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Christophe Jaffrelot
Sciences-Po, Paris, Ceri, Faculty Member
Depuis la fin du xviiie siècle, l'Europe constitue le théâtre privilégié des passions révolutionnaires. Mais durant la même période, jusqu'aux événements qui marquent le début du xxie siècle, le monde non-européen résonne... more
Depuis la fin du xviiie siècle, l'Europe constitue le théâtre privilégié des passions révolutionnaires. Mais durant la même période, jusqu'aux événements qui marquent le début du xxie siècle, le monde non-européen résonne également d'attentes et de crises révolutionnaires. Comment comprendre les passions révolutionnaires ayant vu le jour hors du continent européen ? Dans quelle mesure ont-elles été conditionnées par les matrices européennes auxquelles elles se référaient ? Ont-elles, à leur tour, donné naissance à des modèles exportables ? À travers le « Tri-continent » - espace latino-américain, moyen-oriental et indien -, les trois auteurs interrogent le fait révolutionnaire dans un dialogue avec le maître-livre de François Furet Le passé d'une illusion, rétrospective sur « l'idée communiste » publiée en 1995 peu après la chute du Mur de Berlin. Nationaliste, religieuse, prolétarienne, internationaliste, anticoloniale, ou simplement libertaire et égalitaire, vécue pacifiquement ou réprimée dans la violence : au-delà de cette diversité de forme, la révolution, son passé comme son avenir, s'avèrent néanmoins un analyseur de nos sociétés.Hamit Bozarslan est directeur d'études à l'EHESS ; ses travaux concernent la sociologie historique et politique du Moyen-Orient. Gilles Bataillon est directeur d'études à l'EHESS et professeur associé au CIDE (Mexico) ; il est spécialiste des formes du politique en Amérique latine. Christophe Jaffrelot est directeur de recherche au CNRS/CERI ; ses recherches portent sur la théorie du nationalisme et de la démocratie, et leurs pratiques en Inde et au Pakistan
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India is gradually slipping into its new avatar of an emerging power. That this notion – power – is multifaceted is a well-known fact; but India today seems to be verifying all the criteria inherent to power: military strategy related,... more
India is gradually slipping into its new avatar of an emerging power. That this notion – power – is multifaceted is a well-known fact; but India today seems to be verifying all the criteria inherent to power: military strategy related, economic, demographic and even cultural and political. If India is asserting itself in this fashion in all the compartments of the game, it is largely thanks to a consummate art of voluntarism: it aspires for power at the same time for dominating the region and for carving for itself a place in what has come to be known as the court of the greats. But what does India want to do of this power? What is the vision that it holds of this quest? These questions are generally met with a deadening silence in India as if the answers are to be found in the unspoken words of an elite which is at once enamoured of realpolitik and nationalism.
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Jaffrelot Christophe. Deliège (Robert). Les Intouchables en Inde. Des castes d'exclus. In: Archives de sciences sociales des religions, n°92, 1995. L'islam en europe. pp. 100-101
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The 2014 election campaign of the BJP was unprecedented not only because, for the first time, a Chief Minister was the prime ministerial candidate of one of the national parties in the fray and tried to promote his state achievements in... more
The 2014 election campaign of the BJP was unprecedented not only because, for the first time, a Chief Minister was the prime ministerial candidate of one of the national parties in the fray and tried to promote his state achievements in terms of development across the nation, but also because the party relied on the personality of its leader more than any other party since the Congress under Indira Gandhi. Narendra Modi broke with the BJP's collegial tradition in several ways. He marginalised party veterans, short circuited the BJP apparatus to use a parallel support structure, and resorted to new techniques of communication that saturated the public space. However, these innovations were superimposed on older themes which had sometimes not been used by the BJP itself before, but by others – like caste politics or corruption. Modi's BJP also fell back on some alliances with other parties, the old RSS network, and revisited Hindutva politics to such an extent that ‘development' was definitely not the only theme of the Modi campaign.
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In the 2009 and 2014 elections, the poorer the voters were, the less BJP-oriented they were too. The situation changed in 2019, when the prime minister appeared to be equally popular among all the strata of society, including the poor.... more
In the 2009 and 2014 elections, the poorer the voters were, the less BJP-oriented they were too. The situation changed in 2019, when the prime minister appeared to be equally popular among all the strata of society, including the poor. Modi’s massive appeal to the poor is counterintuitive given the weakening of pro-poor policies like the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act and the elitist character of BJP. If class has lost some of its relevance for explaining the results of the 2019 elections, caste is showing some resilience, not as aggregates in the garb of OBCs or SCs, but as jatis at the state level. In spite of the BJP’s claim that the party’s ideology was alien to any consideration which may divide the nation, its strategists have meticulously studied caste equations at the local level in order to select the right candidates. This caste-based strategy partly explains the above-mentioned class element as the small OBC and Dalit jatis that the BJP has wooed are often among ...
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L’Asie du Sud – l’Inde en tête – a réinventé le sécularisme, en l’adaptant à l’immense diversité religieuse de la région. Mais les dernières décennies ont vu cette réinvention subir, dans chaque pays, de sérieux coups de boutoir –... more
L’Asie du Sud – l’Inde en tête – a réinventé le sécularisme, en l’adaptant à l’immense diversité religieuse de la région. Mais les dernières décennies ont vu cette réinvention subir, dans chaque pays, de sérieux coups de boutoir – indépendamment de la religion dominante (hindouisme, islam ou bouddhisme) et des régimes politiques (démocratiques ou autoritaires). C’est ce processus que ce volume entend analyser à travers l’étude des dynamiques à l’œuvre dans chacun des pays concernés, de l’Inde à l’Afghanistan, en passant par le Pakistan, le Bangladesh, Sri Lanka et le Népal. Partout, la tendance est à une identification de l’Etat à la religion majoritaire qui, certes, varie beaucoup selon les pays. Les minorités religieuses sont naturellement les premières à ressentir l’influence de ce déclin du sécularisme ; là encore, certaines convergences apparaissent, se lisant en tout premier lieu dans la morphologie de la violence. Mais si le constat de cette évolution fait l’objet d’un consensus, sa nature et son ampleur restent largement débattues, comme le montrent les différentes tonalités des contributions ici réunies. Au-delà du sécularisme, ce numéro s’attache aussi à déconstruire le couple religion-politique à travers des études de cas où le lien de causalité est loin d’être systématique, même lorsqu’il est attendu, et où la relation entre les champs connaît des transformations inédites
Research Interests: Religion, Asian Studies, Political Science, Minority, Politic, and 9 moreSecularism, State, Politique, Pol, Rel, JPA, État, Hram, and Minorité
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In India, the hereditary nature of political functions is a tradition dating back to the beginning of the Republic. The princes who entered the electoral arena after 1947 were the first to observe a practice well in accordance with their... more
In India, the hereditary nature of political functions is a tradition dating back to the beginning of the Republic. The princes who entered the electoral arena after 1947 were the first to observe a practice well in accordance with their ancestors’ dynastical logic. These heirs were nevertheless dismissed from the political game when they demonstrateda lack of any political devotion to the state. Such a rule is perfectly well illustrated by the Scindia lineage who recently inaugurated its third generation of members of parliament. The Nehru/Gandhi family incarnates the resonance of the dynastical repertory in the Indian policy in a more continuous way. But then again, nothing is automatic in the perpetuation of generations in power, either because the heirs are rejected by the electorate or they do not wish pursue their ancestors’ activity. All in all, Indian politics seems to reflect a logic of lineage rather than dynasty, even if the modes of succession at the head of certain regi...
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The RSS as a movement for social reform (1925-1948) Nehru's secularist struggle the Jana Sangh - a party of the long term the competition for legitimacy the first Hindu political mobilization - the Cow Protection Movement of 1967 the... more
The RSS as a movement for social reform (1925-1948) Nehru's secularist struggle the Jana Sangh - a party of the long term the competition for legitimacy the first Hindu political mobilization - the Cow Protection Movement of 1967 the new Vajpayee Line precipitous integration the former Jan Sangh - a pillar of the Janata Party the return of the RSS and the strategy of Hindu mobilization a favourable context the rallying of the BJP.
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En Inde comme dans bien d’autres pays, la nation ne se definit pas seulement sur le mode ouvert de la citoyennete, mais aussi sur celui, ferme, de l’ethnicite. Le premier a longtemps ete represente par le parti du Congres de Gandhi puis... more
En Inde comme dans bien d’autres pays, la nation ne se definit pas seulement sur le mode ouvert de la citoyennete, mais aussi sur celui, ferme, de l’ethnicite. Le premier a longtemps ete represente par le parti du Congres de Gandhi puis de Nehru, et le second par les nationalistes hindous, pour lesquels la communaute majoritaire, faite de fils du sol, incarne l’Inde eternelle, tandis que les chretiens et les musulmans sont des pieces rapportees devant preter allegeance aux symboles hindous pour etre reconnus comme des Indiens a part entiere. Ne dans les annees 1920, le nationalisme hindou n’a pris son essor que dans les annees 1990 avant de conquerir le pouvoir en 2014. Ce tournant doit beaucoup au populisme de son leader, Narendra Modi, une personnalite atypique qui a d’abord gouverne la province du Gujarat – ou il s’est impose, suite au pogrom antimusulman de 2002, grâce a ses succes economiques et au soutien des milieux d’affaires, avant de conduire son parti, le BJP, a la victoi...
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L'ouvrage de M. G. porte sur une caste d'artisans du Nepal, les Curautes, hindous a l'origine mais de longue date convertis a l'islam et dont la fonction traditionnelle etait de fabriquer des bracelets et des perles de... more
L'ouvrage de M. G. porte sur une caste d'artisans du Nepal, les Curautes, hindous a l'origine mais de longue date convertis a l'islam et dont la fonction traditionnelle etait de fabriquer des bracelets et des perles de verre. La premiere partie du livre offre de ce groupe une analyse ethnologique tres minutieuse fondee, sur des enquetes surtout menees dans un village du Nepal central, Samjur, et dont la premiere remonte au milieu des annees 1960 (...).
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The changing caste realities in Haryana and their links with economic processes became visible in the protests of the Jats for Other Backward Class status. The concerns of the Jats are embedded in twin processes initiated in 1991: the... more
The changing caste realities in Haryana and their links with economic processes became visible in the protests of the Jats for Other Backward Class status. The concerns of the Jats are embedded in twin processes initiated in 1991: the “Market” and the “Mandal.” Led by economic liberalisation, the job market demands certain attributes and levels of education and social skills to profit from its growth process. The implementation of the Mandal Commission’s report has facilitated the relative mobility of lower castes such as OBCs and Dalits through reservations in government jobs and education. The Jats have responded to this crisis by changing the discourse from one of domination to one that highlights their deprivation to bolster their demands for OBC status.
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By the midpoint of his term, Prime Minister Narendra Modi could point to some achievements on the economic front, but jobless growth remained the order of the day in India in 2016. While the BJP was more successful in the state elections... more
By the midpoint of his term, Prime Minister Narendra Modi could point to some achievements on the economic front, but jobless growth remained the order of the day in India in 2016. While the BJP was more successful in the state elections than it had been in 2015, it still registered some setbacks because of the judiciary, especially because of the government’s use of President’s Rule. The year also saw increasingly conflictual relations in Kashmir.