjects analysed cover a broad spectrum of issues related to the emergence of modern states, demography, eugenics, racial hygiene, statistics, geography and specific policies – from supporting the birth of preferred groups to genocide. The book concerns both the development of modern societies and the problems of nationalism, racial ideology and the idea of ‚the body of the nation’.
Research Interests: Soviet History, Genocide Studies, History and Memory, Nationalism, Totalitarianism, and 13 moreModern Croatian History, Biopolitcs, Second World War (History), Nazi Germany, Genocide, Social Engineering, Ethnopolitics, Cemeteries, history of OUN UPA, Totalitarism, Mitteleuropa / Central European studies, Raphael Lemkin, and Nation building and State making
Die konkreten Geschicke der deutschen Minderheit im sozialistischen Polen lagen über lange Zeit im Dunkeln. Die Beiträge im vorliegenden Band bieten erste Schritte zur Schließung dieser Wissens- und Forschungslücke. Mit besonderem Fokus... more
Die konkreten Geschicke der deutschen Minderheit im sozialistischen Polen lagen über lange Zeit im Dunkeln. Die Beiträge im vorliegenden Band bieten erste Schritte zur Schließung dieser Wissens- und Forschungslücke.
Mit besonderem Fokus auf den ehemaligen deutschen Ostgebieten werden die Wahrnehmung der deutschen Minderheit seitens der neuen Machthaber, deren Politik in Bezug auf diese Bevölkerungsgruppe, Propaganda und Unterdrückungsmaßnahmen dargestellt. Auch Fragen der Kultur- und Bildungspolitik sowie die Rolle der deutschen Minderheit in den deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen werden beleuchtet.
Mit besonderem Fokus auf den ehemaligen deutschen Ostgebieten werden die Wahrnehmung der deutschen Minderheit seitens der neuen Machthaber, deren Politik in Bezug auf diese Bevölkerungsgruppe, Propaganda und Unterdrückungsmaßnahmen dargestellt. Auch Fragen der Kultur- und Bildungspolitik sowie die Rolle der deutschen Minderheit in den deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen werden beleuchtet.
Research Interests: Ethnic Studies, Violence, German History, Polish History, Nationalism, and 11 moreNational Identity, History of Nationalism and Nation-Building, Minority Rights, History of Communism, Upper Silesia, Lower Silesia, Masuria, National minorities, Ethnicity and National Identity, Communism and national question, and Communist Repressions
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Research Interests:
Research Interests: German History, History Of Eugenics, Polish History, Race and Ethnicity, Second World War, and 8 moreForced Migration, Public Health, Poland 1939-45, Social Engineering, Nation-building, German occupation policies, Ethnic Cleansing and Genocide during the 20th century, and German Occupation In Poland
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"Dzieje Najnowsze" 2014, nr 2, s. 191-197 Książka Alicji Całej ukazała się w 2012 r., budząc nie tylko naukowe emocje. Autor niniejszej recenzji przyjął jej ukazanie się z życzliwym zaciekawieniem, także dlatego, że pracując nad... more
"Dzieje Najnowsze" 2014, nr 2, s. 191-197
Książka Alicji Całej ukazała się w 2012 r., budząc nie tylko naukowe emocje. Autor niniejszej
recenzji przyjął jej ukazanie się z życzliwym zaciekawieniem, także dlatego, że pracując
nad projektem dotyczącym m.in. problematyki eugeniki, antropologii i higieny rasowej oraz
innych związanych z tym zagadnień, ogromnie takich syntetycznych ujęć potrzebuje.
Książka Alicji Całej ukazała się w 2012 r., budząc nie tylko naukowe emocje. Autor niniejszej
recenzji przyjął jej ukazanie się z życzliwym zaciekawieniem, także dlatego, że pracując
nad projektem dotyczącym m.in. problematyki eugeniki, antropologii i higieny rasowej oraz
innych związanych z tym zagadnień, ogromnie takich syntetycznych ujęć potrzebuje.
Research Interests:
Freya K l i e r , Verschleppt ans Ende der Welt. Schicksale deutscher Frauen in sowjetischen Arbeitslagern, Frankfurt a/Main 1996, Tischer Verlag, 150 pp.; Manfred G e b h a r d t , Joachim Küt t n e r ‚ Deutsche in Polen nach 1945.... more
Freya K l i e r , Verschleppt ans Ende der Welt. Schicksale deutscher Frauen in
sowjetischen Arbeitslagern, Frankfurt a/Main 1996, Tischer Verlag, 150 pp.;
Manfred G e b h a r d t , Joachim Küt t n e r ‚ Deutsche in Polen nach 1945.
Gefangene und Fremde, ed. Dieter B i n g e n , München 1997, R. Oldenbourg
Verlag, 2 4 0 pp.;
Werner T e r p i t z , Wege aus dem Osten. Flucht und Vertreibung einer
ostpreußischen Pfarrerfamilie, ed. Michael S c h w a r t z , München 1997,
R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 22 7 pp.
sowjetischen Arbeitslagern, Frankfurt a/Main 1996, Tischer Verlag, 150 pp.;
Manfred G e b h a r d t , Joachim Küt t n e r ‚ Deutsche in Polen nach 1945.
Gefangene und Fremde, ed. Dieter B i n g e n , München 1997, R. Oldenbourg
Verlag, 2 4 0 pp.;
Werner T e r p i t z , Wege aus dem Osten. Flucht und Vertreibung einer
ostpreußischen Pfarrerfamilie, ed. Michael S c h w a r t z , München 1997,
R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 22 7 pp.